Situational Analysis on Child, Early and Forced Marriage in Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia.
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Situational Analysis on Child, Early and Forced Marriage in Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia. By Ashley D. Jordana 1
Table of Contents Glossary of Abbreviations 3 Definitions 4 Executive Summary 5 Introduction 6 Vietnam 7 Laos 15 Myanmar 21 Cambodia 27 Case Study Cambodia 34 General and Key Recommendations 40 2
Glossary of Abbreviations AMS ASEAN Member State ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations CAT The Convention Against Torture, and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment CEFM Child, Early and Forced Marriage CRC The Convention on the Rights of the Child ECCC Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ILO International Labor Organization MoI Ministry of Interior MoJ Ministry of Justice NGO Non-Governmental Organization OHCH Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights R RC Registered children that receive sponsorship through World Vision UN United Nations UNICE United Nations Children’s Fund F WV World Vision 3
Definitions “Child Marriage”: The United Nations defines ‘child marriage’ as a formal or informal union either between two children, or one child and an adult before the age of 18. “Early Marriage”: This is a term used to describe a legal or customary union involving a person below the age of 18 years. The Human Rights Council states that: “an early marriage can also refer to marriages where both spouses are 18 or older but other factors make them unready to consent to marriage, such as their level of physical, emotional, sexual and psychosocial development, or a lack of information regarding the person’s life options”. “Forced Marriage”: This is a legal or customary union which occurs without the full and free consent of one or both of the parties, or one in which one or both parties are unable to end or leave the marriage. “Child Sexual Abuse”: This when a child participates in a kind of sexual activity that he or she does not completely understand, and is incapable of giving free and informed consent to. It can also be an act for which the child is not developmentally prepared, or an act that violates the laws or social taboos of society. These acts can be between a child and an adult or a child with another child who by age or development is in a relationship of trust with the other. CEFM indicates that child and early marriage is taking place at an age, which challenges the ability to give full and free consent, which is considered a form of forced marriage. On the basis of this definition, unions contracted by individuals younger than 18, should be regarded as being concurrently child, early and forced marriages. 4
Executive Summary This research has been developed to assist World Vision International in addressing Child, Early and Forced Marriage (CEFM) in Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar. The analysis will provide the relevant national offices with an understanding of the root causes of CEFM and contextualize the practice as it occurs at the local and national level. The aim is to fill the current knowledge gap about CEFM and give World Vision the opportunity to develop effective strategies to accomplish the goals described in the Girl Marriage Theory of Change. This research will add to the body of knowledge regarding CEFM as it relates to child protection, ending violence outcomes and to also give further understanding on the specific impacts of CEFM. CEFM is exceptionally challenging to address because of the cultural and economic factors associated with it. Fortunately, global consensus on the need to end CEFM has never been stronger. International efforts to end CEFM have built momentum through a UN General Assembly Resolution and a zero target on CEFM in the post-2015 development agenda, which are the global targets set to replace the Millennium 1 Development Goals. This global movement is the first in history to take collective and coordinated action to end CEFM. World Vision must prioritize the protection of every girl’s right to a future that she has chosen for herself - and a life in which her health and wellbeing are not endangered by CEFM. Objectives and Methodologies of the Research This research project will highlight the root causes of CEFM in the four named countries and to identify gaps in where CEFM is not being adequately addressed in the local communities. The research will utilize a combination of 3 methodologies: ● Desk research will be conducted first in order to evaluate the already known facts about the practice. This will include an overview of the programs, policies, international and domestic laws in each country. Law-related strategies alone are not sufficient to address CEFM, however, legal guidelines will assist in creating well-defined standards and remedies to address the issue. ● The desk research is complemented with a number of different case studies and projects from NGOs who are active in the field of CEFM. ● Interviews will be conducted in Cambodia with key subjects in order to supplement the research with appropriate case studies. 1 http://www.eurongos.org/fileadmin/files/We_Do/Conferences/2014/Report__2014_EuroNGOs_Conference.pdf 5
Introduction CEFM is one of the most pressing issues in the East Asia region today, despite efforts to eliminate the practice. Reports from UNICEF indicate that 18% of girls worldwide are married before the age of 18, and that 61% of these marriages are between a girl under 2 18 and a man approximately 15 years her senior. Unless the trend is reversed, we can expect an estimated 39,000 child marriages every day by the end of this present decade. 3 In East Asia, between 10-24% of girls are married by the time they are 18. While laws against CEFM exist in many countries, the practice persists, particularly in rural 4 communities. In order to comprehensively address the main causes and impacts of CEFM, each country will address different issues. However, a consistent theme throughout all the countries is that of gender inequality. This is, because at its heart, CEFM is driven by beliefs about the rights and status of girls who are seen as having little value outside the 5 traditional role of being a wife and mother. The more central the role of a wife and mother in women’s identities, the fewer social and economic alternatives are encouraged. Gender inequality exists not only within the family, but also in schools. This means that parents, teachers and students often have lower academic expectations for girls than for boys, partly because of ingrained beliefs that a woman's rightful place is in 6 the home. Tanushree Soni, Plan International’s gender specialist in Asia, says that many 7 girls in Asia are considered “left on the shelf” if they are not married by age 18. “Gender is society’s expectation of the roles of boys and girls. If a society assigns high value and expectations to nurturing roles for women, then girls will be socialized and 8 prepared to perform them”. There is an overall need to reform traditional practices that restrict freedom of self-determination and gender equality, and to strengthen 9 recognition of women’s contributions to stable families and societies. It is a practice that truly diminishes the possibility for wholesome development in a child. Although CEFM is an issue that affects boys as well as girls, the tradition has a disproportionately negative impact on girls despite facially neutral laws, and therefore the focus of this analysis will be on CEFM against girls under 18. This analysis will emphasize the need for a comprehensive plan of action between World Vision, government institutions, civil society and communities in order for CEFM to be adequately addressed. 2 http://www.unicef.org/media/files/Child_Marriage_Report_7_17_LR..pdf 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Girls-Not-Brides-media-coverage-at-Girl-Summit-2014- with-annexes.pdf 6 Ibid. 7 http://www.her-turn.org/category/uncategorized/page/2/ 8 http://www.her-turn.org/category/uncategorized/page/2/ 9 Ibid. 6
VIETNAM ● Landscape Analysis ● National Overview ● Social Overview ● The National Human Rights Framework ● Review of International Instruments ● Involvement of Civil Societies in CEFM ● Child Marriage o Overview ● Causes of CEFM o Harmful Practice o Lack of Birth Registration and Legal Enforcements ● Impact of CEFM o Adolescent Pregnancy o Suicide o Trafficking Landscape Analysis National Overview The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a one party state led by the Vietnamese Communist Party, who retains tight national control over a wide variety of policy areas 10 notwithstanding input from INGOs, UN agencies and donors. Vietnam has enjoyed relative stability since the late 1970s, but its government today faces a number of social problems. Its greatest concern has been unrest in rural areas brought on by land 11 disputes. Vietnam has a legal system supported by a police force, a judicial and a 12 security system. Yet, many Vietnamese feel that the system does not work, particularly 13 with regard to its failure either to punish high-ranking offenders. There is a limited police and security presence in rural communities, and if possible, local officials often 14 prefer to settle disputes internally, rather than involve higher authorities. Public 15 skepticism regarding the police and judicial system is a source of concern. Vietnam has made tremendous progress towards its Millennium Development Goals 16 (MDG) in recent years. As the World Bank notes, Vietnam has elevated nearly half of its population out of poverty in two decades and has succeeded in reaching a number of 10 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-16567315 11 http://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/Vietnam.html 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 http://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/Vietnam.html 16 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-16567315 7
17 MDG’s early. Future advancement, however, will depend not just on more growth but also on shaping that growth to incorporate the ethnic minorities that are falling behind. 18 Vietnamese policies endorse the principle of gender equality, but its realization in social life has been imperfect. Men dominate official positions, the Communist Party, business, and all other prestigious realms of social life. Women play a strong role within their families, a point made in the reference to the wife as the "general of the interior" 19 (noi tuong). The position and status of women has improved significantly since 1950, but lower literacy rates, less education, and a smaller presence in public life indicate 20 that their inferior status remains. Social Overview As of 2016, figures estimates Vietnam’s total population to be about 94 million people. In prerevolutionary Vietnam the "public" ( ngoai ) domain was the male domain while 21 the "domestic" (noi) domain was for women. This pattern still largely remains with women performing most of the essential tasks for running the household such as cooking, cleaning, going to market, and caring for children. In urban areas women are 22 often secretaries or waitresses, occupying lower level service positions. In general, men perform the majority of public activities, particularly business, political office or administration. The Hmong are one of the largest of Vietnam’s 53 ethnic minority groups and 23 characterize approximately 1% of Vietnam’s total population. Principally restricted to the mountains near Vietnam’s border with China, and surviving almost solely on 24 farming, their poverty rate is over 90%; the highest rate of poverty in the country. The Hmong have the lowest average age of marriage and a fertility rate with UNICEF 25 estimating the numbers to be around 11% of the total population. Hmong adolescent girls face profoundly rooted gender norms that stunt their social value by stringently 26 holding girls to the sole customary position of a wife and mother. CEFM is a disturbing and alarming issue that is taking place not only in mountainous provinces but also on a nationwide scale. In the Mekong Delta, CEFM numbers are actually increasing, with 27 some brides ranging from 13 to 16 years old. In some cases, bridegrooms were only 14, according to Dr Trinh Thi Kim Ngoc of the Vietnam Academy of Science and 28 Technology. 17 http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/vietnam/overview 18 Ibid. 19 http://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/Vietnam.html 20 Ibid. 21 http://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/Vietnam.html 22 Ibid. 23 http://www.academia.edu/11079036/Ethnic_Minority_Development_in_Vietnam_A_Socioeconomic_Perspective 24 Ibid. 25 http://www.unicef.org/media/files/Child_Marriage_Report_7_17_LR..pdf 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 http://vietnamnews.vn/sunday/features/260387/child-marriage-still-common-in-rural-areas.html 8
The National Human Rights Framework Review of International Instruments: Vietnam is a State party to several human rights instruments, including the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the 29 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Although Vietnam has ratified the CEDAW Convention, in July 2015, the UN Committee experts had serious concern over persisting gender inequality and the widespread abuse of women’s rights at the conclusion of their 30 review of the country’s implementation of the Convention. In its concluding observations, the Committee criticized Vietnam for its inability to grasp the concept of substantive gender equality. The Committee conveyed its apprehension about “the persistence of patriarchal attitudes and deep-rooted gender stereotypes regarding the roles and responsibilities of women and men in the family and in society that overemphasize the subordinate and caring roles of women and are reflected in practices 31 such as son preference. It also expressed concern regarding the prevalence of harmful 32 practices such as CEFM and the persistence of gender bias and gender stereotypes. The Committee noted that internal and cross-border migration has rapidly increased in recent years and that there were concerns about underage girls migrating abroad and being victimized by fraudulent brokers for international marriage, putting them at risk 33 for CEFM. The Government took an important step forward in the new Law on Marriage and Family in 2014 by raising the age of marriage for girls to 18 instead of the 17th birthday 34 and the 20th instead of 19th birthday for boys. This aligns Vietnam with the CRC’s 35 definition of a “child”. However, in the government structure, there is lack of a coordination agency being responsible for these issues. The central Thanh Hoa Province's People's Committee approved a project aimed at bringing awareness to the 36 harmful effects of CEFM and marriages between blood relatives among ethnic people. Statistics from the province's Department of Ethnic Minority Affairs showed that there were 1,207 child marriages and 86 marriages between bloods relatives in the province 37 between 2011 and June this year. Most marriages between bloods relatives take place 29 http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CEDAW.aspx 30 https://www.crin.org/en/library/un-regional-documentation/committee-rights-childs-concluding-observations-vietna ms-3rd-and 31 https://www.crin.org/en/library/un-regional-documentation/committee-rights-childs-concluding-observations-vietna ms-3rd-and 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. 34 http://www.younglives.org.uk/sites/www.younglives.org.uk/files/YL-VIETNAM-PB3_Risk%20factors%20for%20early% 20marriage.pdf 35 Ibid. 36 http://en.vietnamplus.vn/thanh-hoa-works-to-aid-kho-mu-ethnic-minorities/95190.vnp 37 http://en.vietnamplus.vn/thanh-hoa-works-to-aid-kho-mu-ethnic-minorities/95190.vnp 9
between Hmong and Thai ethnic people. Every year, 250 to 400 child marriages and more than 20 marriages between bloods relatives are recorded in the province. The 38 project will be implemented in the province during the 2016-20 period. Involvement of Civil Society in Child Marriage The Women’s Union has been involved in an outreach project focused in targeted communities on raising awareness of CEFM laws by educating all members of the community on potential fines that can be implemented if families marry off their 39 children below the legal age. They have been reaching out to schools and explaining to teachers and parents that they can face heavy fines if they are caught marrying their 40 children too early. Young Lives UK has been involved in data collection and advocacy campaigns regarding CEFM in a number of rural villages. Some of their key recommendations are discussed 41 below. CEFM in Vietnam Overview CEFM remains widespread in Vietnam, increasingly so in rural areas, including the mountainous provinces of the North, Northwest and Central Highlands of Vietnam. Child marriage happens mostly among ethnic minorities with the rate 26,6 % among 53 42 groups of ethnic minorities. (See table) A study conducted by the General Department of Population and Family Planning in 2014, showed the proportion of child marriages against total marriages in 15 selected 43 cities. 38 Ibid. 39 http://mcnv.org/who-we-work-with/women-union/?lang=en 40 Ibid. 41 http://www.younglives.org.uk/sites/www.younglives.org.uk/files/YL-VIETNAM-PB3_Risk%20factors%20for%20early% 20marriage.pdf 42 Social economic status study on 53 ethnic minorities groups, 2015, Vietnam government’s Committee on Ethnic Minority affairs, (http://english.ubdt.gov.vn/home.htm_ 43 https://www.vietnambreakingnews.com/tag/the-general-department-of-population-and-family-planning/ 10
Of the 15 cities studied, the results showed the following: Dang Dung Chi, director of the National Academy of Politics and Public Administration noted that the number of CEFM’s increased in the rural areas, particularly in the Hong 44 (Red) River Delta provinces of Bac Ninh. Many of these marriages are low profile, solemnized in secrecy and under-reported. They only come to local authorities' 45 attention when the couples have children. Causes of Child Marriage Harmful Practices There is a custom of hai pu (literally “pull wife”) or bride kidnapping, which, although 46 illegal in Vietnam, is regularly practiced in Hmong communities. The process includes a boy kidnapping a girl without her or her family’s consent. Once the girl is at the expectant husband’s home, his parents are forced to contact the girl’s family, who can 47 either ask that she be released back to the family, or they can accept the marriage. A bride price, to be paid by the boy’s family, is then negotiated. It has been the tradition for generations for girls of Ro Coi Commune in the Central 48 Highland region to tie the nuptial knot while still under the age of 18. The belief is that boys and girls are mature enough for marriage at the age of puberty. With approximately 703 of 1,101 households in the commune living below the poverty line 44 vietnamnews.vn/.../child-marriage-still-common-in-rural-areas.html 45 Ibid. 46 www.girlsnotbrides.org/girls-voices/the-burden-of-being-a-child-bride-in-vietnam/ 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. 11
(US$26 per month) the incentive to marry the children is that the young couples will join 49 the family workforce. Other contributing factors, leading to prevalence of child marriages in Vietnam, are identified as follows: - Lack of supporting services and reproductive health education targeting teenagers; - Poverty; - Low level of awareness and implementation of the legal framework; - Low level of literacy (language barrier among ethnic minorities); - Urbanization, with parents occupied to earn a living, often leaving their children behind. - Early pregnancy happens frequently among girls in urban settings. Lack of Birth Registration and Legal Enforcement While birth registration is mandatory in Vietnam, it is part of an extremely complicated and tightly managed system, which includes many different processes, records and 50 documents. Formally, the rate of birth registration in Vietnam is high at 95%; however, 51 Plan USA has suggested that this is not an entirely accurate representation. Under Vietnamese law, a child is to be registered within 60 days of birth, but when parents are 52 under the legal age of marriage, they often do not register their child. In a case study administered by Plan USA, one Vietnamese respondent (an 18 year old man with a 17 year old wife) explained to researchers that his 1-year-old child was not registered 53 because they had to wait to legally register the marriage first. The percentage of children who are not registered, but are in the most need to registration are located in the North West and Central Highlands, where CEFM precludes the most vulnerable children from reaping the benefits of being registered as a Vietnamese citizen. In regards to the issue of fines, many marriages are simply enforced by moving in with one another, and therefore fines for CEFM’s are rarely issued. Young couples can easily avoid detection by not applying for a marriage license until they have reached the age required by the law. Given however, that young couples typically live with the husband’s parents and the heightened awareness of educational fines, research had suggested that further knowledge of marriage fines may reduce the number of CEFM’s if the fines are enforced and large enough to be consequential. Former Deputy Chairman of Ro Coi Women's Organization said local authorities have not allowed the marriage of young teens, but many of them simply turn a deaf ear to sound advice and drop out of school to get married. 49 Ibid. 50 https://www.planusa.org/docs/birth-registration-rights-2014.pdf 51 https://www.planusa.org/docs/birth-registration-rights-2014.pdf 52 https://www.planusa.org/docs/birth-registration-rights-2014.pdf 53 https://www.planusa.org/docs/birth-registration-rights-2014.pdf 12
Impact of Child Marriage Adolescent Pregnancy CEFM encourages sexual activity when girls are still developing and know little about their bodies, sexual and reproductive health, and their right to contraception. When girls bear children while they are children themselves, their lives are put at risk as are the child’s. Shortly after marriage, child brides face pressure from their husband and in-laws, and their family to prove their fertility. In fact, 90% of adolescent pregnancies in 54 the developing world are to girls who are already married. In the event that a child bride survives childbirth, they remain at risk of health complications. Early pregnancy leaves child brides vulnerable to obstetric fistula, a ‘preventable yet debilitating injury resulting from obstructed labor or prolonged 55 childbirth’. In fact, 65% of all cases of obstetric fistula occur in girls under the age of 56 18. According to local health agencies in Vietnam, the majority of the newborns born to adolescent girls are often stunted and suffering from malnutrition, leading to 57 non-development or death. Statistics from the agency said: ‘for every 10 births to a girl under the age of 18, 3.4 were dead and cases of malnutrition were countless, occupying 58 the large majority of cases’. In rural areas, the ‘under five‘ mortality rate is at 22 per 1000 live births. Ethnic minority populations have the highest rates at 43 deaths per 59 1000 live births for girls under the age of 18. Suicide In a case study done by the ODI, research recorded a number of suicides had occurred 60 when girls were forced to marry. A participant in the study commented that in a particular commune, it was known that girls would eat “heartbreak grass” if her parents 61 forced her to marry someone that she did not choose. Another commented that one of her siblings had killed herself in this manner in order to escape the mother in law, 62 who had a violent tongue. Trafficking CEFM manifests itself in other harmful ways, such as the trafficking of child brides from Vietnam to China. Within the last year, Vietnam has seen an alarming increase of girls 54 http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/5-reasons-end-child-marriage-improve-maternal-health/ 55 www.girlsnotbrides.org/5-reasons-end-child-marriage-improve-maternal-health/ 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications...files/9182.pdf 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 13
being trafficked and sold as brides to Chinese men. A consequence of over 35 years of China’s one-child policy, the nation has found itself with the highest gender imbalance in the world. Sex-selective abortions have created a situation where by the year 2020 eligible males of marrying age will outnumber their female counterparts by more than 30 million. To alleviate this, Vietnamese girls as young as 13 are taken across the border to China and sold as young brides. Young Vietnamese women command a high price as brides, and traffickers have stepped in to fill the demand by forcibly bringing the girls into China. "It costs a very huge amount of money for normal Chinese men to get married to a Chinese woman," explained Ha Thi Van Khanh, national project coordinator for the U.N.'s anti-trafficking organization in Vietnam. Chinese men, wanting to marry local women, pay for an extravagant banquet and must buy a home to live in after the wedding. "This is why they try to import women from neighboring countries, like Vietnam." 14
LAOS ● Landscape Analysis ● National Overview ● Social Overview ● The National Human Rights Framework ● Review of International Instruments ● Involvement of Civil Societies in CEFM ● Child Marriage o Overview ● Causes of CEFM o Geographic Isolation o Harmful Practice ● Impact of CEFM o Sexual Abuse o Adolescent Pregnancy o Self-Concept and Identity Landscape Analysis National Overview The Lao People’s Democratic Republic is ruled by its only constitutionally legitimate 63 party, the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP). Lao PDR has an estimated 64 population of 6.5 million with 59% of the population being below the age of 25 years. Laos remains a least developed country, ranked 139 out of 187 countries in the 2015 65 Human Development Report. While the Government of Laos prioritizes human development as critical to their graduation to a Middle Income Country status by 2030, deep social inequities persist. There have been attempts by the Lao government at resettling minority groups for 66 political control, ecological preservation of forests, and delivery of social services. However, these attempts have been poorly executed and have caused resentment within the nation. In the north, Hmong groups have resisted these attempts at control, sometimes violently. 63 countrystudies.us/laos/85.htm 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 15
Child protection issues in Laos are largely associated with poverty and rapid social economic changes, including an increase in rural-urban migration, meaning that children 67 are increasingly accompanying their migrant working parents or being left behind. UNICEF reports that of the particularly vulnerable are the non-Lao Thai ethnic communities who live in remote, rural areas where there are no roads and the land is 68 contaminated with unexploded ordnances. Lao PDR is the world’s most heavily 69 bombed country. Social Overview An ethnic hierarchy exists in Laos, placing ethnic Lao at the apex. Many urban Chinese have assimilated into Lao culture, and even those who have not, are considered to 70 represent sophistication. Vietnamese also have assimilated, and those who have not 71 are situated just below the Chinese population in Laos. 72 Lao PDR is in a unique situation where 1 in 4 people are adolescents. Although this comes with opportunity, much attention and support is required from the community. Laos is a patriarchal society with very traditional gender roles; men serve as the head of 73 the family who are often comprised of 9-14 people. Men are responsible for the financial support of their wives and children and they dominate political positions, whereas women are the caretakers responsible for the children and the home. With a greater emphasis on domestic roles for women, they are less likely to be encouraged to pursue an education or develop a career. Besides age, gender is the main way in which social roles and practices are organized. In Buddhism, men are the main religious leaders as monks, and while women can become nuns, it does not entail a sacred 74 transformation. In rural areas there is little separation of tasks by gender, except for weaving, and sewing. There is a tendency for women to be concerned with household chores and 'lighter' work. Women have played a major role in petty trade, and recently in long-distance trade. While girls take on the majority of household responsibilities, 75 they are also expected to contribute equal amounts in income generation as boys. Among all groups, the avoidance of conflict and actions likely to cause emotional discomfort is emphasized. Careful attention to one's place in the social hierarchy is important, with inattention or deliberate flouting of the hierarchy being considered a source of conflict. Hierarchical interaction also involves polite forms of speech and body 76 movements. Public body contact, especially between men and women, is avoided. 67 http://www.unicef.org/laos/about.html 68 http://www.unicef.org/laos/about.html 69 http://www.unicef.org/laos/about.html 70 countrystudies.us/laos/85.htm 71 Ibid. 72 lao.unfpa.org/.../lao-pdr-adolescent-and-youth-situati... 73 Ibid. 74 countrystudies.us/laos/85.htm 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid. 16
The National Human Rights Framework Review of International Instruments Laos is a party to the Convention of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and is also a State Party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). In 2015, The Committee on the Rights of the Child today considered reports of the Lao 77 People’s Democratic Republic on how the country was implementing the legislation. The Committee noted that while progress had been made in the country, significant 78 challenges regarding the rights of children existed. The Government’s challenges, which included institutional and capacity constraints, such as in the area of data collection, and limited public awareness about laws and policies made it difficult to 79 assess the actual situation. Jorge Cardona Llorens, Committee Chairperson and the Rapporteur of the report of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic in his closing remarks, said that without data the Government did not know what was happening and so could 80 not address problems. In response, The National Plan of Action to Prevent and Eliminate Violence against Women and Children (2014 to 2020) was adopted last year, and on 30 January 2015 the National Assembly adopted the Law on Preventing and 81 Combatting Violence against Women and Children. A national prevalence study on violence against children was conducted in 2014, the first such data-collection process in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, with the Lao Government saying that the results would form the basis for future policy and legislative development and for establishing 82 effective prevention and response systems. Involvement of Civil Society in CEFM Nongovernment Organizations (NGOs) established by Lao nationals are not permitted. International NGOs (INGO’s) have been allowed to operate since the early 1990s, but they must be connected to a particular ministry or government organization so their 83 activities can be monitored. Relations between some INGOs and the government have been strained, particularly over the issues of dam building and the relocation of 84 minorities. Nevertheless, their presence has seen the emergence of discussions of politically related social and cultural issues. Oxfam notes that it is early days for Laos’ 85 civil society organizations. While there are a number of different non-profit organizations spread over the country, the capacity of the still young civil society 77 www.childrightsconnect.org/wp-content/uploads/.../Laos_OPACSessionReport.pdf 78 Ibid. 79 http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=16016&LangID=E 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid. 82 Ibid. 83 https://www.kepa.fi/tiedostot/vietnamese-cs-2015.pdf 84 Ibid. 85 https://www.oxfam.org/en/laos/early-days-laos-civil-society-organizations 17
organizations is rather limited in supporting the wide range of development working 86 areas. Asia Development Bank has remarked that most civil societies in Lao generally 87 work to implement, not challenge, government policy. The Lao Women’s Union (LWU), was established in 1995, and has more than 800,000 88 members with strong grassroots linkages. It is involved in community-level socio-economic development work in many parts of Laos, with most projects aimed at reducing poverty and increasing women’s knowledge and skills through vocational 89 training. CEFM in Laos Overview The legal minimum age of marriage for boys and girls is 18 years. However, it is common for the law to allow underage marriage in special and necessary cases, often in cases of 90 underage pregnancy. In 2016, the United Nations confirmed that Laos has one of the 91 highest rates of CEFM in the region. One-third of women marry before age 18, while 92 one-tenth marry before age 15. According to the most recent)Lao Social Indicator Survey (2011-12), more than 1 in 5 girls aged 15-19 years were already married. The culture of girls marrying early is advantageous for the recipient family as they gain a 93 laborer, as well as being an advantage for the girl’s family due to the dowry paid. Causes of CEFM Geographic Isolation The Lao People's Democratic Republic is more rural in character than any other country 94 in South-East Asia. More than three quarters of the total population lives in rural areas 95 and depends on agriculture and natural resources for survival. Geographical isolation fosters a persistent cultural environment that does not promote innovate beliefs, 96 effectively contributing to the continuance of CEFM. A United Nations Population Fund report noted that young girls growing up in isolated minority communities that were not integrated into a wider society saw marriage as their only option, partly because they were not aware of other options, and were not able to speak the national language proficiently enough to effectively communicate with members outside their 86 https://www.oxfam.org/en/laos/early-days-laos-civil-society-organizations 87 http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/csb-lao.pdf 88 http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/csb-lao.pdf 89 http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/csb-lao.pdf 90 https://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/digest7e.pdf 91 www.la.undp.org/ 92 Ibid. 93 https://campaigns.savethechildren.net/sites/campaigns.savethechildren.net/files/Laos%20Spotlight.pdf 94 www.ruralpovertyportal.org › Region & country › Asia 95 http://www.ruralpovertyportal.org/country/home/tags/laos 96 http://web.williams.edu/Economics/wp/ashrafisolation.pdf 18
97 isolated community. Furthermore, a community’s availability and utilization of social services is affected by geographic isolation. For example, the prevalence of CEFM in more rural communities is linked to the lack of schools built close to communities. Given the distance from villages to school, many lower secondary students do not attend school or they live as informal boarders in hazardous situations on the campuses 98 of those schools. They are unaccompanied minors, often living in provisional shacks. More schools need to be built closer to rural communities to ensure that families feel safe enough to let their children, and especially, their girls attend. In addition, school curricula should prepare all adolescents for the life skills they need to navigate the risks 99 and challenges inherent in living far away from home. Harmful Practice Specific harmful practices of CEFM in Laos generally involve force or coercion. In addition to violating a child’s right, this force and coercion exposes the child to safety risks and social isolation. A form of marital practice by the Hmong still existing is the 100 practice of “zig pojniam” or the capture theory. This occurs when the groom takes the bride-to-be to his family. It is not considered kidnapping because it’s likely that the girl knows about the marriage, but it is a form of saving face for the bride’s parents. This can occur if the groom knows that the bride’s parents do not approve of him as a son-in-law. After taking the bride to the groom’s family, the groom’s family has to report to the 101 bride’s family within 24-48 hours to arrange for a wedding. Usually the wedding will take place 3 days after the bride is taken to the groom’s house. Impact of CEFM Sexual Abuse CEFM often takes place in environments marked by pressure and even violence in the event of non-compliance. In cases of abduction in forced marriages, the marriage itself is an act of violence, and may be accompanied by sexual, physical, and psychological 102 violence. CEFM is a form of sexual abuse against children. In comparison to trafficking and some of the worst forms of child labor, sexual abuse in CEFM has been overlooked in the vast literature on child protection. CEFM often includes some element of compulsion. The outcome of coercion and pressure is characteristically violence against children, which in the setting of marriage, often reveals itself as sexual abuse and exploitation. By virtue of their early or forced marriages, these girls are disempowered and likely exposed to abusive power dynamics and violence, especially by an intimate partner. CEFM is often centered on control over a girls’ sexuality, especially when there 97 http://eeca.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Child%20Marriage%20EECA%20Regional%20Overview.pdf 98 https://campaigns.savethechildren.net/sites/campaigns.savethechildren.net/files/Laos%20Spotlight.pdf 99 https://campaigns.savethechildren.net/sites/campaigns.savethechildren.net/files/Laos%20Spotlight.pdf 100 www2.uwstout.edu/content/lib/thesis/.../2000vuem.pdf 101 www2.uwstout.edu/content/lib/thesis/.../2000vuem.pdf 102 http://eeca.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Child%20Marriage%20EECA%20Regional%20Overview.pdf 19
103 is an importance attached to women's virginity at the time of marriage. Forced sex in early marriages is reported to be a common issue due to sex being considered a right of 104 the husband. Young brides are more vulnerable to sexual abuse from their partners, 105 but also by older men in their marital homes. These adolescent brides are also more inclined to tolerate sexual abuse and less likely to leave abusive partners. Parents will often reassure their married daughters to endure any violence in the home, partly because marriage now views them as adults, and partly because they refrain from 106 interfering with private family matters. CEFM exposes these adolescent girls to recurring sexual abuse that repeatedly weakens them. Adolescent Pregnancy CEFM is often associated with early pregnancy and Lao PDR is no exception. Each year, nearly 1 out of 10 Laotian girls between 15 and 19 gives birth, according to the latest 107 Social Indicator Survey. The proportion is much higher in remote areas, where some cultural practices, such as giving birth in the wild, pose additional risks to the health of 108 young mothers and their babies. Laos has the highest adolescent birth rate in the 109 region with 94 births per 1,000 girls aged 15 - 19 years. The implications of CEFM have been placed in more focus in recent years as there are growing concerns about the violation of sexual and reproductive rights suffered by an under-age bride. Brides, under the age of 18 are more prone to experiencing maternal and child mortality, 110 malnutrition, as well as sexually transmitted diseases. Early pregnancies force adolescent girls into levels of physical and emotional strain for which neither their bodies nor minds are prepared. Premature childbearing leaves long-lasting 111 consequences, which will negatively impact the lives of both mother and child. A child’s body is not suitable for giving birth, and early childbearing will often occur before young brides have completed their own physical and sexual growth. A child does not have the psychological and emotional maturity required to carry a pregnancy. There is insufficient data to accurately ascertain the maternal mortality risk in adolescent mothers, but the most mutual declaration is that girls are twice as likely to die from 112 childbirth as women in their 20s. Self-Concept and Identity CEFM affects the healthy development of self-concept. For children who are married early, there is no concept of self-identity to be developed; there is simply a transfer of 103 www.unicef.org/.../NATIONAL_STRATEGY_ON_CHILD_MARRIAGE-PR... 104 www.unicef.org/.../NATIONAL_STRATEGY_ON_CHILD_MARRIAGE-PR... 105 www.girlsnotbrides.org/why-is-child-marriage-a-form-of-violence-against-women-an... 106 Ibid. 107 www.unfpa.org/.../teenage-pregnancy-way-life-remot... 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid. 110 unicef.in/Whatwedo/30/Child-Marriage 111 Ibid. 112 https://www.nice.org.uk/.../full-guidelin... 20
113 one’s identity to a new role and family. For example, girls go from being a daughter to a daughter-in-law. The wife, regardless of age, is expected to take on multiple roles such as taking care of her parents in law, wife, mother and employee if she works. 113 www.mdpi.com/2076-0760/3/2/242/pdf 21
MYANMAR Landscape Analysis ● National Overview ● Social Overview ● The National Human Rights Framework ● Review of International Instruments ● Involvement of Civil Societies in CEFM ● Child Marriage o Overview ● Causes of CEFM o The Role of Boys ● Impact of CEFM o Lack of Education o Marital Violence Landscape Analysis National Overview Myanmar is undergoing an intense transformation, evolving from under more than 50 114 years of military rule, centralized control, and internal conflict. According to the results from the 2014 census, Myanmar has a population of 51.4 million and is expected 115 to reach 66 million by 2020. Myanmar has a diverse ethnic and religious makeup, including 135 officially recognized nationality groups, divided into eight national ethnic 116 groups (the Bamar are the largest, forming 69% of the total population). Myanmar 117 remains a low-income country in South-East Asia. Not only is poverty widespread, there is marked inequality. Essentially, the society is divided into a small elite, a fairly small middle class, and a large number of very poor people. In recent years, income from the narcotics trade has been an important source of wealth for members of the 118 elite. Social Overview 119 Myanmar operates under a ‘male-preference’ culture. Members of the Kachin society believe that it is not worth investing in a daughter because she will eventually be sold to 114 http://www.themimu.info/sites/themimu.info/files/documents/Ref_Doc_Brief_on_CSO_and_NGOs_ADB_Feb2015 _0.pdf 115 http://www.themimu.info/sites/themimu.info/files/documents/Ref_Doc_Brief_on_CSO_and_NGOs_ADB_Feb2015 _0.pdf 116 http://www.themimu.info/sites/themimu.info/files/documents/Ref_Doc_Brief_on_CSO_and_NGOs_ADB_Feb2015 _0.pdf 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid. 119 http://www.genmyanmar.org/publications/GEN%20Raising%20the%20Curtain%20Full%20Eng.pdf 22
120 another family, giving birth to another family name. Only a son can carry on the family 121 name, hence investment in a son is meaningful. Both men and women do agricultural work, but individual tasks are often gender-specific. Men prepare the land for planting and sow seeds, and women transplant rice seedlings. Women do most domestic work, 122 but small-scale market selling and nomadic trading are conducted by both sexes. Traditional society was known for the relatively high status of women. If a couple divorces, for example, common goods are divided equally and the wife retains her dowry as well as the proceeds from her commercial activities. However, military rule has undermined the status of women, especially at the higher levels of government and commerce. The higher levels of business are in the hands of men, but women run many 123 medium-size and small businesses. Children in Myanmar are expected to study hard and/or work hard (including domestic 124 chores). Attitudes towards children make little allowance for play and recreation. There is widespread acceptance of working children and little evidence of children’s 125 participation in decisions affecting them. Myanmar society is generally patriarchal: men are the main bread-earners and decision-makers. Attitudes to women are strongly 126 underpinned by religious beliefs. A qualitative study by UNICEF across five regions found that both men and women believed the men should be the family breadwinner. 127 Women’s involvement and consultation in household decision-making was found to be limited, particularly in rural environments, with most women having to request their husband’s permission to vary their daily routines. The National Human Rights Framework Review of International Instruments Myanmar has a complex legal system with varying sources of law. Myanmar had its own system of customary laws, and its various ethnic groups follow their own customary 128 laws, most of which were unwritten. Myanmar acceded to the Convention of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1997, however, many of its domestic laws are not currently harmonious with CEDAW, being gender restrictive and inconsistent with CEDAW principles. Myanmar became a State Party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991. However, the CRC does not have constitutional status in Myanmar, which means its provisions can be overridden in court by existing 129 national rules and laws. This makes revision of all national instruments to ensure 120 http://www.genmyanmar.org/publications/GEN%20Raising%20the%20Curtain%20Full%20Eng.pdf 121 Ibid. 122 Ibid. 123 Ibid. 124 www.unicef.org/eapro/Myanmar_Situation_Analysis.pdf 125 Ibid. 126 Ibid. 127 Ibid. 128 www.burmalibrary.org/docs20/Myanmar_Law+CEDAW-en-red.pdf 129 https://www.crin.org/en/library/publications/myanmar-national-laws 23
conformity with the CRC an important step to enable Myanmar to meet its obligations as a State Party. An Anti-Trafficking Unit has been established within the Myanmar Police Force under the Ministry of Home Affairs, and several in-country task forces and working groups involving the government, international and local agencies are also focused on the issue of trafficking. In addition, a border liaison office has been established in the border towns of Lwei Je and Muse. Involvement of Civil Society in CEFM The standard civil society structure in Myanmar exists mainly within religious groups, emerging from Buddhist and Christian-led social welfare activities and focusing on 130 poverty, health, and practical daily needs of the communities. A common exhortation heard in Yangon from civil society groups is that more time is spent in training and 131 meetings than actual implementation. However, most civil groups agree that there is increasing coordination among all levels of civil society, which is manifesting itself in 132 new working relationships across groups and networks. Gender Equality Network (GEN), formerly the Women’s Protection Technical Working Group, was set up in 2008 to focus on multi-sector and cross-cutting issues faced by girls 133 and women. GEN is an interagency network, comprising of approximately 60 local and international NGOs, civil society networks, and technical resource persons specializing in the development and implementation of enabling systems, structures, and practices for the advancement of women, gender equality, and the realization of women’s rights in 134 Myanmar. Activities employed within GEN include activities such as: Engaging male and female teachers in an effort to transform gender norms and stereotypes and ensure gender awareness is included in teacher training in both formal and non-formal 135 education. There is a focus on bringing together a broad range of stakeholders, including education practitioners, employers and students, for programming aiming at 136 challenging gender norms in occupational choices. The GEN has also employed an initiative that takes advantage of the space created by HIV prevention activities to broaden awareness from not only disease control but also personal integrity and sexual 137 and reproductive rights. 130 http://www.themimu.info/sites/themimu.info/files/documents/Ref_Doc_Brief_on_CSO_and_NGOs_ADB_Feb2015 _0.pdf 131 Ibid. 132 Ibid. 133 http://www.themimu.info/sites/themimu.info/files/documents/Ref_Doc_Brief_on_CSO_and_NGOs_ADB_Feb2015 _0.pdf 134 Ibid. 135 http://www.genmyanmar.org/publications/GEN%20Raising%20the%20Curtain%20Full%20Eng.pdf 136 http://www.genmyanmar.org/publications/GEN%20Raising%20the%20Curtain%20Full%20Eng.pdf 137 http://www.genmyanmar.org/publications/GEN%20Raising%20the%20Curtain%20Full%20Eng.pdf 24
CEFM in Myanmar Overview As reported by UNFPA, CEFM remains under-addressed and incredibly complex in Myanmar, because, as noted above, they consist of mostly unwritten, customary laws which vary across the ethnic and religious groups. For example, Buddhist law allows boys from puberty to marry without parental consent, while the Christian Marriage Act allows the marriage of girls from 13 years and boys from 16. Collectively, it is relatively common for girls to marry in their teens with approximately 22% of girls 15-19 already married. Children in Myanmar can be married by participating in a ceremony conducted 138 by a respectable couple or by sheer mutual consent with no ceremony at all. Often couples would simply live together for a period and then announce to everyone they 139 were married. The union was formalized when they announced this to a senior person 140 or respected member of the community. Today a couple is considered married if they 141 have lived together and are recognized as a couple by their neighbors. Causes of CEFM Migration Due to Myanmar’s significant economic and political changes since 2011, urbanization 142 and internal migration have gained a lot of attention. Studies have demonstrated particular rural/urban disparities, resulting from urban growth and the internal migrant 143 population moving within the country for better job or educational opportunities. Approximately two million Myanmar migrants are estimated to be in Thailand, many of 144 their children left behind without suitable care in Myanmar. UNICEF notes that the protracted situation of forced displacement, especially in the Northern States, has placed boys and girls at disproportionate risk of violence, neglect and abuse, including 145 sexual exploitation, trafficking, and CEFM. UNICEF reports that children affected by migration form a considerable proportion of trafficked persons, for sexual or CEFM purposes. The Role of Boys There is an important facet that needs to be considered, and that is; the role young boys play in CEFM, not as grooms, but as catalysts to the issue. In a study conducted by the ODI, it is suggested that boys drive CEFM. In most cases, boys initiate contact because it 138 http://factsanddetails.com/southeast-asia/Myanmar/sub5_5c/entry-3041.html 139 Ibid. 140 Ibid. 141 Ibid. 142 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4784279/ 143 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4784279/ 144 http://www.unicef.org/myanmar/protection.html 145 http://www.unicef.org/myanmar/protection.html 25
146 is culturally unacceptable for girls to pursue boys. Boys have many reasons to marry early and little reason to wait because a wife reduces their workload and improves their social status. Hmong boys, while less controlled by filial piety, also want to help their 147 parents by marrying sooner rather than later. A case study from Girls Not Brides quoted a young girl as saying “If I don’t get married at this age, I can go to school and nurture my dream to be a teacher. However, if I become a teacher, no men in the village will want to marry me. They don’t like highly educated women. They prefer the young 148 ones who can work hard in the field,” she says. “Now I’m married, I will live a life like other married girls in the village: taking care of the family, working on the field and 149 giving birth.” Impact of CEFM Education It is difficult to define whether CEFM causes school dropouts or vice versa, however, it is certain that CEFM often means the end to a girls’ formal education. Adolescent girls tend to drop out when they get married because the new role of a wife often comes with the expectation that she will take care of the home and care for her new husband, 150 extended family and children. CEFM disproportionately affects the educational opportunities and achievements of married girls, because it is unlikely that a married girl will return to school after her marriage. Child brides are far less able than older or 151 unmarried girls to access schooling and income-generating opportunities”. The longer a girl stays in school, the less likely she is to be married before her 18th birthday. A study by the World Bank showed that girls who complete roughly 10 years of 152 education are six times less likely to be married before her 18th birthday. To accomplish this, they identified early enrollment in education as a priority and some incentives that are discussed below. Educating girls has an enormously positive impact on their communities. It can lower maternal mortality, improve children's health, lower 153 birth rates and help women to find employment. As suggested by World Bank, it is imperative that a society is educated on the effects of CEFM. At its best, education regarding CEFM will provide girls with some tools to consult 154 her own future. Regardless of whether or not her opinions are considered by the decision makers, at least she is equipped with the knowledge to negotiate her future. It vests power in young girls to understand and claim their rights. 146 https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications...files/9088.pdf 147 Ibid. 148 http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/ 149 Ibid. 150 http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/themes/education/ 151 Ibid. 152 documents.worldbank.org/curated/.../881790WP0Voice00Box385212B00PUBLIC0.pdf 153 Ibid. 154 documents.worldbank.org/curated/.../881790WP0Voice00Box385212B00PUBLIC0.pdf 26
Marital Violence An ICRW report has determined that girls in a CEFM marriage are more likely to 155 experience domestic violence than their peers who marry later. They are more likely 156 to believe that a man is justified in beating his wife. Reports show that lack of relationship power among young brides is considered to be a key-moderating factor for 157 violence within the relationship. In a case study administered by the United Nations Population Fund, child spouses often recounted instances of physical and psychological violence at the hands of not only husbands, but also at the hands of mothers-in-law, and other members of the husband’s 158 family. Young, married girls, under the age of 18, are often reluctant to talk about instances of marital violence due to the cultural preference on the appearance of 159 harmony and the shame associated with conflict at home. A 2015 workshop, ‘Engaging Men to End Violence Against Women’ organized by CARE Myanmar in Kayah State, found that that survivors of domestic abuse are often young, impressionable wives who are socially pressured into accepting traditional offerings as a 160 ritual compensation practice referred to as ‘cleansing the village’. The practice of killing pigs and hens and distributing the meat to community members, instead of reporting domestic abuse to the police, is believed to spare the community from losing its dignity. The workshop noted that an inherent lack of legal awareness is a key barrier 161 for women to access justice in these cases. Through Action Aid’s Access to Justice and Preventing Sexual Violence Initiatives, funded by the UN Trust Fund and the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Action Aid has 162 trained 20 men to be role models in their communities. Action Aid’s male-to-male engagement program has helped dramatically to modify the behavior and attitudes of, at least, 4 men in the community who, as a result of the training, have stopped beating 163 their wives, as they were unaware that “beating your wife is not alright”. Engaging with men and boys to end violence, through awareness raising and peer-to-peer 164 mentoring, is crucial, Action Aid concluded. 155 https://www.icrw.org/files/images/Child-Marriage-Fact-Sheet-Domestic-Violence.pdf 156 https://www.icrw.org/files/images/Child-Marriage-Fact-Sheet-Domestic-Violence.pdf 157 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3741349/ 158 http://eeca.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Child%20Marriage%20EECA%20Regional%20Overview.pdf 159 Ibid. 160 Ibid. 161 Ibid. 162 www.actionaid.org/.../should-men-be-involved-addressing-issues-violence-myanmar 163 http://www.actionaid.org/sites/files/actionaid/vaw_policy_brief_final_copy.pdf 164 http://www.actionaid.org/sites/files/actionaid/vaw_policy_brief_final_copy.pdf 27
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