REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF LOCAL AND CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IN THE DELIVERY OF SOCIAL SERVICES - A Report for The New Zealand Treasury
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McKinlay Douglas REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF LOCAL AND CENTRAL Ltd (MDL) GOVERNMENT IN THE DELIVERY OF SOCIAL SERVICES December 2013 A Report for The New Zealand Treasury
Executive Summary The purpose of this report is to provide an overview of the potential of local government to contribute to the more effective and efficient delivery of central government funded and/or contracted social services. This executive summary provides an introduction to each of the seven sections of the report and presents its conclusions. It begins by noting that practice in this area is still very much evolving, and does require a very real shift in thinking by all of the levels of government and other stakeholders – for example, understanding the fundamental differences between involving local government/communities through a contractual relationship, where the contractor is expected to set the terms, and doing so through a partnership relationship which relies on building consensus. 1. The Changing Roles of Local Government Pages 8-14 The role of local government in different states varies markedly. Westminster jurisdiction countries typically follow a principal/agent model treating local government as a creature of statute. Other jurisdictions (much of Europe and the US) adopt a choice model with local government having significant discretion. Since the turn of the century, a number of principal/agent jurisdictions have been revisiting the role of local government. England has been through a series of iterations from local strategic partnerships to Total Place, Big Society, Localism and community budgeting. NSW is considering the role of local government as a leader in collaboration between different tiers of government and other stakeholders. Victoria has introduced community planning, and has been piloting co-design. 2. The Underlying Rationale for Working Through Local Government Pages 15-28 The belief that working through, and in collaboration with, local government can achieve better outcomes for service users – and fiscally – has been gaining widespread acceptance. The UK government introduced local strategic partnerships recognising “securing improvements frequently requires involvement of others working in partnership with local authorities. Local Strategic Partnerships are the principal expression of that in practice”. NSW is redefining the role of local government as one of leading collaboration. A series of policy iterations in the UK have, on the one hand, reinforced this view but on the other, illustrated an equivocal commitment by government itself and government agencies. They have also illustrated the impact of policy changes as governments change. A series of initiatives, and associated pilot programmes, have demonstrated potential benefits ranging from reducing duplication to improving outcomes and potentially delivering substantial cost savings, as well as highlighting the many difficulties and challenges of implementing a genuine partnership based approach. Experience elsewhere – Victoria with co-design – has also highlighted the value of tapping into community knowledge and community networks and the pivotal role of local government in facilitating this. 1
3. An Overview of Different Approaches to Working with Local Government Pages 29-39 Experience in different jurisdictions highlights that working through, or in collaboration with, local government is still very much ‘work-in-progress’. Multiple objectives complicate assessing the impact of individual programmes – it is currently difficult to assess whether the UK government is genuinely committed to working more closely with local government, seeking to have communities directly engaged in service delivery, or intending through its localism agenda to bypass local government and communities by opening up service delivery to contestability from outside the public/voluntary/community sectors. A further question, raised by the UK Leadership Centre for Local Government1, is whether conventional understandings of public sector management contribute to or detract from the objective of moving to a more user-focused approach to service delivery. On a more positive note, experience in Australia with both community planning and co-design supports the hypothesis there is a significant benefit from greater collaboration at the community level. 4. Reflections on Emerging New Zealand Practice Pages 40-44 Recent years have seen a number of government initiatives with an element of collaborative practice. The Social Sector Trials being led by the Ministry of Social Development as part of the government’s Better Public Services provides an illustration which both highlights some important questions about the potential for central government/local government collaboration and provides an example of the value local government can add when a Council has developed the requisite capacity and capability. 5. Preconditions for and the Nature of the Barriers to Effective Implementation Pages 45-48 The experience reviewed for this report, and MDL’s own experience within different jurisdictions, suggest that the barriers to more collaborative working between different tiers of government, and between government at whatever level and the voluntary and community sector, can be summed up as reflecting cultural and institutional differences, as well is the impact of hierarchy and the power of control over resources. As well, it encompasses issues of capacity and capability, both at different levels of government and within the voluntary and community sector, which will need to be addressed. Recent evaluative work in England in particular provides useful coverage of preconditions and barriers, and also highlights the wisdom of proceeding on a carefully planned pilot program basis. 6. Assessment of Costs and Benefits Page 49 Many of the reports which have reviewed different approaches to collaborative working have taken for granted that there will be benefits, and have focused on what actually happened in practice rather than on a careful cost/benefit analysis. Others have concentrated on forecasting potential savings, suggesting these could be very significant. 1 http://www.localleadership.gov.uk/ 2
In terms of strict cost/benefit analysis the evidence is still relatively limited, but promising. New Zealand should look at drawing on what appears to be the best of this, the methodology developed as part of the community budgeting pilot projects. 7. Potential Risks and Means for Managing Those Page 50 The evidence strongly suggests that a pilot project approach will be essential in order to manage potential risks. On this approach the fiscal risks should be relatively minor although there will be obvious costs with establishing and monitoring one or more pilot programmes (including the potential risk, which would need to be managed by agreement in advance, that it could prove difficult to disestablish pilot projects). Some of the forecasts of potential savings undertaken in England, such as that for London Councils, or by Ernst & Young for the Local Government Association, suggest that in the English context they could be very significant indeed. It is a reasonable presumption that if those forecasts fairly reflect the potential in England, then the potential in New Zealand may also be substantial. This suggests that one of the most significant risks is an opportunity cost risk - the loss of an opportunity to generate substantial savings through a failure adequately to explore the potential for collaborative working. 8. Conclusions Pages 51-52 The report concludes there are significant lessons for New Zealand from the experience it has reviewed: Consistency matters – building effective collaborative arrangements takes time, and will not be helped by on-going policy changes. Start small – adopt a pilot programme approach and select policy areas/partners that look likely to present the best chances of success. Ensure that all of the prospective partners have an informed and willing commitment to the process (where more than one department is involved, this includes having effective arrangements for ensuring and delivering inter-departmental collaboration in a timely way). Identify and address problems of budgetary authority, regional coverage (that is, which part of what department has authority in which areas), and decision-making authority early and effectively. Recognise that a more collaborative approach between central government, local government and other stakeholders including voluntary and community groups will only work if there is a genuine partnership approach – this is fundamentally different from a contractually based approach in which one party can quite legitimately dictate terms. For partnerships to be effective, terms must be willingly agreed. Understand that different tiers of government, and different stakeholders, can have quite different perceptions and expectations and it may often be necessary to accept that there is no ‘one right way’. The point is whether project outcomes satisfy the objectives of each partner, not necessarily that each applies exactly the same interpretation. Accept that different tiers of government, and different stakeholders, especially in the voluntary and community sector, will have different levels of capability and capacity. Be prepared to regard capacity building as an inherent part of any pilot programme activity, and not as a cost to be avoided. 3
Understand also the difference between developing individuals, and building and maintaining capacity in a sector over time. References ……….. Page 53 Appendix: Extract from Leadership Centre Guide for Total Place Practitioners ………… Page 56 4
Introduction Background and project brief This report is the output from a project undertaken by McKinlay Douglas Ltd (MDL) for the Treasury to consider: What are alternative models that could practically be adopted for the delivery of social services, either by local government or jointly with central government. What would need to be done to implement the solutions? The scope of the project was to be limited primarily to research previously undertaken by MDL considering the role and function of local government, and the potential for local government to facilitate the more efficient and effective delivery of social services, with the term “social services” being understood as comprising the major central government taxpayer-funded social services currently delivered by or under contract to central government agencies. Subject to that limitation, MDL’s proposal to the Treasury outlined that MDL would: Address the emerging distinction between the role of local government as a formal structure of sub-national government, the role of local government as a facilitator/enabler of engagement by others (a community leadership role if you will), and the role of communities themselves as initiators (reflected, for example, in the present UK coalition government’s emphasis within its devolution strategy on new powers such as the community right to challenge and the community right to buy, both of which are intended to allow communities to step into roles currently undertaken by local government especially in service delivery areas). Explore the underlying rationale for central/state/provincial governments seeking to work through local government and with communities as a means of enabling the effective and efficient delivery of services - why are governments shifting from the conventional departmental/agency focus? And are there any factors in New Zealand which could make these approaches more applicable or not (i.e. Maori/Pacific cultural dimension)? Provide an overview of the different approaches emerging to working with local government and/or its communities -where quite different approaches are emerging in different jurisdictions, but each has something to offer in terms of considering options for New Zealand, and the solutions which could be worth piloting here. Reflect on emerging New Zealand practice, for example, through the social sector trials. Consider the preconditions for and the nature of the barriers to effective implementation - this is an important element in the project as can be seen from the fact that experienced observers in the UK still identify an enormous gap between what has been achieved so far and the ultimate potential, despite some 12 years of policy initiatives intended to create a closer working relationship between central government agencies, local government and communities. Provide an overview of how the costs and benefits could be assessed, drawing on the evaluation experience from the UK, Canada and Australia. Identify potential risks, and means for managing those. 5
The work for this report has involved revisiting much of MDL’s earlier research and reflecting on changes which have been taking place in what is a rapidly evolving environment. Accordingly, this report needs to be read as drawing on experience from evolving practice which is still very much ‘work in progress’. Three things in particular stand out. The first is that the UK government’s policy in respect of further devolution has changed significantly under the present coalition government. Whereas the previous Labour-led government was quite specifically focused on devolution to and working in partnership with local government, the present coalition government appears much more equivocal about the potential role of local government, emphasising devolution to communities but without yet being clear on how it sees that approach unfolding, particularly in terms of what is required in terms of the on-going capacity/capability of community groups. The second is the extent to which practice in terms of a greater involvement with local government/community groups in the delivery of social services (whether the focus is on working through or in partnership with local government, or primarily with community groups) is still evolving. The third is the inherent difference between a contract-based relationship and a partnership relationship. Higher tiers of government are very accustomed to seeking to involve lower tiers and/or voluntary sector, community or business interests in service delivery on the basis of contractual relationship where the higher tier specifies the required outputs, and often the outcomes. Partnership working requires a very different approach – building consensus about the desired outputs and outcomes drawing on the expertise and experience of each of the parties involved and desirably without any of the parties seeking to exercise specific leverage – for example the power of the cheque book or the ability to legislate. Problem definition It would be normal in a report of this type to set out, at an early stage, the problem definition which the report is intended to address. A problem definition of sorts is implicit in the project brief with its emphasis on considering the potential of local government to facilitate the more effective and efficient delivery of major social services. Starting with this the problem definition would be written around barriers and preconditions but would also normally draw on some empirical evidence confirming the potential of the proposed approach. We see one significant difficulty in developing a problem definition along these lines. The great majority of the experience which this report overviews, of different endeavours to build a better relationship between higher tiers government and local government, in order to facilitate more effective and efficient service delivery assumes rather than tests that this approach will deliver the desired outcomes. Typical of this is the guidance issued for the establishment of Local Strategic Partnerships (Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions 2001) which set out the rationale for partnership working as: Public, private, community and voluntary sector organisations all have a part to play in improving quality of life. The more they can work together, with local people, the more they can achieve and the more likely it is that: 6
· the benefits of sustainable growth are achieved across the country; · economic, social and physical regeneration happens – and is sustained – in deprived areas; · public services work better and are delivered in a way which meets people’s needs; · local people can influence decision-making and take action to improve their neighbourhoods; and · business and the community and voluntary sectors can play a full and equal part. The presumption that more collaborative working will inevitably produce better outcomes has, among other things, flowed through to the evaluation of this and other initiatives, with the result that there has been relatively little focus on demonstrating that better outcomes actually resulted (see the comment from the National Audit Office at page 25 below). At the same time, it needs to be acknowledged that the presumption reflects the accumulated experience of a number of people who have had significant experience in seeking to develop collaborative approaches. Report layout This report is divided into seven sections, each addressing one of the bullet points in the project brief (above, page 5), and a conclusion which proposes a possible way forward. 7
1 The Changing Roles of Local Government Internationally, the part played by local government in the governance of individual nation states varies markedly. In some jurisdictions – the Nordic countries provide examples – local government is deeply involved in a wide range of service delivery of a kind which in Anglo-Saxon jurisdictions would be seen as wholly or primarily the responsibility of central government. In others, the actual and the aspirational roles of local government differ quite markedly – South Africa with a constitutional emphasis on the role of developmental local government provides a good example, reflecting the gap between the aspirational role, and the resources and capabilities of much of the local government sector. To a substantial degree differences reflect contrasting models for understanding central-local relationships. In a wide ranging review of local government funding undertaken as part of the Blair- led Labour Government’s Balance of Funding review, Loughlin and Martin (2003) described the two principal models in these terms: Underlying these distinctions are two contrasting models of central-local relationships: (i) a principal/agent model and (ii) a ‘choice’ model. The ‘principal agent’ approach envisages local government primarily as an agent of delivery of priorities and objectives that are determined by ‘higher’ tiers of government – the region, land, province or national government – and relies on bureaucratic/legal controls. A ‘choice’ model emphasises the needs and preferences of local people – service users, citizens, local business etc – and depends on mechanisms by which local stakeholders express their priorities – for example through voting or public engagement and stakeholder engagement/consultation. In many countries the principal/agent model came to underpin central-local relations in the post-war welfare state era when local authorities were used to implement welfare policies (such as the provision of public sector housing, state education and health services). In recent years there has been growing recognition of the limitations of this model and some interest in new forms of central-local relations. The influence of the ‘principal agent’ model can be seen in the understanding of local government, common in the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, that local government is a creature of statute able to undertake only those functions authorised by the responsible higher tier of government, and subject to change as government policies themselves change. Since around the turn of the century, this approach has been coming under review as higher tiers of government look for different ways of working with local government (and local government’s communities), driven by a variety of concerns including an interest in improving local democracy and accountability, and a wish to explore the potential of local government, and the communities it serves, to contribute to the more effective and efficient delivery of major social services. The importance of this latter focus has been increasing as governments consider how to manage their long-term fiscal positions. By far the greatest level of activity, in looking for new ways of working, has been in the United Kingdom since the election of the Blair-led Labour Government in 1997. That Government came into office with a commitment to significant change, including devolution (Scotland and Wales) and a new relationship with local government. Over the years it held office the labour-led government 8
sought to change the way in which local government functioned through a series of (stick and carrot) changes – requirements for greater transparency and accountability through intensive supervision of local government activity under the auspices of the Audit Commission (at the height of this process, councils were required to report against approximately 1200 KPIs) offset by greater freedoms for councils which achieved high performance status. The remainder of this section looks briefly at developments in England and Wales, then at Australia and next, by way of contrast, at experience with the health sector in Sweden. England and Wales2 Consistent with the approach of the Blair-led Labour Government, the most comprehensive but also in some ways the most equivocal exploration of the potential of local government has been the series of initiatives which that Government and its successors have put in place to try to change the nature of the relationship, and the way in which local authorities work with their communities. This part of our report concentrates on the changing nature of relationships, providing brief detail in respect of England and Wales, as more comprehensive background is provided in the next section addressing the rationale, especially from a fiscal perspective. Successive UK governments worked first through a ‘whole of local government sector’ approach, empowering councils to undertake any activity which in their judgement would promote community well-being, but also requiring them to develop a local strategic plan (community strategy). This was to be done through a local strategic partnership bringing together the council, central government agencies, business and the third sector. As a ‘whole of sector’ strategy this may have been overly ambitious. Certainly the outcomes were at best equivocal. The experience with the local strategic partnership approach, and various initiatives within it (a number of ‘agreements’ between central government and other stakeholders known variously as local area agreements and then multi-area agreements as government moved to bring larger geographic areas in under a single umbrella) was followed by a more nuanced approach, Total Place, which focused on a series of pilot projects designed to test the potential of bringing all of the public sector agencies involved around a specific policy issue within a given local authority area together around a single decision-making table. A principal difference between local strategic partnerships (which still exist) and Total Place is the latter initiative’s much more specific focus on delivering specific activities with the express purpose of improving the effectiveness and efficiency of the delivery of specific services in specific areas. The change from the Labour Government, to the Conservative Party-led Coalition Government saw Total Place replaced by an emphasis on the Big Society and more recently community budgeting. Each of these successive initiatives in different ways tested the potential both for bringing decision- makers on public expenditure together, and for local government to facilitate the better delivery of social services within its districts. These successive initiatives highlighted another factor which would now be seen as an essential component in any initiative to change the way in which higher tiers of government work with local government. The first of the initiatives, the Local Strategic Partnership approach, with its 2 The UK system of devolved government places substantial responsibility for local government with the Scottish assembly for Scotland and the Northern Ireland assembly for Northern Ireland; the following discussion deals solely with developments in Central/local relationships in England and Wales. 9
requirement that all councils adopt this new way of working in partnership with central government and other stakeholders, proved overly-ambitious, leading to an acceptance that initiatives of this kind ought first to be piloted, and any comprehensive roll-out based on evaluation of pilot projects in order to give a better understanding of what works and what doesn’t (see the further discussion in the next section). Through each successive iteration of UK government policy, the emphasis on working in partnership with communities has remained. As we will see in the next section, the rationale for each new initiative continued to be the potential for a more effective and efficient approach to the delivery of social services through the engagement of the communities involved. What has changed, especially under the latest iteration, Localism, has been the extent to which local government has been seen as the preferred partner, as compared with civil society itself as represented by, especially, voluntary and community based organisations. This has been a quite deliberate change. The major initiatives of the Labour-led government, Local Strategic Partnerships and then Total Place, were both quite explicitly based on a partnership approach to working with local government. The present coalition government, with its emphasis on Localism, has stepped away from an automatic assumption that this necessarily means working more closely with local government. Instead, its focus is much more on working with ‘communities’ raising significant question marks over whether it sees local government as remaining an important partner in improving the effectiveness and efficiency of social service delivery, and also on how ‘community groups’ develop and maintain the capacity and capability required to be reliable service deliverers over the long term. Australia As with New Zealand, the relationship between higher tiers of government and local government has traditionally been quite hierarchical, with local government seen as a creature of statute which exists primarily to carry out state government directions, either generally in the sense that enabling legislation delimits the areas of competency for local government, or specifically through legislative and other directions to local government. There is now a rethinking taking place, with the NSW state government seemingly about to accept that local government has a pivotal role in both the leadership of its communities, and in leading collaboration amongst public agencies and other stakeholders in delivering on community outcomes – which would include how social services are most effectively and efficiently delivered. Evidence for this is found from the current review of local government in NSW. NSW The NSW Independent Local Government Review Panel delivered its final report to the state government at the end of October. Although that report remains confidential at the time of writing3 earlier discussion papers signal a marked shift in thinking within the state government on the role of local government and how the two tiers of government should work together, with local government being seen as having the potential to lead collaborative working between different tiers of government, and the communities which local government serves. (The Panel has been working 3 It was originally expected that the state government would take decisions on the Panel's recommendations, and release its decisions with the report sometime in November. It is now understood that the report itself will be released within the next few days, but that the state government has yet to make decisions on the Panel's recommendations. 10
very closely with the Office of the Minister of Local Government, and it is a reasonable assumption that the Panel’s thinking is consistent with state government objectives.) The preamble to the Panel’s first discussion paper, Better, Stronger Local Government, stated: Local government in New South Wales must change. The future is challenging but also full of potential. Local councils must embrace the challenges and realise the potential. They can be catalysts for improvement across the whole public sector. They can demonstrate how to tackle complex problems by harnessing the skills and resources of communities, and how effective place-shaping can boost the State’s economy and enhance people’s quality of life. (NSW Panel 2012) This is reinforced by a complementary review of the enabling legislation for local government being undertaken by the Local Government Acts Task Force. Its discussion paper A New Local Government Act for NSW proposes that the role of local government should be defined in the Act as: The role of local government is to lead local communities to achieve social, economic and environmental well being through: i) utilising integrated strategic planning ii) working in partnership with the community, other councils, State and Commonwealth governments to achieve outcomes based on community priority as established through Integrated Planning and Reporting iii) providing and procuring effective, efficient and economic infrastructure, services and regulation iv) exercising democratic local leadership and inclusive decision-making. Again, it is a reasonable inference that the Task Force’s proposal is consistent with the state government’s thinking. There are significant implications from the shift taking place in NSW. Specifically, if local government is indeed to play a role working in partnership to achieve outcomes based on community priority, then there will need to be a rethink of the way local government itself functions. The change will shift the role of local government vis-a-vis other elements of the public sector from one of advocacy to one of evidence-based policy leadership. It will require local governments themselves to have a much better understanding of the different communities for which they are responsible than is normally the case at present. This is being recognised, at least in part, by the Independent Panel which is placing an emphasis on the need for sub-council governance, something which embraces a variety of approaches ranging from the establishment of formal or informal engagement and decision-making arrangements at a sub-council level to techniques variously referred to as community, neighbourhood or village planning. A number of options are canvassed in a discussion paper commissioned by the Independent Panel (McKinlay Douglas 2013) which explores emerging approaches to working at the sub-council level internationally. As with the co-design initiative discussed in the next two paragraphs, the focus is on obtaining a better understanding of the nature of communities , their specific needs and how best to target services to them. The recognition is that much of the necessary knowledge, and the associated 11
networks ‘belong’ to communities rather than to formal structures of government. Accordingly, the challenge for governments at all levels is how best to tap in to that knowledge and those networks. Much of the material covered in this report explicitly acknowledges that local government has a comparative advantage in doing this because of its closeness to its communities and the sense of ownership that people often feel at least in comparison with their relationship with other tiers of government. Victoria In Victoria, the Federal Department of Human Services, in conjunction with the Municipal Association of Victoria and the Ottawa-based Public Policy Forum, has been undertaking pilot work on the practice of co-design. Lenihan & Briggs (2011) provide an overview of co-design, describing it as “intended to extend the role of the public and invite them to contribute to the design of the services. It can lead to further involvement with the public also participating in the production of services in the future.” They go on to speak of the potential role of local government as “when it comes to client services, we think local governments may have a special role to play. In particular, they are often well positioned to assume a lead role on public engagement … Federal and state/provincial governments in Canada and Australia could build on this existing capacity by collaborating with local governments on public engagement in key policy areas, such as health or the environment. In this arrangement, local governments would act as a kind of ‘Gateway’ to the public, serving as intermediaries between the public and Federal and/or state governments. This ‘single-window’ approach could lead to better policy outcomes in a wide range of areas, from reducing rates of preventable diseases through healthy living to reducing carbon emissions through more environmentally friendly lifestyles. This, in turn, could yield significant savings for Federal and state/provincial governments.” The Municipal Association of Victoria provides a description of the Victorian pilot project at http://www.mav.asn.au/policy-services/social-community/community- engagement/Pages/default.aspx. A number of workshops were held across the state. According to the website, “At these workshops, issues are discussed around the delivery of services, focusing on Medicare, Centrelink, the Child Support Agency and other services provided by government departments and agencies. The key questions being asked of the community at these workshops include: Where can improvements to services be made? Would co-located services improve delivery? Do services require better design to respond to the needs of service users?” Sweden Sweden provides an example of a jurisdiction that fits the ‘choice’ rather than the ‘principal/agent’ model. The Swedish approach is discussed briefly to illustrate a different way of conceptualising intergovernmental relationships, and the respective roles of different tiers in the delivery of major social services. Sweden has long been recognised as one of a number of jurisdictions in which a relatively high proportion of public sector expenditure and service delivery takes place at the local government level, with local councils within the country’s two tier system of local government enjoying a 12
relatively high degree of autonomy. It needs to be acknowledged that, as with any inter-country comparison dealing with local government, it cannot be assumed automatically that what works in one jurisdiction will work equally well in another. In the Swedish case there are strong historical reasons which lie behind the relatively decentralised approach as compared with (say) the UK or New Zealand. The writer of this report for Treasury some years ago attended an assembly of the International Cooperative Alliance held in Stockholm. One of the Swedish delegates explained to him that Sweden’s strong commitment to cooperatives, and by extension other devolved collectivist arrangements, had a great deal to do with the country’s weather – until early in the 20th century, much of the country was snowbound for significant parts of the year, making it very difficult to travel and placing a strong premium on local responsibility and local decision-making. Despite this need for caution, the Swedish approach has often served as something of an exemplar for other countries considering how best to manage significant social service and other activities (for many years, for example, it was seen as the pre-eminent example of a social-democratic polity). In recent years, this has seen growing international interest in the way in which Sweden manages its health system. In October 2013 the UK think tank Civitas released the report Healthcare Systems: Sweden & Localism - an example for the UK? (Bidgood 2013). It was a comparison between the Swedish and UK health care systems, looking particularly at the effectiveness of the two different models. The Swedish model is one of an extensive emphasis on subsidiarity; that services should be undertaken by the lowest administrative level capable of delivering the service effectively. As Bidgood notes: “While the county councils tend to manage medical services, the smaller municipalities tend to handle social care, as under the principle of subsidiarity it is felt that this more community-based service is best handled at a lower level than the counties. The 1992 Local Government Act outlines in law that the municipalities ‘are responsible for matters relating to the inhabitants of the municipality and their immediate environment’, while ‘the main task of the county councils and regions is healthcare’.” The Swedish system is based on primarily free access to comprehensive health care for all residents. Some 70% of the cost is raised through a local income tax by regional councils, and the balance of 30% is provided as block grants by central government. The rationale is twofold: the use of block grants provides a means for off-setting regional differences in the capacity of the tax base; and provides a justification for a central government role in monitoring health sector performance. The report considers the performance of the Swedish health system using a number of international metrics, as well as interviews with key informants, and drawing on a number of previous reports. The Swedish health-care system performs better than the UK’s NHS on every metric used. It also, according to research undertaken by Sweden’s local government peak organisation, ranks third for cost effectiveness after Finland and Spain. Finland is similarly decentralised; Spain, although health care is funded by the central government, devolves responsibility for delivery to the Spanish regions. Bidgood, and the sources he cites, attributed much of the success of the Swedish health-care system to the fact that it is subject to local control and delivery. Among other things this is seen as increasing people’s willingness to pay, significantly improving accountability, and making it much 13
easier to respond to local conditions, rather than having to take a one size fits all approach driven by national level policies. His conclusion on the role of localism versus centralised policy design and delivery is worth citing: “In Sweden the fine-tuned balance of state and local strengthens engagement and accountability, makes services more flexible and makes the public more willing to pay for services, while still ensuring common national standards and solidarity in funding are maintained. Empirical evidence also suggests that more localist tax-financed healthcare systems, including Sweden, perform better than more centralised ones such as the UK. Accepting localism will however involve a shift in ethos in the UK. We will have to renew our trust in local government, let go of our attachment to centralism (and the hope that it can ever fully stamp out ‘postcode lotteries’) and accept that a degree of local variance will naturally come with local democratic discretion – as Simon Jenkins put it, ‘divergent standards are the price of localism, even though centralism has not delivered consistent ones’.” Summation The different jurisdictions considered in this section emphasise the very different ways in which the role of local government is perceived, especially as between jurisdictions which are primarily within the 'principal/agent' model on the one hand, and those in the 'choice' model on the other. The Swedish example illustrates the potential to gain very significant community support both for major social services, and for the funding required to implement them through decentralised control – it's a mechanism for aligning community views about service level standards, access, and ability to pay. At the same time, it needs to be observed that different practices and understandings regarding the role of local government often reflect long-standing historical and cultural factors which can make it difficult to transfer a model from one jurisdiction to another. Sweden is, again, an excellent example, as its administrative and political arrangements, with their emphasis on decentralisation, reflect quite different understandings from those that have built up in the United Kingdom over centuries of a relatively centralised government, a set of understandings which largely apply within Westminster jurisdictions generally. 14
2 The Underlying Rationale for Working through Local Government In this section we consider the rationale for a central government wanting to work more closely with local government to facilitate the more effective and efficient delivery of social services. The focus is on the potential fiscal benefits, whilst acknowledging that there are other potential benefits as well (for example, the development of inclusive communities, a widely recognised social objective but one whose benefits have been difficult to qualify in dollar terms). The great majority of the work evaluating this different approach to central-local government relationships has been undertaken in England and Wales in conjunction with the series of initiatives the UK government has been trialling since the Local Government Act 2000. We also consider the emerging experience of co-design which has been trialled in Victoria, Australia by the Federal Department of Human Services in partnership with the Municipal Association of Victoria and with the support of the Ottawa-based Public Policy Forum, and the state of Victoria’s experience with community planning as an approach which can contribute to ‘better decisions by state government’. Benefits are typically assessed in terms of the costs of delivering defined outputs/outcomes under a more collaborative way of working as compared with the costs under the traditional silo-based system. One consequence of this is the difficulty of drawing similar cost benefit data from other systems (such as Sweden and health care) because there is not the same kind of “before and after” scenario to evaluate. A further issue is how to factor in the cost/benefits of an approach which may result in a higher tier of government agreeing to undertake an activity which it would not otherwise have done - for example the establishment of a new health service in a region which community planning has highlighted as disadvantaged in access to health services Another factor to keep in mind is that much of what is being considered is very much evolutionary in nature - there is quite a bit of experimentation taking place which can best be thought of as ‘learning by doing ‘. Associated with this is the presence of two quite different strands of activity which can sometimes be confused; one is building a more collaborative approach between different tiers of government, and other stakeholders, in order that individual decision makers/service deliverers have a better quality of information about service users and the different environments in which they live - this is essentially about ensuring better outcomes, not necessarily changing the service deliverer. Codesign discussed below is a good example of the first strand. Another strand focuses more on devolution; the potential for contracting service delivery to different providers. The UK government’s current emphasis on the community right to challenge, and other tools for enabling ‘community groups’ to be directly involved in service delivery, can be seen as an example of the second strand. The UK Labour-led government’s philosophy was clearly set out in a 2002 consultation paper for local government entitled Draft Circular on Best Value and Performance Improvement (accessed on 8 November 2013 at http://www.healthcaresupply.org.uk/pdfs/draftbvpi.pdf ): These provisions [best value principles] are not sufficient in themselves to ensure that the services that authorities provide meet the demands placed upon them by local people, service users and national expectations. But they are fundamental, and the Government is determined to ensure that they are fully integrated with other elements of the performance 15
management framework, and are used flexibly and proportionately to reflect authorities’ actual performance and their capacity to improve. At the same time, the Government recognises that securing improvements frequently requires the involvement of others working in partnership with local authorities. Local Strategic Partnerships are the principal expression of that in practice. These partnerships bring together service deliverers, local communities, those who use local services, the voluntary sector, social enterprises and businesses, and develop integrated approaches to local service delivery and tackle priorities in a joined-up way. The Government is committed to the full implementation of the Compact on relations between Government and the voluntary and community sector. Local Compacts between local authorities and their local sector provide a similar framework for developing a constructive partnership. The Government also confirms its support for making partnership working more effective, through its commitment to introduce new trading powers in the Local Government Bill. In practice, not just through the local strategic partnership period but throughout subsequent initiatives, the commitment of successive governments has been quite equivocal. Initiatives introduced with significant fanfare and publicity have too often had minimal impact, and appeared to suffer from a lack of ‘whole of government’ commitment to ensuring that the steps necessary for effective implementation were actually put in place and activated. Reflective of sector attitude is the following extract from the Local Government Association’s Summer Review for 2004 reflecting on its recent experience from the Balance of Funding review4: The lesson from this work on financial issues over the last few months is that there is genuine interest within government in devolving and decentralising. But government does not speak with one voice. There are limits to its commitment to local government and to the openness of its dialogue with us, combined with a continuing propensity to reach for a centralist or interventionist lever whenever the going gets rough or is perceived to be about to do so. Community well-being: local strategic partnerships The Local Government Act 2000 set the scene for the first of the Blair Government’s major initiatives intended to promote more collaborative working between different tiers of local government, and other community stakeholders. The Act introduced the so-called well-being power, providing that: Every local authority are [sic] to have power to do anything which they consider is likely to achieve any one or more of the following objects— (a) the promotion or improvement of the economic well-being of their area, (b) the promotion or improvement of the social well-being of their area, and (c) the promotion or improvement of the environmental well-being of their area. This power was subject to a number of constraints including the requirement that: Every local authority must prepare a strategy (referred to in this section as a community strategy) for promoting or improving the economic, social and environmental well-being 4 No electronic reference currently available for this document. 16
of their area and contributing to the achievement of sustainable development in the United Kingdom. In practice, community strategies were to be developed through Local Strategic Partnerships defined in ministerial guidance (DETR 2001) as bodies which bring “together at a local level the different parts of the public sector as well as the private, business, community and voluntary sectors so that different initiatives and services support each other and work together;”. The rationale for this approach was spelt out in the ministerial guidance as: Public, private, community and voluntary sector organisations all have a part to play in improving quality of life. The more they can work together, with local people, the more they can achieve and the more likely it is that: · the benefits of sustainable growth are achieved across the country; · economic, social and physical regeneration happens – and is sustained – in deprived areas; · public services work better and are delivered in way which meets people’s needs; · local people can influence decision-making and take action to improve their this neighbourhoods; and · business and the community and voluntary sectors can play a full and equal part. Expectations that the local strategic partnership approach would deliver significant change were clearly high. They were based very substantially on the belief that extending what was seen as local government’s traditional approach to working in partnership locally provided a platform which could be built on to achieve greater and more effective collaboration across the public private and voluntary sectors. A number of reports prepared as part of a process evaluation of the LSP initiative highlighted the very real challenges and difficulties in building a robust partnership approach, especially when the objective was to do so across the whole of local government. Early 2006 saw the release of the final report from the process evaluation of the LSP initiative (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2006). The report identified a number of areas which required further development both with governance and delivery reflecting, for example, the difficulty in moving past the ‘silo’ approach of central government agencies. Other challenges included the very wide coverage, resourcing, how committed different stakeholders, including local government, were or not to the process, and the variable quality of people involved at both governance and partnership management levels. The local strategic partnership process has continued, and remains in existence primarily as the process which has oversight responsibility for the development of community strategic plans which remain a statutory obligation on local government. However, in terms of developing specific initiatives to improve efficiency and effectiveness through better coordination of service planning and delivery, successive governments have turned to different approaches, wanting a more specific focus and a clear link to improved outcomes, both from a user perspective and in terms of cost/efficiency. In 2006 the Government published The Future of Local Government: Developing a 10 Year Vision, with a specific emphasis on putting people at the centre of public services, stating 5: 5 Accessed on 8 November 2013 at http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20060424185247/http://odpm.gov.uk/pub/799/Thefutureoflocalgov ernmentDevelopinga10yearvisionPDF251Kb_id1137799.pdf . 17
The Government’s aim is to put people at the centre of public services. Local government, at the heart of the community, with a knowledge about local needs and in the front line of delivery, is in a pivotal position to ensure that public services are designed around the needs and preferences of local people and communities. And: A new approach to local government could improve the local delivery of services, increase public engagement in the decisions that affect them, and lead to better outcomes for people and places. This is a big prize, and one that makes this project worthwhile. Total Place The Total Place initiative grew out of experience within one local government district of different budget holders for public-sector activity coming together to sum the total expenditure flowing into the district, and looking at the potential for greater efficiency and better outcomes. The opportunity highlighted by their work resulted in the Total Place pilot initiative being recommended by Sir Michael Bichard as part of the Treasury’s Operational Efficiency Programme in April 2009 (BDO 2010). The initiative was established in 2009 as “a series of pilot schemes from 13 different areas in England aimed at mapping the total public spending in these areas and changing the way services are provided by devolving control to those on the ground who actually deliver the services.” (Grint, 2009). The 13 pilots began by undertaking the ‘counting’ stage of their projects, identifying where the public money coming into each area comes from, which agencies it flows to and what those agencies spend the money on. This was followed by a ‘deep dive’ phase, during which the effectiveness of that spending was evaluated (BDO op. cit.) BDO sums up the difference between the Local Strategic Partnerships approach and Total Place in these terms: Local public service bodies have already developed stronger working relationships in recent years through initiatives such as Local Strategic Partnerships and Local Area Agreements. However Total Place takes these relationships further, requiring public services to focus on services, citizens and customers rather than organisational structures and boundaries. Organisations must challenge instinctive protectionism of their own services or budgets, being prepared to share or pool funds and perhaps allow others to take over some functions if they are better placed to do so. Total Place requires careful relationship management by all concerned and a willingness to confront barriers to change. External assistance may add value here. The final report evaluating the total place pilots (HM Treasury 2010) commenced its executive summary with the following: Total Place sets a new direction for local public services, based on extensive work over the last year by central government, local authorities and their partners. The measures set out in this document build on the complementary reforms set out in Putting the Frontline First: 18
Smarter Government and the Government’s work to coordinate and rationalise burdens on frontline public services. Total Place is demonstrating the greater value to be gained for citizens and taxpayers from public authorities putting the citizen at the heart of service design and working together to improve outcomes and eliminate waste and duplication. This document outlines the way forward for places, led by local authorities with their unique local democratic mandate, but requiring the active engagement of Government and all local service delivery bodies. It presents a series of commitments that will give greater freedom and flexibility to support a new relationship between Government and places. The Labour Government lost the 2010 Parliamentary elections, and was succeeded by a Conservative-led coalition government which abandoned the Total Place initiative in favour of an emphasis on the Big Society, Localism and now community budgeting. However, the Total Place initiative threw up some extremely useful and well researched material supporting the case for greater devolution of social service delivery from central to local government. Each of the 13 pilot areas was separately evaluated. The evaluation of the Birmingham Total Place (Birmingham City Council 2010) initiative included what has become a very well-known diagram illustrating the challenges posed by multi-agency responsibility for dealing with complex problems, in this case drug and alcohol addiction. The Birmingham experience was based on careful mapping of consumer journeys through the system, but reflected already widely held concerns about the problems of multiple agency intervention, concerns which underpinned the decision to establish the total place pilots in the first place. The diagram from that evaluation illustrating the situation confronting an individual in need of support to deal with drug and alcohol issues follows: This was a dramatic illustration of the complex environment which potential users needed to negotiate in order to receive an appropriate mix of services. It dramatises, as nothing else could, the importance of establishing effective coordination/collaboration at a local level and planning interventions with the user’s needs at the forefront. 19
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