Re -presenting knowledge: The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers, 2008 -2013
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[Re]-presenting knowledge: The coverage of xenophobia
research in selected South African newspapers, 2008 -2013
*KUDAKWASHE PAUL VANYORO AND **LYTON NCUBE, Ph.D.
Abstract
Recurring xenophobic attacks on perceived foreign immigrants stand out as one of the major setbacks on South Africa’s
envisaged ‘rainbow’ nation discourse. These attacks remain a topical issue in, academic, media, social, economic and
political circles. While a significant body of literature explores the coverage of migration and xenophobia issues in the South
African mainstream press, studies examining media coverage of xenophobia research from research institutions are scarce.
This study explores the [re]-presentation of xenophobia research findings in two popular South African newspapers: the Mail
& Guardian and the Sowetan from 2008 to 2013. The study utilizes a qualitative research approach. Findings show that the
two analyzed newspapers uncritically picked up stories and purveyed them without a strong base facilitated by empirical
research. In essence, empirical research findings were selectively utilized to ‘authenticate’ or legitimize convenient
ideological positions. Finally, a clear tension between discourses of ‘empirical knowledge’ and ‘popular perceptions’; was
evident in analyzed stories.
Key Words: Immigrants, Mail & Guardian, [Re]-presentation, Research findings, Sowetan, Xenophobia
the total population (Polzer, 2010; Crush,
Introduction 2011; Statistics South Africa, 2011).
Archbishop Desmond Tutu regards South Africa However, it is not surprising that the
as a ‘rainbow’ nation, a term he coined in 1994, numbers of international migrants in the
due to a number of different races residing in the country are constantly inflated and
country. Almost twenty-two years after misrepresented by politicians and policy
independence, South Africa finds itself being makers (for e.g., see Vanyoro, 2015;
home to the second highest number of migrants in Palmary & de Gruchy, 2016 for a
Africa (International Organization for Migration dedicated account on the politics of
(IOM), 2013). These are mostly refugees, asylum migration data in the country). Forging a
seekers and labour migrants from neighboring common South African national identity
African countries. According to Statistics South remains elusive, as the country can be best
Africa (2011), an estimated 3.3% of the country’s understood as a developing idea (Alegi,
population was born out of the country. Results 2010; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2011). Partly
from the analysis of 2011 South Africa Census because of the perception and alarmist
data revealed that there were 2 173 409 discourse that migrants are ‘swarming’ the
international migrants (4.2% of the 2011 total country (see Neocosmos, 2008; Forced
population) (Statistics South Africa, 2015). The Migration Studies Programme (FMSP) &
rural to urban migrant labour system, converging Musina Legal Office, 2010) - what
towards mines and peri-urban informal settlements Neocosmos (2008) calls a politics of fear -
in the country’s metropoles, has also created great of late, xenophobic attacks continue to
spatial mobility (Vearey, Nunez & Palmary, recur as ‘indigenous’ South Africans target
2009). Consequently, internal migration is ar more perceived ‘foreigners’ whom they blame
significant than international migration at 7% of for their social and economic problems.
* Kudakwashe Paul Vanyoro is a Research Communications Officer and Doctoral Researcher at the African Centre
for Migration & Society, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa.
** Lyton Ncube, Ph.D. is a lecturer in the Department of Media and Society Studies, Midlands State University,
Gweru Zimbabwe and a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Department of Communication, University of Johannesburg,
Johannesburg, South Africa.
JCMR
Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018, 76 - 89Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 77
These xenophobic episodes hardly by some epistemic communities challenge
evade the watchful eyes of the media at any popular press discourse, attitudes and powerful
given moment. Indeed, both the mass media positions. Because re-presentation is a fluid
and the new media in South Africa and across process (Hall, 1997), we are interested in
the globe have been awash with stories exploring the coverage of xenophobia research
concerning the recurring xenophobic attacks in findings in two popular South African
the ‘rainbow’ nation. Academics from political newspapers, the Mail & Guardian and the
science, sociology, cultural studies as well as Sowetan from 2008 to 2013. This endeavor
media studies have also engaged with the allows us to critically tease out the relationship
discourse of xenophobia from different angles. between ‘empirical knowledge’ and ‘anti-
Most of these academics have focused on the immigrant’ sentiments, as polarized discourses,
manner in which the media portray xenophobia, in these media texts.
migrants and migrant related issues (for e.g.,
see Danso & McDonald, 2001; Smith, 2010). Recurring xenophobia: A contested South
But, from a Media Studies viewpoint, there is African reality
one issue that is conspicuously absent: the In South Africa the apartheid state implemented
coverage of xenophobia empirical research racist pass laws in order to control permanent
findings from research institutions such as the urban settlement and try to ensure that the black
African Centre for Migration & Society African population remained in their
(ACMS), Southern African Migration Project ‘homelands’ (Bakewell, 2008; Castles, 2010).
(SAMP), Centre for the Study of Violence and After years of protracted violence, owing to
Reconciliation (CSVR), Institute for Security (among others) international pressure, on 27
Studies (ISS) and others in the mainstream April 1994, South Africa held its first, non-
media. racial, democratic elections. The African
We argue that the coverage of these National Congress (ANC), led by Nelson
findings in the popular press is political; Mandela won 252 of the 400 seats in the
therefore, it requires rigorous investigation and National Assembly, falling only two seats short
detailed analysis. This issue, which epitomizes of the two-thirds majority needed to effect
a representation of a re-presentation (see Hall, unilateral constitutional change. Ultimately, on
1997), has received very little amount of May 9 1994, the National Assembly
attention in the academic world of Media unanimously elected Nelson Mandela as
Studies due to its ‘unconventional’ standing. president, with Thabo Mbeki and F.W. de Klerk
While an array of global literature exists on the as the country’s deputy presidents.
role of the media in communicating research, This development was earmarked to be the
particularly in the public health and beginning of a new epoch governed by an
development sector, most of this work is biased audacious principal in the constitution which
towards research translation and development states that ‘South Africa belongs to all who live
communication (See Court & Young, 2003; in it’. That the country’s black majority thought
Fisher & Vogel, 2008; McPhail, 2009; Oronje, that their economic misfortunes would be
Undie, Zulu & Crichton, 2011; Vanyoro, 2015). reshaped as a result is also unquestionable. But
As such, it also does not adequately tease out today South Africa remains one of the most
the interaction between research findings and unequal societies in the world. The country is
popular discourse in the mainstream media. marked by an extended history of regular
One notable contribution however is by Goslin experiences of violent conflicts such as violent
(1974) who highlights different types of crime, violent service delivery protests,
research information that may be communal violence, vigilantism within its
communicated by the media. Beyond this work, townships and informal settlements (Misago,
little more exists, especially in the global south, 2016). Within this context, the foreigner has
more specifically in South Africa. become a political scapegoat. Xenophobia and
This lacuna forms a central part of the intolerance have indeed become a recurrent
impetus for writing this paper. In essence, what reality in South African politics (Thakur, 2010).
we interrogate here are the power contestations Significant studies have therefore
that exist in the coverage of marginalized issues extensively explored xenophobia and its
and groups when empirical knowledge produced recurrence in South Africa at different epochs in78 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018
an attempt to explain its morphology (for e.g., state institutions have never condoned violence
see Harris, 2001; Black, Crush & Peberdy, against migrants and have regularly condemned
2006; Crush, 2008; Neocosmos, 2008; Crush & it, ‘they have provided an environment wherein
Frayne, 2010; Landau, 2011; Misago, 2011; such xenophobic violence has effectively been
Misago, 2016). The World Conference Against legitimized by the state’ (p. 589). This
Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and observation resonates well with Adjai and
Related Intolerance (WCAR) Declaration (as Lazaridis’ (2013) argument that, under
cited in Adjai & Lazaridis, 2013, p. 194) defines xenophobia, institutions have been used to
xenophobia as ‘attitudes, prejudices and exclude the ‘other’ through practice and not by
behavior that reject, exclude and often vilify design.
persons, based on the perception that they are Second, foreign migrants are also constant
outsiders or foreigners to the community, targets and victims of violent xenophobic
society or national identity’. Meanwhile, attacks. This is not a new phenomenon. ‘Foreign
Neocosmos (2008, p. 587) argues that: nationals have been attacked repeatedly in South
Africa since 1994’ (Misago, 2011, p. 96; Adjai
Xenophobia must be understood as a & Lazaridis, 2013, p. 195-196; Misago, 2016).
political discourse […] the result of Crush (2008) has also argued that xenophobia
political ideologies and has been a long-standing feature of post-
consciousnesses – in brief, political apartheid South African society. Indeed, many
subjectivities – which have been grueling accounts of violence against foreign
allowed to arise in post-apartheid migrants have been recorded between 1998 and
South Africa, as a result of a politics 2008 (Crush & Frayne, 2010). However, one of
of fear prevalent in both state and the most notorious occurrences of xenophobic
society’. violence in the world was the May 2008
violence. Most scholars agree that 62 people lost
Xenophobia in South Africa takes multiple their lives, a third of whom were local
forms; it can either be violent or institutional. inhabitants, whereas at least 670 were wounded;
We will briefly touch on the two forms of dozens raped and more than 100 000 displaced
xenophobia we have put forward in an attempt (Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in
to foreground our study’s point of departure. South Africa (CoRMSA), 2008; Polzer,
First, institutional xenophobia is seen in the Igglesden & Monson, 2009; Landau, 2011).
unapologetically xenophobic remarks by top Misago (2016) argues that young people formed
ranking officials since 1994 including ex-Home the vast majority of the perpetrators of the 2008
Affairs Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Zulu violence. But ongoing studies are showing that
King Goodwill Zwelithini, Johannesburg Mayor it is not angry, poor, young uneducated men
Herman Mashaba, Minister of Police Fikile who are most likely to perpetrate the violence
Mbalula, and most recently his deputy Bongani by looting shops during protests for example.
Mkongi to name but a few. As Harris (2002) Ongoing research by Social Surveys Africa has
puts it, ‘the shift in political power has brought begun to show that there is no significant
about a range of new discriminatory practices correlation with age, household-income level,
and victims and the ‘foreigner’ is one such education and poverty and the propensity or
victim’ (p. 169). Institutional xenophobia disposition to loot from foreigners.
manifests itself in South African practices Several scholars have tried to explain the
through the exclusion and discrimination of causes of xenophobic violence differently.
foreigners in various institutions like banks, While it is not the intention of this paper to
hospitals, the Department of Home Affairs, settle those debates, it will briefly identify a few
police, and social service providers (Landau, arguments and concepts that are key to the
2010). This has persuaded critics to assert that following discussion and analysis. Misago
xenophobia has thus become institutionalized in (2016) has argued that the May 2008 violence
practices of ‘street-level bureaucrats’ like cannot be understood nor investigated in
immigration officers, health care providers, isolation from the general history of violence in
police officers and policy makers since 1994 informal settlements and townships. Structural
because of the perceived ‘threat’ foreigners violence by the state through repression and
pose. Neocosmos (2008) argues that, although resource, opportunity inequalities duringVanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 79
apartheid created a climate where housing, definitional preoccupations. Naming the
education, jobs, wages and service delivery are violence ‘Afrophobic’ is politically expedient
today politicized (Hamber, 1999 as cited in because it focuses on the effects of apartheid
Misago, 2016). Indeed, as Misago (2016) notes, and internalized racism rather than the actual
the violence against foreign nationals speaks in political drivers, including poor leadership
part to the history of tensions between local (Polzer & Takabvirwa, 2010); absolving the
urban residents and internal migrants in state of any blame in the process. In other
townships. In light of this, others have thus words, it also allows the state to blame the
proposed that xenophobia can be explained by violence on a third force (Nyar, 2010; Landau,
relative deprivation. Lerner, Roberts and 2011), a term that largely refers to unidentified
Matlala (2009, p. 16) for example submit that, ‘white racists’ attempting to stifle the pan-
‘In South Africa, high expectations for Africanist agenda and the ‘African renaissance’.
employment, housing and other social This argument is cemented by Ndlovu-Gatsheni
provisions, coupled with the realization that (2011) who argues, ‘The outbreak of
delivery of these is not immediate, are seen to xenophobic attacks in May 2008 […] ran
result in frustration targeted at foreigners.’ In counter to the philosophies of ‘Ubuntu’ and
other words, xenophobia manifests itself as a African Renaissance that Mbeki was
spillover of citizen opposition to migration and a articulating’ (p. 281). Ultimately, ‘xenophobia
by-product of political scapegoating which undermines concepts such as the rainbow
blames migrants for the country’s nation’ (Adjai & Lazaridis, 2013, p. 194).
unemployment woes. Foreigners are seen as The denials of xenophobia in the country
taking jobs away from locals and, as we will have gone as far as citing criminal elements as
show, there is a perception among locals that the responsible ‘third-force’. Polzer and
they fare better economically as a result. Takabvirwa (2010) argue that the South African
However, conditions of real or perceived Police Service’s (SAPS) response to the 2008
socio-economic and political deprivation alone violence in protecting victims was quite
cannot explain the outbreak of violence in ambivalent and left a lot to be desired. Yet, the
specific locations in specific times (and not Thabo Mbeki regime then took a denialist stance
others) (Fauvelle-Aymar et al., 2011). and underplayed the attacks as ‘criminal’ and
Therefore, the concept of relative deprivation is not xenophobic (Polzer & Takabvirwa, 2010;
not a sufficient explanation on its own (Misago, Landau, 2011). Mbeki even went as far as
2016). As Neocosmos adds, it requires little arguing that there was no xenophobia in the
effort to see that, however real; economic country (Amisi, Bond, Cele & Ngwane, 2010).
factors cannot account for why those deemed There is a general consensus in the literature we
non-South Africans are attacked (Neocosmos, reviewed that the tendency by public officials in
2008). South Africa to reduce xenophobia to
There has also been scholarly and political criminality is a long-standing discourse in the
contestation over the terminology of country, more profoundly within the police
xenophobia. Sevenzo (2010) refers to the attacks service (Polzer & Takabvirwa, 2010). It aims at
on foreigners as ‘Afrophobic’ and not sustaining other discourses beside those of a
xenophobic. However, while more Africans are ‘xenophobic crisis’. This observation reiterates
targets, referring to the violence as ‘Afrophobia’ Lindley’s (2014) argument that ‘political actors
fails to adequately explain why other non- may promulgate a ‘business-as-usual’ or non-
African groups including Pakistanis, crisis discourse, seeking to deny or minimize
Bangladeshis and Chinese are targeted. Against empirical experiences and objective indicators
this argument Sevenzo’s (2010) definition of the of severe threat and discontinuity’ (p. 6) (italics
2008 and subsequent xenophobic violence as ours).
‘Afrophobia’ is contentious. This is one term, In terms of actual justice, only one person
which is empirically unsubstantiated, and one was brought to book by the South African
that we shall have occasion explicitly to reject. justice system (The Times, 2015). Besides that,
Political interests and attempts not to taint the hundreds of other perpetrators of the violence
romanticized image of Desmond Tutu’s so- simply went unpunished. That said there was
called inclusive ‘rainbow’ nation by avoiding another recurrence of xenophobia in 2015,
the ‘X-word’ have in large part driven such starting off in the township of Soweto and80 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018
manifesting more acutely in Durban and across xenophobic violence publicly, an argument that
other parts of Gauteng. Our review of existing has also been made elsewhere (for e.g., see
literature suggests that, in the long run, Vanyoro, 2015).
notwithstanding other factors, this recurrence Second, in terms of scholarly responses,
can be partly accounted for by the culture of most studies that have explored xenophobia in
impunity underscored by scholars like Misago the country have tended to focus on violent and
(2016). Impunity has allowed violence to institutional xenophobia. We are particularly
become one of the ways citizens use to grab responding to this gap: that Media Studies have
government attention to attend to poor service simply focused on the manner in which the
delivery issues, especially in poor townships and media portray xenophobia, migrants and
informal settlements. migrant related issues (institutionalized). This
Xenophobic sentiments by top leaders forms the point of departure for our paper in
have also elevated the xenophobic attitudes of which we take a nuanced approach. We
locals. Zulu King, Goodwill Zwelithini in his subscribe to Bourdieu’s (1999, p. 11) concept of
speech a few days before the attacks encouraged symbolic violence by arguing that xenophobia is
Zulus to ‘remove ticks and place them outside in symbolic violence where symbolic capital in the
the sun’. SAPS officially reported that seven form of mass communication is used as a means
people were killed in the violence, three of of power to reinforce an institutional and
which were South Africans. A thousand more structural form of discrimination (italics ours)
undocumented by SAPS were displaced. This (Kamali, 2005; Sjoberg & Rydin, 2008). As
time around, for scholars like Achille Mbembe Foucault (1980) argues, every regime of
(2015) the cancer had metastized. In what was a representation is a regime of power formed. His
foreseeable and inevitable reincarnation of the assertion holds true, as the media in South
violence, the rainbow nation’s image has again Africa are a heated terrain of identity politics.
been brought to international disrepute in recent By examining how xenophobia research as a
attacks in 2016 and 2017. discourse in itself has been covered in the two
We contend that there appears to be a bias newspapers under study and how these
in both scholarly and media responses to newspapers uncritically picked up stories and
xenophobia in general. First, xenophobic purveyed them without a strong base facilitated
violence grabs more media attention than by research - to reinforce institutional forms of
institutional xenophobia. For example, it was discrimination - this paper presumes to fill this
only in the month of May in 2008, a remarkably scholarly gap.
violent, dark period in post-apartheid South
Africa, that the rainbow nation’s mainstream Method of Study
media was flooded with graphic images of The study utilizes a qualitative research
violence against foreign migrants; burning approach. Qualitative research is an approach to
shacks and even burning people that left the human science research in which the researcher
continent and the whole world shocked (Nyar, studies people, cultural practices or beliefs,
2010). This phenomenon and ‘politics of institutions, or communities in their natural
representation’ is well articulated in the work of settings (Bryman, 2012; Yin, 2014). Qualitative
Polzer and Segatti (2011). They argue that, research is usually utilized when there is need
some politicians, civil society, celebrities and for a complex, detailed understanding of a
‘ordinary’ South Africans stood up in solidarity difficult problem that has debarred
condemning the violence as it occurred. They comprehension (Yin, 2014). The scarcity of
further posit that the violence in 2008 received studies on the interface of empirical research
global media coverage and was debated publicly findings and press coverage of xenophobic
(p. 200). They then refer to the violence as a attacks in South Africa is a serious problem
‘crisis’ which created ‘political opportunity worth investigating utilizing a qualitative
structures and universes of political discourse’ research methodological lens. Through a critical
for collective action. In other words, their analysis of stories from the Mail & Guardian
conclusion is that violence provides a and the Sowetan newspapers on migration and
convenient window of visibility for multiple xenophobia, we provide a detailed account on
actors within the public sphere to assert their the extent to which empirical research findings
legitimacy and relevance through condemning informed the selected newspapers’ framing ofVanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 81
the xenophobia discourse. Data was collected using an online
Grounded in the interpretive prism of archive called SA Media. Because of the need to
qualitative research, we make inferences by access documents created at some point in the
interpreting different trends, and forms of relatively distant past, this archive provided
meaning constructed through textual access that the researchers might not otherwise
representation by the two newspapers under have had (Ventresca & Mohr, 2001). Purposive
study (one could call these media frames) sampling was used to select articles for analysis.
immersed in social context. This is a fitting Purposive sampling is simply selecting groups
complement to the qualitative research process or categories to study on the basis of their
that entails identifying categories, and patterns relevance to the research questions and the
that emerge from the data under scrutiny (Leedy theoretical position (Yin, 2011; Bryman, 2012).
& Ormrod, 2005). The sampling procedure involved two stages.
The study employs an explanatory case Firstly, articles falling within the period between
study approach. A case study is ‘an empirical 2008 and 2013, and exclusively reporting on the
inquiry that investigates a contemporary themes of migration and xenophobia, were
phenomenon within its real-life context, collected. In the second stage, relevant articles
especially when the boundaries between that used xenophobia research findings in their
phenomenon and context are not clearly reporting were screened towards much detailed
evident’ (Yin, 2011, p. 13). Case studies are analysis. Eventually, from a total of 476
generally associated with a qualitative migration and xenophobia articles, there
methodology, and have become a common way remained only 14 articles from the Sowetan and
to conduct qualitative enquiry (Yin, 2011). A 57 articles from the Mail & Guardian that
case study approach suits the intention of this grappled with the discourse of research findings
research, which examines newspaper coverage in their reportage. This disparity is explained by
of a contemporary topic in South Africa: the fact that most articles in the Sowetan had a
xenophobia. Often, case studies are the huge inclination towards sensationalism at the
preferred strategy ‘when ‘how’ or ‘why’ expense of engaging critically with the
questions are being posed’ (Yin, 2011, p. 1). discourse of knowledge unlike, in the Mail &
The paper shows how the Mail & Guardian and Guardian, a more ‘elite’ newspaper which takes
the Sowetan newspapers in reporting recurring evidence relatively more seriously. Analysis
xenophobic attacks in South Africa, from 2008- was narrowed exclusively to these 71 articles,
2013, ‘conveniently’ deployed empirical employing a Foucauldian discourse lens to
research findings. However, the limitation of the analyze the ‘discursive formation’ of text
case study is that the findings cannot be through the nature of reporting. In the following
generalized. Yin (2011) contends that case section, the findings are discussed employing
studies can only be generalized to theoretical insights from Foucault’s theory of discourse,
propositions and not to populations or universes. power and knowledge.
In this case, our findings are specific to the Mail
& Guardian the Sowetan newspapers. Research findings and discussion
Our focus was on the Sowetan, the (See tables 1 and 2 for summation of
largest morning daily with over 1.5 million daily coverage trends).
readers and the Mail & Guardian, a weekly
publication (Danso & McDonald, 2001). The
choice of the two newspapers was influenced by
our observation that these are popular
newspapers reporting significantly on migration
and xenophobia issues.82 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018
Table 1: Trends: Mail & Guardian
coverage of migration related issues (2008
2013)
Year migration xenophobia Research Total articles
coverage coverage coverage reporting migration
related issues/year
2008 69 65 14 150
2009 36 10 3 49
2010 42 14 15 71
2011 34 5 12 51
2012 64 0 2 66
2013 67 11 11 89
Total 312 105 57 476
Frequency
Table 2: Trends: Sowetan coverage of migration related issues (2008 to 2013)
Year migration xenophobia Research Total articles
coverage coverage coverage reporting
migration
related issues/
year
2008 3 100 8 126
2009 0 15 6 20
2010 2 15 0 17
2011 0 9 0 10
2012 4 10 0 14
2013 1 6 0 7
Total 10 158 14 198
frequency
Research coverage by both newspapers xenophobia issues (65 times) and migration
was relatively lower than overall migration issues (150 times), which is a lot than in
and xenophobia coverage. Therefore, it is subsequent years. Similarly, from Table 2,
plausible to assert that the two newspapers we observe that, in 2008, the Sowetan
did not use much scientific evidence in reported more on xenophobia issues (100
their reporting. As we demonstrate later, times), which is also significantly higher
where the two newspapers employed than in subsequent years. This suggests that
‘empirical evidence’, they did so in an there could have been a reactive interest in
uncritical manner. However, when the issues because it was also the year that
juxtaposed, the Mail & Guardian relatively the first major recorded xenophobic
utilized empirical data more than the violence outbreak took place in 21st
Sowetan. This could be explained by the century South Africa.
different patterns of their target audiences. A closer scrutiny of data shows that,
The Mail & Guardian mainly targets a on 5 June 2008, the Mail & Guardian had
more elite group than the Sowetan, which 16 articles in one publication that reported
thrives more on sensational reporting. on xenophobia, and a similar trend can be
From Table 1, we observe that in 2008 the found in the 29 June 2008 edition. On 21
Mail & Guardian reported more on June 2008, the Sowetan had 11 articles inVanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 83
one publication reporting on xenophobia centered on reporting xenophobic
issues, and a similar trend also took place incidences with little attention to research
on 20 May 2008. Inferring from the findings on the issue (e.g., what causes
context, which shows that the worst xenophobia?). Where it did, it also reported
xenophobic violence took place in May ‘using’ findings, but in an uncritical
and June of 2008, this trend also suggests manner.
reactive interest in the xenophobic violence In 2008, the Mail & Guardian
of that month. published an article Xenophobia: Business
Our interpretation of these findings in Africa set to take a dive. The article was
persuades us to argue that the Mail & concerned with how South African
Guardian and the Sowetan had a reactive, business was set to take a dive ‘following
rather than proactive interest in these the wave of xenophobic attacks against
issues. Where the two newspapers were foreigners in the past few weeks’. The
interested, they picked up stories and journalist interviewed Saki Macozoma, one
purveyed them without a strong base of South Africa’s most prominent
facilitated by research, which is largely businessmen, and wrote:
contradictory to popular discourse. In so
doing, we argue, the two newspapers “These attacks will have serious
implicitly became complicit in a political implications for South African business
agenda that selectively deploys knowledge in other countries. Standard Bank’s
to reconsolidate state autonomy, political personnel has been threatened in
power, order and preserve the reputation of Mozambique,” he told the Mail &
the ‘rainbow’ nation. This view resonates Guardian. “Doing business on the
with Foucault (1980) who argues that, not continent is going to be harder.”
only is knowledge always a form of power, Macozoma cited an Institute for
but power is implicated in the questions of Security Studies assessment of the
whether and in what circumstances situation, which states: “What we have
knowledge is to be applied or not. In this seen is what some have termed a perfect
regard, media coverage uninformed by storm- the coming together of pent-up
scientific knowledge becomes tantamount frustrations over poor service delivery,
to ideology (seeThompson, 1990). This lack of leadership and the legacy of
mediated ideology, wittingly or not, apartheid”. “If you add into that witch’s
mobilizes a range of meanings and brew the culture of violence and general
practices to establish and sustain relations criminality, you have a potent cocktail
of domination and alterity (Chimni, 2000). of explosive material”, said Macozoma.
In order to strengthen this argument, we
draw on an analysis of the newspapers’ (Mail & Guardian, 05-06-2008, p. 2).
content itself in the following two sections.
From the excerpt above, we argue that the
Reporting ‘using’ findings and not ‘on’ article was primarily interested in South
findings African business operations in other
As tables 1 and 2 have shown, during the countries and its potentially negative plight
period 2008 to 2013, the Mail & Guardian in the light of xenophobic violence. It was
and the Sowetan’s research coverage was only in passing that the source made brief
relatively lower than that of migration and reference to a particular piece of research
xenophobia issues. In this section, we from ISS. Research was only used in order
focus our analysis on the content of the to ‘build a story’ connected to other
relatively few articles that carried out possibly more ‘important’ proceedings and
‘research coverage’. During this period, the ground a totally different story on
Mail & Guardian research coverage did empirical evidence in order to qualify
not report ‘on’ research findings per se, Macozoma’s viewpoints. Research
but, rather, it reported ‘using’ findings in coverage itself does not appear to be the
an uncritical manner. In contrast, the primary interest here. Rather, empirics
Sowetan’s focus seemed to be more were only used to meet the objective,84 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018
acceptable standards of social critique. If voice of the researcher, rather than to
anything, by using research as a reference problematize research evidence. Yet, as we
point, the article most probably created have already shown through our review of
‘moral panic’. This view is consistent with existing literature, economic factors alone
Boin (as cited in Lindley, 2014, p. 6) who cannot adequately explain the occurrence
argues that, ‘Political actors may be very of xenophobia (Neocosmos, 2008; Misago,
active in the construction of a crisis, 2016).
typically because it serves to justify, or However, there were a few
reorient the dominant policy agenda in notable exceptions where the Mail &
ways they deem desirable’. In another Guardian gave researchers space to write
article headlined Copy-cat ethnic opinion pieces or special columns, in order
cleansing, the journalist wrote: to put some of their findings across. Here is
an excerpt from an article headlined
Xenophobia may have been the spark Xenophobia: No one is safe, written by two
that set Ajax alight this week, but researchers from ACMS (FMSP at the
joblessness, crime, a lack of service time). They wrote:
delivery and soaring prices provided the
kindling. Loren Landau of the Forced This week the International
Migration Studies programme at the Organization for Migration launched a
University of the Witwatersrand points report on the violence and responses to
out that “in some instances, leaders have it. With research conducted by the
blamed foreigners to deflect criticism Forced Migration Studies Programme
around the lack of jobs and service at Wits, it argues that the violence is
delivery”. Lashing out at foreigners is rooted in the antisocial politics of life
rather like domestic violence, he says: in our townships and informal
“A man who loses his job may go home settlements. Based on almost 300
and beat his wife. He’ll feel better for interviews across the country, it shows
five minutes, but in the morning his that local leaders mobilized the
wife is bruised and he still doesn’t have violence to claim and consolidate
a job.” power and further their economic and
political interests. There was no third
(Mail & Guardian, 22-05-2008, p. 4). force.
(Mail & Guardian, 26-03-2009, p. 23).
The article only made reference to
xenophobia research findings against a pre- We observe differences in tone
existing premise. The researcher as a between this excerpt and the previous one
‘source’ was called upon to validate the where the journalist only appealed to
journalist’s viewpoint that ‘joblessness, knowledge to substantiate their premise.
crime, a lack of service delivery and By use of technocratic language and a
soaring prices provided the kindling’, strong ownership of claims and voice
instead of objectively unpacking actual through premises such as ‘There was no
research findings and discussing them third force’, we begin to see the value such
against the context they exist in. The forms of coverage ‘on’ findings can bring
researcher was called upon to provide their to critical journalism. We also begin to see
view, against an already established lead, much critical analysis of the causes of the
paradigm and discourse. Reference to violence, beyond popular discourse that
research was made within the ‘parameters’ presents xenophobia as purely economic or
of the journalist’s biases and agenda by ‘Afrophobic’ while ignoring its political
first establishing their own premise then drivers. But there are very few cases of
validating this viewpoint using a solicited such opinion pieces within our sample and
quote to justify a ‘certain kind’ of during the period we investigated.
argument. In this regard, research was only Findings of this article are consistent
used as reference point. For some reason, with Danso and McDonald’s (2001) study,
the journalist preferred to use the active which show that the South African pressVanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 85
tends to be unanalytical, uncritical and categories as ‘his people’ and ‘others’,
lacking in depth, even where they do report revolving around the ‘dangerous’
using research findings. They mostly use nationalist binaries of insider-outsider that
research to appease acceptable standards of caused xenophobia in the first place. The
social critique which emphasize the need same article cited Human Science Research
for evidence-based reporting, but as Danso Council (HSRC) and ISS research showing
and McDonald (2001) note, the coverage that a majority of South Africans were in
may appear neutral, but there is a tendency fact xenophobic. Here is the excerpt:
by so-called ‘statistics-happy’ journalists
and editors to catalogue statistics and other Research conducted by the
data on migration and so this apparent Human Sciences Research
neutrality does not necessarily constitute Council (HSRC) and the Institute
good reportage or a lack of bias. for Security Studies in 1996 and
1997 showed that South Africans
Tension between discourses of ‘empirical were becoming more xenophobic
knowledge’ and ‘popular perceptions’ in their attitudes towards migrants
The article also shows that tension was generally and illegal immigrants
visible between discourses of ‘empirical in particular. The survey showed
knowledge’ and ‘popular perceptions’ in that almost two-thirds of
the Mail & Guardian and the respondents (65 percent) believed
Sowetan’smedia coverage. Few articles in that illegal immigration was “bad”
both newspapers either written by or “very bad” for the country.
researchers or citing research, seemed to (Sowetan, 04-09-2008, p. 13).
always suggest a contrary belief system to
popular public and political discourses on This research countered Mbeki’s denialist
migration and xenophobia. Polemical claims, again confirming tensions between
discourses were evident between popular empirical knowledge and popular public
perceptions and research in the two and political discourse. Another article in
newspapers, wherein ‘indigenous locals’ the Mail & Guardian headlined Sanco
perceived foreign migrants negatively even chief in war over RDP houses, also
when scientific evidence suggested that demonstrated the overt contestation
migrants are positive contributors to South between empirical and popular discourse in
Africa’s socio-economic dynamic. the text. The Mail & Guardian reported:
For instance, an article in the Sowetan
entitled Xenophobia deepening reflected ANC MP Rose Sonto, also the
these contestations. Thabo Mbeki, then head of the South African National
South African president, strongly denied Civic Organisation (Sanco) in the
that the 2008 violent attacks were Western Cape, this week repeated
xenophobic, arguing instead that they were unsubstantiated allegations that
criminal. In a clear ring of denial, he was foreigners are buying government
quoted as saying: “When I heard some subsidized houses and forcing
accuse my people of xenophobia, of hatred South Africans to live in shacks.
of foreigners, I wondered what the accusers […]. Following the allegations, the
knew of my people, which I did not know.” provincial minister of housing,
(Sowetan, 04-09-2008, p. 13) Richard Dyanti, went on a fact-
This excerpt portrayed tensions finding mission to Du Noon.
between research showing that the violence Dyanti and 32 officials conducted a
was xenophobic and not criminal (Polzer & door-to-door investigation of 500
Takabvirwa, 2010) with popular houses in the township, and
government discourse. Mbeki used discovered that only one was
inclusive and exclusive phrases like ‘my owned by a foreigner.
people’, to disregard the existence of (Mail & Guardian, 12-06-
xenophobia in the country. Implicitly, his 2008, p. 10).
speech suggested that there were such86 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018
Housing is a highly politicized owned by foreign nationals whose
discourse in South Africa, and it has been refugee status is unknown to us as
responsible for most service delivery citizens of this country.
outrages by citizens over the years.
Consequently, locals in the Western Cape (Mail & Guardian, 12-06-2008, p. 10).
township of Du Noon had been repeatedly
blaming foreigners for supposedly The Sowetan also reported an almost
‘stealing’ their Reconstruction and similar story on the topic of foreigners
Development Programme(RDP) housing. ‘stealing’ RDP housing from locals,
As a result, foreigners had been targeted in headlined Corruption fans the anger (4
the 2008 xenophobic attacks. The literature June, 2008). Unlike the above article, the
we reviewed shows that politicians also journalist did not use any research to prove
stirred this discourse. For example whether the claim that foreigners steal
Mangosuthu Buthelezi the ex-Home migrant housing was true or not. But given
Affairs Minister stated in 1998, ‘if we as the little amount of research used in the
South Africans are going to compete for newspaper’s overall coverage during this
scarce resources with millions of aliens period; this observation comes as a little
who are pouring into South Africa, then we surprise.
can bid goodbye to our Reconstruction and In an article titled, ‘Putting out ‘fire
Development Programme’ (Neocosmos, next time’ in the Mail & Guardian, we also
2008, p. 588). However, as an investigation observe tensions between empirical
by Richard Dyanti, the Member of the knowledge and popular perceptions. The
Executive Council (MEC) for local writer presented evidence from FMSP at
government and housing in the Western Wits University, which argued that,
Cape later proved, the notion that ‘immigrants, even at the bottom of the
foreigners were ‘stealing’ RDP housing heap’ help to create employment
belonging to locals was a pure case of opportunities for South Africans ‘rather
scapegoating, perpetrated through popular than taking away their jobs’. But this
perceptions. Du Noon is predominantly a argument did not sit well with an 18-year-
black population with an unemployment old South African, also featured in the
rate of 53%. There are 2 500 RDP homes article. This ‘indigenous local’: “[…]
in Du Noon therefore, while it is not clear expressed the standard sentiment: “They
what sampling strategy Dyanti’s Housing must go back to their countries. They do
Occupancy Survey used, it is safe to say not belong in South Africa.” (Mail &
the sampled 500 houses are illustrative of Guardian, 25-02-2010, p. 40).
the township profile. Nowhere is this One lady in that same article was also
contestation clearer than in Sonto’s quoted as saying: “These foreign people
conviction (like Buthelezi) that foreign come to South Africa with nothing, but
migrants were ‘stealing’ local RDP tomorrow he has cash, third day he owns a
housing, despite Dyanti’s evidence to the shop and fourth day he has a car. Where do
contrary. In February 2008, Mr Sonto told these foreign people get this money?”
an audience at the Human Settlement (Mail & Guardian, 25-02-2010, p. 40).
Summit in Cape Town that ‘three-quarters’ In all fairness, given the huge
of the 2 500 RDP houses in Du Noon were disparity of inequality in South Africa, it is
owned by foreigners (South African to be expected that locals will be
Institute of Race Relations, 2008). In a suspicious of foreigners who generally tend
speech, Sonto was quoted as saying: to work harder to climb the social ladder,
and have been found to sometimes accept
With no apology, I must say, in lower wages in sectors like hospitality
what many would regard as being because of their precarity and poor
xenophobic, when laying bare the monitoring of employer minimum
dangerous problem that is creeping standards by the Department of Labour.
into our democracy […] many But, through our observation, we are
houses in various localities are critical of the writer’s unanalyticalVanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 87
standpoint. The writer stated that perhaps were used; this was done in an unanalytical
‘this makes perfect sense’ for people who and uncritical manner.
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