Potential for Peace Journalism? - Exploring the factors that influenced the coverage of Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition protests Maike Julie Hansen ...
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Potential for Peace Journalism?
Exploring the factors that influenced the coverage of
Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition protests
Maike Julie Hansen
Peace and Conflict Studies
Bachelor’s Degree
15 Credits
Spring 2020
Supervisor: Maja Povrzanović Frykman
Abstract The coverage of news media on conflicts increasingly became the subject of criticism, accused of sensationalism, oversimplification, and underrepresentation of certain issues. While recognizing that it is the journalists and editors that make choices regarding the collection and framing of the stories and accounts published in newspapers and digital media outlets, this thesis sets to understand these choices against the background of the web of structural constraints pertaining to professional, organizational, economic and political contexts of their work. Drawing on a theoretical perspective of Peace Journalism and Bläsi’s model of factors influencing conflict-coverage, this thesis explores what factors influenced the coverage of Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition protests and how they can be seen as hindrances or facilitators for Peace Journalism. The study presents the results of a qualitative content analysis of material obtained through semi-structured expert interviews with four journalists who covered the protests on-site. The findings display that factors pertaining to the journalistic system, personal features of the journalist, lobbies, conflict situation on-site, public climate, and audience were playing a significant role in shaping the news production throughout the Anti-Extradition protests. A majority of these factors were identified as limiting rather than facilitating Peace Journalism. This study suggests that in order to have a relevant and lasting impact, Peace Journalism needs to formulate strategies that consider the realities journalists face on the ground and factors influencing conflict coverage that pose limitations to its practice. Keywords: Conflict coverage, Peace Journalism, War Journalism, Hong Kong Anti-Extradition protests, news production process Words: 13.991
Acknowledgments I will begin this thesis by saying thank you to the wonderful journalists who took the time to share their experiences with me. Thank you for enabling me to write this thesis and filling it with life. I would like to thank my supervisor Maja Povrzanović Frykman, for supporting me throughout this process with expertise and encouragement, and for reminding me that doubt is a steady part of scientific work. Lastly, I am grateful for my family and fellow PACSies for being a source of inspiration and unwavering support. Naturally, I carry full responsibility for any misrepresentations or shortcomings of this study. Cover photo: Close-up of a poster hanging in a tunnel in Tsim Sha Tsui (Hong Kong), depicting inter alia journalists covering the protests. Artist: Childe Abaddon (Photo by author September 28, 2019).
List of Abbreviations
DCA Directed Content Analysis
HKJA Hong Kong Journalists Association
PACS Peace and Conflict Studies
PolyU Hong Kong Polytechnic University
SAR Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (of the People's
Republic of China)Table of Contents
1 Introduction .........................................................................................................1
1.1 Research Problem ............................................................................................2
1.2 Aim and Research Questions ...........................................................................3
1.3 Relevance to Peace and Conflict Studies..........................................................4
1.4 Delimitations ...................................................................................................4
1.5 Thesis Outline .................................................................................................5
2 Background ..........................................................................................................7
2.1 The Anti-Extradition Protests ..........................................................................7
2.2 Hong Kong Media in the Protests ....................................................................9
3 Previous Research.............................................................................................. 11
3.1 Peace Journalism Versus War Journalism ...................................................... 11
3.2 Challenges for Peace Journalism ................................................................... 13
3.3 Journalists Reporting on Conflict................................................................... 14
4 Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................... 17
4.1 Model of Factors Influencing Conflict Coverage ...........................................17
5 Methodology ......................................................................................................20
5.1 Semi-structured Expert Interviews ................................................................. 20
5.2 Selection of Participants ................................................................................ 21
5.3 Material ......................................................................................................... 22
5.4 Data Analysis Method ................................................................................... 23
5.5 Ethical Considerations ................................................................................... 24
5.6 Positioning of the Researcher ........................................................................ 25
6 Analysis .............................................................................................................. 27
6.1 Journalistic System ........................................................................................ 27
6.1.1 Criteria of News Selection ..................................................................... 27
6.1.2 Formats and Time .................................................................................. 29
6.1.3 Organizational Aspects ..........................................................................31
6.1.4 Type of Media Platform ......................................................................... 32
6.1.5 Social Media .......................................................................................... 33
6.2 Personal Features of the Journalists ............................................................... 346.2.1 Conflict Competence .............................................................................36
6.2.2 National Belonging ................................................................................ 37
6.3 Lobbies ......................................................................................................... 39
6.4 Conflict Situation On-site .............................................................................. 40
6.4.1 Safety Issues .......................................................................................... 41
6.4.2 Press Freedom ....................................................................................... 41
6.4.3 Access ................................................................................................... 43
6.5 Public Climate ............................................................................................... 44
6.5.1 Public Attention ..................................................................................... 44
6.6 Audience ....................................................................................................... 46
6.6.1 Domestic Versus International Audiences .............................................. 48
7 Concluding Discussion ....................................................................................... 50
References .................................................................................................................. 53
Appendix 1 ................................................................................................................. 58
Appendix 2 ................................................................................................................. 61
Appendix 3 ................................................................................................................. 62
Appendix 4 ................................................................................................................. 65
Appendix 5 ................................................................................................................. 661 Introduction
I spent the fall semester of 2019 in Hong Kong. After I returned home to
Germany, one of the first persons I met was my 70-year-old neighbor. We talked
shortly before he offered his opinion on the developments in Hong Kong:
“I understand they want democracy, but why are they vandalizing and
destroying the city? That doesn’t resemble peaceful protests anymore.
They shouldn’t be too surprised if China comes in with the army soon.”
His statement and comparable views of people around me left me speechless and
confused – why was their perception of the situation in Hong Kong so different
than mine? How did they get the impression that the whole city turned into a
warzone? Overall, I witnessed a lack of empathy - for why some protesters were
becoming violent, for their situation overall and its possible outcomes.
While the reporting of German news outlets seemed to imply general
sympathy for the cause of the protests, it was cluttered with burning train stations,
deafening police sirens, and violent confrontations between protesters and riot
police. But where was the focus on voices explaining the ‘why’? Where were the
peaceful sit-ins I witnessed almost every day when walking through the metro
station on my way to university? The overall complexity of the situation and
emotions of those affected? After seeing the coverage, the perceptions of the
people I talked to no longer surprised me.
This anecdote portrays the problem of current news-reporting on conflict. The
dominant discourse of war reporting often follows an approach of if it bleeds, it
leads, prioritizing violent escalations of conflicts while marginalizing peace
initiatives and portraying conflicts as zero-sum games (Lynch and McGoldrick,
2005:5). As a result, these “patterns of omission and distortion in the reporting of
conflicts not only leave the public misinformed, but usually lead us to overvalue
reactive, violent responses – and to undervalue developmental, non-violent ones”
(ibid.). So, what is Peace Journalism and why is it needed? Peace Journalism is
1conducted when journalists “make choices – of what stories to report and about
how to report them- that create opportunities for society at large to consider and
value non-violent responses to conflict”, to enable empathy and an enhanced
understanding of the conflict itself and its roots (Lynch and McGoldrick,2005:5).
According to Galtung (2002:267), who was the first to theorize the notion of
Peace Journalism, “any journalist can practice Peace Journalism, just as anyone
can practice War Journalism” – but is that really the case?
1.1 Research Problem
A defining element of Peace Journalism is that it is constructed as a kind of
blueprint, a “global standard for reporting conflict” (Lynch, 2014). However, that
also implies that it does not account for any context-specific challenges and
constraints that could impact its practice. It places the responsibility on journalists
to reform conventional war reporting. Journalists are however caught in a web of
structural constraints, such as professional, institutional, economic, and political
pressures, that pose limitations on their autonomy on what to report and how to
report it (Hackett, 2006). Bläsi (2004:1) stresses that the factors that influence
news production must be studied “in order to learn about the actual preconditions
of any effort of constructive conflict coverage”. To facilitate a shift towards Peace
Journalism, the factors enabling or hindering its practice must be identified and
understood. This thesis consequently directs its attention towards the professional
experience of journalists in a conflict setting, and to the factors they describe to
have an influence on the news production process.
Existing empirical research concerning Peace Journalism often focusses on the
news-content itself as well as audiences. It is, however, rarely explored how those
on the other end, who are producing the news, work in relation to Peace or War
Journalism. Through exploring the realities that journalists in Hong Kong have
faced while reporting on the Anti-Extradition protests and the processes and
conditions behind the news production, this thesis strives to contribute to filling
this research gap.
21.2 Aim and Research Questions
The overarching purpose of this thesis is to critically examine how the theoretical
model of Peace Journalism relates to the on-the-ground reality of journalists
reporting on conflict. Specifically, I aim to identify and explore the factors
journalists describe to have influenced the coverage on the Anti-Extradition
protests. Further, I aim to understand how these factors can be seen as hindrances
or facilitators for Peace Journalism.
While doing so with regard to the context of recent protests in Hong Kong, I do
not position the journalists as passive and only dependent on the structures they
are part of, but I am interested in the structural impacts and any other factors that
may impede their professional autonomy.1
Correspondingly, the study engages the research question:
What factors influenced the coverage of the Anti-Extradition protests and how can
they be seen as hindering or facilitating Peace Journalism?
The first set of operational questions guiding the analysis is grounded in Bläsi’s
(2004) model of factors influencing conflict coverage:
• What factors do journalists that covered the Anti-Extradition protests
describe as influences on their reporting, pertaining to a) the journalistic
system, b) personal features of the journalist, c) lobbies, d) conflict
situation on-site, e) public climate, and f) audience?
The final operational question serves to explore the identified factors in light of
Peace Journalism:
• How can the identified factors be understood as hindrances or facilitators
for Peace Journalism?
1
I additionally want to clarify that this study does not seek to evaluate the participants’ journalistic performance.
31.3 Relevance to Peace and Conflict Studies
Structural and direct violence are both reinforced and fed by cultural violence
(Galtung,1990). Lukacovic (2016:7) emphasizes that “mass media are a part of
culture but also a co-creator of culture” and can thus function as co-creators and
disseminators of culturally violent elements. Media coverage and representation
of conflicts are an integral part of Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) as they can
influence, in various ways, how conflicts are perceived on the ‘homefront’ and by
a wider international audience (Lynch, 2014). Consequently, depending on the
perception of conflicts, issues such as legitimacy of violence (or non-violence)
move into the foreground. Research has revealed how the media can fuel
conflicts, distort the public understanding, and shape international responses to
conflicts itself (Erbaysal Filibeli and İnceoğlu,2018:2). Responses to these
concerns have resulted in the formation of Peace Journalism, which itself is a
product of PACS and a direct result of the criticism towards conventional war
reporting. Thus, exploring which factors in a particular conflict setting contribute
or hinder Peace Journalism is highly relevant for PACS.
Furthermore, since the Cold War’s end (and the introduction of concepts such
as cultural violence) PACS have enlarged their attention from traditional armed
conflict to issues such as human security, social movements, social justice,
sustainability, etcetera (Gleditsch, 2014). The Anti-Extradition protests in Hong
Kong are hereafter a PACS relevant context to be studied, constituting a social
movement which developed violent escalations.
1.4 Delimitations
This study is subjected to certain limitations. First of all, as the findings are based
on in-depth interviews with four participants, the study is too small in scope to
make wider generalizations about the professional experience and working
conditions for journalists that have covered the Anti-Extradition protests.
However, as this thesis is exploratory and based on a qualitative research design,
4it is not searching for general answers and conclusions but is interested in the
subjective perceptions of the participants.
Lohner and Banjac (2015:5) point out that “most of the theoretical concepts in
journalism studies are related to Western democracies and hegemonic within the
context of the global scholarly field of journalism studies”. Consequently, the
theoretical framework used in this thesis is limited to theories related to conflict
journalism that are Western-centric, which poses limitations to some extent as
they are applied to a non-Western context. However, the research design promises
an opening towards overcoming this limitation, as the data is analyzed deductively
and inductively, leaving room to explore experiences and perceptions that are
presumably not part of the grounding of the applied theories.
While English is one of the official languages in Hong Kong, the most
commonly spoken language is Cantonese. Since I do not speak Cantonese, this
study could have missed perspectives unique to Cantonese literature and was
limited to academic literature in English and German. Further, the selection of
interviewees was limited to English-speaking journalists (producing content
mainly for outlets publishing in English) representing only a part of the diverse
media landscape in Hong Kong.
1.5 Thesis Outline
This thesis is divided into seven chapters. This chapter sought to provide the
reader with an introduction to the study, presenting the research problem, aims,
and research questions. Furthermore, this chapter enclosed the study’s limitations
and relevance to the field of PACS. The following chapter presents an overview
of the Anti-Extradition protests in Hong Kong and discusses the state of Hong
Kong’s news media in light of the protests. Chapter three entails an overview of
previous research concerning Peace Journalism and journalists reporting on
conflict. The theoretical framework, comprising Bläsi’s model of factors
influencing conflict coverage, is outlined in chapter four, followed by chapter five
presenting the methodological framework of this study. Chapter six encloses the
5analysis, divided into sub-chapters relating to the operational questions. The final
chapter presents concluding remarks as well as pointers for future research.
62 Background
This chapter provides a background of the Anti-Extradition protests and outlines
Hong Kong’s current media situation. The Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region (SAR) became the scene of large-scale protests in 2019, here referred to as
the Anti-Extradition protests. The protests continued for months, with an
increasing level of violent clashes between police and protesters. While there are
concrete incidents that triggered the protests, they can be seen as an escalation of
wider, underlying frustrations related to broader political, economic, and social
issues that built up for years2.
2.1 The Anti-Extradition Protests
Mass protests sparked off in 2019 as a result of the SAR Government’s proposed
extradition law amendment bill. The bill, establishing extradition agreements
between Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China, was met with criticism as
“Hong Kong residents and visitors could be detained in Mainland China, and be
subjected to its jurisdiction and legal system, thereby inhibiting Hong Kong’s
granted autonomy and civil liberties” (Ku, 2020:111-112). The Anti-Extradition
protests exceeded the initial demand to withdraw the bill (which was annulled in
September 2019), moving towards central themes of institutional reforms and
universal suffrage3 (Ku, 2020:112).
2
A detailed account of the developments that led to the current situation in Hong Kong can be found in
Appendix 1.
3
The protests circulated around five key demands: an independent inquiry into police brutality, withdrawing the
classification of the protests as ‘riots’, amnesty for arrested protesters, and universal suffrage for the election of
the legislative council and the Chief Executive (CE) along with the resignation of current CE Carrie Lam (Lee, et
al., 2019:10).
7Due to the geographical decentralization of protest events and the “mobilization
of conventional life spaces and cultural repertoires as protest tactics” (Choi,
2020:1), the daily life and protests started to merge. The protests surpassed the
scale and duration of previous pro-democracy movements (e.g. Umbrella
Movement) by far. The protests commenced already in March 2019 but gathered
momentum in June, reaching a turnout of one million people June 9 and two
million on June 16, 2019 (Ku, 2020:112).
While the Umbrella Movement was largely peaceful, the Anti-Extradition
protests encompassed an increasing level of violent clashes between police and
protesters. Although peaceful initiatives did not cease throughout, Ku (2020:112)
mentions the shift in movement strategy from pacifism to increased militancy, as
the public increasingly lost faith in the success of non-violence. The events have
also been marked by an increasing occurrence of police brutality, not only
towards the protesters but further towards journalists, outlined in section 2.2.
As of December 2019, more than 6000 protesters between the ages of 11 and
84 were arrested, 40 percent of which were students (Cheng, 2019). Crowd
control weapons (such as water cannons, tear gas canisters, rubber bullets, sponge
grenades, and beanbag rounds) were fired around 30,000 times within the six-
months period (ibid.). The events have deepened pre-existing polarization within
the city. While some perceive that civil and political liberties must be defended
and consequently support the movement, others reject it and criticize the protests’
negative effect on the economy, Hong Kong’s international status, and public
safety. After February 2020 the protests lost momentum due to the Covid-19
outbreak, albeit signs of re-emergence throughout the year.4
4
Although it could be argued that the Anti-Extradition protests are still ongoing (as of October 2020), they can
be seen as part of the larger pro-democracy movement. Hence, I will refer to the Anti-Extradition protests as an
event of the past throughout this thesis.
82.2 Hong Kong Media in the Protests
A SAR Government report published in October 2019 states that Hong Kong
possesses a “healthy and outward-looking press, radio and television industry that
enjoys complete freedom of expression” (GovHK,2019:1). Given its position as a
major international media center in Asia, Hong Kong’s media landscape has a
vast array of domestic and international media outlets, the majority being
Chinese-language outlets, closely followed by English-language and bilingual
outlets (ibid.).
Nonetheless, concerns have been raised regarding the freedom of the press. In
the World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, Hong
Kong fell from rank 18 in 2002 to rank 80 in 2020 (RSF, 2020). As many media
houses are owned by businesspeople with commercial interest in Mainland China,
self-censorship and editorial pressure have been a growing concern (Maheshwari,
2014:193). Au (2017:7) states that Hongkongers have consequently started losing
trust in traditional local media outlets.
The aforementioned concerns have deepened in light of the current protests: in
their annual report of 2019, the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA)
criticized the deliberate targeting of journalists during the protests by the police
force and stated that already by June 175, a complaint was filed regarding “over
27 cases of alleged violence or harassment against reporters and other media
personnel covering extradition bill protests” (HKJA, 2019:4). Throughout the
protests, safety became an increasing concern: incidents were reported of
journalists being shot with tear gas from a short range, being harmed, having their
equipment destroyed with batons and being chased away from the scene with
batons and shields (ibid.:4). In one incident, the journalist Veby Mega Indah was
blinded by a rubber bullet that hit her right eye (Lau, 2019). There have also been
incidents of pro-Beijing media outlets being targeted by protesters (Graham-
Harrison, 2019).
5
Very early on in the protests. The protests commenced in March but did not really gain momentum until June.
9Many journalists were critical towards the proposed extradition agreement,
with concerns that it could be utilized against media actors and “give an
opportunity for Chinese authorities to seize bloggers, journalists or any defender
of free expression in Hong Kong” (Creery, 2019). Apart from traditional media,
the role of social media played an essential role in the movement, especially in
terms of “coordination, communication and mobilization” (Lee, Chen, and Chan,
2016:457) of the current protest, reaffirming the growing importance of social
media in social movements globally.
103 Previous Research
This chapter offers an overview of previously conducted research concerning
Peace Journalism and research regarding journalists’ own perceptions of their
roles, ideals and working conditions in conflict. In addition to displaying the
current state of research in the field, this study is positioned.
3.1 Peace Journalism Versus War Journalism
The norms of conventional, objective journalism are the same during conflict and
peacetime: the journalist is an impartial observer, detached from the conflict, and
has the role to inform the public through reporting the facts in an objective
manner (Meier, 2007:185). This dominant ideology of journalism however faces
critique that denounces the role of journalists as impartial entities, arguing that
journalism is constructing reality and not merely reflecting it, as selective choices
are made which facts are being reported and how they are framed (Weaver,
2007:142-147; Lynch and McGoldrick, 2005:xvi). Consequently, journalists
become actors within the conflicts they cover as their decisions on what receives
media focus and what is excluded inevitably affect the development of a conflict.
Different forms of coverage can contribute to the escalation or de-escalation of
conflicts and further influence how international audiences understand particular
conflicts (ibid.; Shoemaker and Reese, 1996:36; Puddephat, 2006:10).
The critique of conventional war reporting yielded a theoretical framing of
Peace Journalism (Lynch and McGoldrick,2005). The roots of Peace Journalism
stem from a study conducted by Galtung and Ruge (1965), which provided an
analysis of what makes foreign news ‘newsworthy’. The authors criticized that the
content of foreign news coverage was highly prejudiced and stressed the need for
alternative practices, later labeled Peace Journalism (ibid.; Lukacovic, 2016:1).
The model is defined in direct opposition to the characteristics of War Journalism.
11War Journalism is characterized by oversimplification: it focusses on the conflict
arena (two parties, one goal), and is fixated on visible effects of violence, such as
physical injuries, deaths, and material destruction (Lynch and McGoldrick,
2005:6). The reporting is event-based and reactive, meaning that it is focused on
violent escalations without contextualization, while the causes and outcomes of
the conflict remain unexplored (ibid.). Furthermore, War Journalism is
propaganda-oriented, dehumanizing, and highlights differences among the
conflict-parties. Pertaining to its zero-sum approach, it is victory-oriented,
implying that peace is achieved when one party wins. Lastly, it is elite-orientated.
Due to following the principle of objectivity, news give privileged access to the
accounts of official spokespersons, mostly “able-bodied elite males” (ibid.:6),
while neglecting non-official, and particularly minority, voices.
Contrarily, Peace Journalism seeks and explores complexity: it portrays the
conflict formation (numerous parties and goals) and focusses on invisible effects
of violence such as psychological or sociocultural harm (ibid.:6). The reporting is
process-based and proactive, meaning that it occurs before violent escalations and
contextualizes violence when it takes place. Further, the background, causes, and
outcomes of the conflict are explored (ibid.:6). All stages of the conflict are of
importance, including post-conflict stages. Peace Journalism further aims at
providing a platform for all parties and creates empathy and understanding, while
revealing untruths and wrongdoings on all sides (ibid.). Hence, while war-
journalism is characterized by omission, Peace Journalism aims at transparency
(ibid.:6). It considers similarities, and is people-orientated, meaning that
grassroots sources are seen as equally important as official sources. It provides the
room to explore how violence affects the day-to-day life of people and which
solutions to the conflict they propose (ibid.:240). Lastly, instead of allowing a
victory orientation, Peace Journalism is solution-oriented, by paying attention to
peaceful stories and initiatives (ibid.).
123.2 Challenges for Peace Journalism
While Peace Journalism is met with much approval from the academic field and
media practitioners, it is also confronted with critique. One main critique
condemns the model for being too detached from the reality of conflict reporting
as it is too dualistic. Conflict journalism is diverse, has often features of both War
and Peace Journalism, and cannot be clustered into merely two categories (Loyn,
2007:6; Ottosen, 2010). Kempf (2007a:7) criticizes the implied ‘advocacy role’
of journalists implied in the model and proposes that while a shift from the
violence-focused War Journalism would be desirable, journalists should remain
objective and detached to not compromise accuracy, a view further shared by
Loyn (2003) and Hanitzsch (2007:3). Lastly, a major critique has been directed at
the Peace Journalism model for being too individualistic, as it is underestimating
the structural conditions of news-production under which journalists and editors
operate (Hanitzsch, 2007; Hackett, 2006; Fawcett, 2002). Various theories exist,
such as the hierarchy of influences model (Shoemaker and Reese, 1996), the
propaganda model (Herman and Chomsky, 1988) or gatekeeping theory
(Shoemaker, 2009), that all, by looking at different aspects, outline factors
existing inside and outside media-structures that have particular influences on the
news-process and reporting.
The criticism regarding the individualistic nature of Peace Journalism has
been taken up in empirical research. Şahin and Ross (2012:1) found that Peace
Journalism “which assumes relative autonomy for journalists, fails to offer
effective tools to journalists who do not enjoy such freedom” and neglects
challenges related to national attachments: unlike foreign journalists, local
journalists “cannot simply step outside their nationally determined views on the
conflict” (ibid.:7-8). Findings from a study performed by Erbaysal Filibeli and
İnceoğlu (2018), exhibited that obstacles to the implementation of Peace
Journalism in Turkey include the relationship between power, media, and
ownership; the absence of media pluralism; censorship; and self-censorship.
Examining the practicality of Peace Journalism is the research field in which
this thesis is positioned. Since research on Peace Journalism is largely based on
normative reasoning, a gap exists regarding empirical research (Hanitzsch, 2004).
13Existent empirical research on Peace Journalism has been predominantly focused
on the analysis of news content, primarily through content analyses on newspaper
articles (Lynch,2013:19). Further research has included experimental studies on
how Peace and War Journalism is perceived by the audience, how it affects their
understanding of a conflict and empathy towards involved actors as well as the
psychological effects (Kempf, 2007b; McGoldrick and Lynch, 2014; McGoldrick,
2009). A gap can be identified, that while existing research about Peace
Journalism often focusses on news content and audiences, it is rarely explored
how those producing the news, such as journalists and editors, work in relation to
Peace or War Journalism. As noted by Lynch (2013:19), further (and particularly
qualitative) research is needed in examining the conditions for individual
journalists reporting on conflicts, addressing the facilitators and constraints they
face. This thesis seeks to contribute to closing this research gap.
3.3 Journalists Reporting on Conflict
I now turn to the research on journalists’ own perceptions of their roles, ideals and
working conditions in conflicts. Lohner and Banjac (2016) conducted an
interview study with 100 journalists from Egypt, Kenya, Serbia, and South Africa.
It revealed that the journalists understood themselves as watchdogs, as
investigators and teachers that contextualize the conflicts, as agents for social
change that capture the voice of the voiceless, and as agents for peace (ibid.:1).
Moreover, although these authors discovered that balanced, objective and truthful
reporting were primary ethical values, they were often heavily impacted by
personal biases (ibid.). The study concluded that the specific national contexts and
structural conditions profoundly impact the work practices, role-perceptions, and
ethics of journalists, but that there seem to exist cross-national similarities in
journalistic routines, roles, and values (ibid.).
This view is supported by Willnat, Weaver, and Choi (2013), who conducted a
survey study with 29,000 journalists from 31 nations and territories. They
concluded that journalists indeed share certain attitudes and perceptions across
nations, yet working conditions, material resources, professional autonomy,
14political pressure, and journalistic norms affect the journalists’ approaches heavily
(ibid.: 6).
A survey study by Hanitzsch and Mellado (2011) established that journalists
from 18 different countries perceived procedural and professional influences as
the most important influence on their work, followed by organizational and
economic influences, influences from reference groups, and political factors
(ibid.: 419). The perceived relevance of political and economic influences differed
greatly based on the national context (ibid.:416).
Lohner and Banjac (2017:2) conducted a study following up on their previous
work (Lohner and Banjac, 2016) that recognized that structural conditions of
journalism are possibly “challenging journalistic ideals in practice”. This study
investigated the existence and impact of structural conditions on journalists’ roles,
performance, and potential for conflict-sensitive reporting6 (ibid.). The findings
displayed that major structural constraints consist inter alia of repressive legal
frameworks, limited media freedom, political and economic pressure, safety-
related constraints, insufficient training on conflict-sensitive reporting, time
constraints, understaffing, and financial insecurity (ibid.:17). Lohner and Banjac
(ibid.) concluded that these factors are counterproductive influences on the
realization of normative ideals and the potential for conflict-sensitive reporting
(ibid.).
Though differing slightly in their findings, existing empirical studies relevant
to this thesis show that while there are similarities across country-contexts, role-
perceptions, ideals and working conditions for journalists are not globally
uniform, and differ profoundly dependent on economic, political, historical, and
context-specific aspects. Thus, it is vital to examine specific contexts to
understand the “realities journalists deal with on the ground, and the journalistic
processes behind news production” (Myöhänen, 2018:2). While there have been
specific studies about role-perceptions among Hong Kong journalists, their
professional values, and working conditions (Willnat, Weaver and Choi, 2013;
Serban, 2019; Yeung, 2019), no research has been conducted yet regarding factors
6
Conflict-sensitive reporting, conflict-constructive coverage and Peace Journalism are closely related terms
(sometimes used interchangebly) that describe a standard of reporting that is solution-orientated and utilizes
fairness and de-escalating language to report on crises, conflicts and wars (Kirchhoff, 2016:1).
15influencing the journalists’ reporting pertaining to aspects inside and outside the
media structure in one cohesive study, in particular, none that is focusing on the
context of the Anti-Extradition protests. This study thus offers a small, yet novel
contribution to empirical research pertaining to these issues in the context of Hong
Kong.
164 Theoretical Framework
This chapter presents the theoretical framework, which serves as a lens through
which the material is analyzed and interpreted. As previous research has
demonstrated, a multitude of factors exist that shape the working conditions of
journalists and impact the potential for Peace Journalism. In this thesis, Bläsi’s
(2004) model of factors influencing conflict coverage was chosen to formulate the
first set of operational questions concerning the factors shaping the coverage of
the Anti-Extradition protests. Peace Journalism, on the other hand, is utilized as a
theoretical lens to interpret the identified factors. Peace Journalism itself can be
understood as a movement aimed at reforming global journalism and its news-
values. This thesis, however, makes use of its theoretical aspects (which were
outlined in chapter 3.1) based on the analytical model outlined in Lynch and
McGoldrick’s book “Peace Journalism” (2005), which builds on Galtung’s initial
conceptualizations.
4.1 Model of Factors Influencing Conflict Coverage
The main reason for choosing Bläsi’s model is not only that it includes an
empirically based, comprehensive framework of factors influencing conflict
coverage, but further that it was established in relation to Peace Journalism. Bläsi
(2004:1) suggests that Peace Journalism will “remain irrelevant for the practical
work of journalists unless it is connected to the reality of today’s media”.
Accordingly, he argued for the need of examining influences shaping the news-
production process to determine which pre-conditions need to be taken into
account for an effort towards Peace Journalism. Based on previous media research
and thirty expert interviews with German journalists reporting on conflict, he
established a model of six factors influencing conflict coverage. stating that “any
factor that influences conflict coverage also has aspects that can impede the
17realization of peace journalism” (Bläsi, 2004:11). Consequently, this model was
selected to help identify influences shaping the coverage of the Anti-Extradition
protests.
The factors presented here constitute the categories and sub-categories guiding
the content analysis of the interview data. The factors have no chronological order
and are not mutually exclusive as they interact and influence each other. After
defining each factor, I will shortly outline how they can be interpreted in light of
Peace Journalism, to clarify the interpretation process of how I determined if the
factors identified in my interview material were hindering or facilitating Peace
Journalism7.
The first factor consists of the journalistic system, comprising structural
aspects of the media such as “type of media, existing formats and spaces, editorial
strategies and procedures, organizational structures, publishers’ expectations and
impact, criteria of news selection, media economy and legal parameters” (Bläsi,
2004:5). When there is for instance a lack of time and space, Peace Journalism is
difficult to conduct as it requires complexity in the depiction of the conflict and
thorough contextualization (Bläsi, 2006:64).
The second factor encompasses the individual features of the journalist, which
Bläsi (2009:2) describes as an “almost self-evident” influence as coverage is
shaped by journalists’ “personal attitudes, values, beliefs, motivation, experience,
and conflict competence”. A journalist with the motivation to use war as a
“stepping-stone in their career” (ibid.:4) and engages in sensationalism would be
more likely to conduct War Journalism, thus this motivation would be a hindrance
for Peace Journalism.
Another factor entails lobbies, information management, and propaganda.
This category entails the attempt of entities (such as policymakers, military, non-
governmental organizations, and churches) to control how they are covered by
media, by for instance providing their own interpretations of events (Bläsi,
2004:5). This can inter alia result in limited access to certain places or persons,
inaccurate or misleading reports, and withholding of information (ibid.). It is a
7
The examples I present here are not part of the model as such but merely examples Bläsi is using to
demonstrate how factors can be seen as counterproductive or facilitating for Peace Journalism. Their hindering
or facilitating effects are not solely based on their presence but depend on the context.
18hindering pre-condition for Peace Journalism if a conflict party can establish their
interpretation of events by blocking certain locations for journalists or censoring
them, making it impossible to check and refute information (Bläsi, 2006:153).
The fourth factor, situation on-site, entails all aspects relevant to the
conditions in the conflict-zone itself, such as “the access to places or sources,
infrastructure, censorship, restrictions on journalistic activities, security and
personal safety” (Bläsi, 2009:2). If journalists are experiencing severe safety
hazards or censorship, a peace-oriented coverage is hard to realize (Bläsi, 2009:4).
The fifth factor comprises the public climate (in one country regarding conflict
elsewhere), manifested in public attention given to the conflict and the scope of
coverage, the diversity of opinions, polarization, and attitude towards dissenters of
the dominant opinion (Bläsi, 2009:2). Public interest in a conflict can be positive
for Peace Journalism due to more space for news related to it. However, when
there is an official war discourse journalists can face sanctions for questioning and
diverging from this agenda (ibid.:4).
Lastly, the audience forms the sixth factor influencing conflict-coverage.
News-media content is in the end a product that needs paying consumers. The
audience consequently determines the coverage to some extent, for instance,
which topics tend to be included or excluded (Bläsi, 2004:5). This factor includes
the recipients’ “interests, expectations, habits, and purchasing behavior” (Bläsi,
2009:2). An audience that is impartial towards a conflict and its parties constitutes
a facilitator for Peace Journalism due to generally being more open to solution-
oriented coverage (Bläsi, 2009:4).
195 Methodology
In this chapter, the methodological framework of the study is introduced. I chose a
qualitative research design as it enables me to grasp and explore the participants’
subjective voices and views on the coverage of the Anti-Extradition protests in
Hong Kong (Creswell, 2009:8). Correspondingly, I make use of material that I
have collected through semi-structured expert interviews with journalists that
reported on the protests in Hong Kong. The material is analyzed with a directed
content analysis based on Bläsi’s (2004) model and interpreted in light of Peace
Journalism. This chapter outlines the data collection, material, the data analysis,
and finishes with ethical considerations of the research and the positioning of the
researcher. Throughout, I reflect on the choice of methods and offer a transparent
account of the limitations the chosen methods created for my research.
5.1 Semi-structured Expert Interviews
The data was collected through semi-structured expert interviews. Expert
interviews are conducted with persons possessing specific knowledge about the
subject under study, due to their particular professional position or experience
(Gläser and Laudel, 2010:12). The interview participants are mediums that give
the researcher insight about a particular issue, rather than being the object under
study (ibid.). In this case, the experts who serve as sources of specific knowledge
are journalists who reported on-site on the Anti-Extradition protests in Hong
Kong. The interviews focused only on their professional experience as journalists
during the protests.
The interviews were semi-structured, following a list of topics through an
interview guide, while still applying open-ended questions and leaving room to
follow new leads (Bernard, 2006:212). Semi-structured interviews were chosen
since they are particularly suitable when there is only one chance to interview the
20participant and facilitate making efficient use of the time available (ibid.).
Additionally, semi-structured interviews were fitting as they, unlike surveys
which provide pre-determined responses, enable new insights to emerge by
offering the flexibility to go beyond the interview guide (Kolb, 2008:144).
The interview guide8 was designed according to the theoretical framework of
Peace Journalism9. Due to the growing awareness of Peace Journalism, the term
was not used in the information letter nor the interviews, as it could have caused
participants to “answer in ways to appear objective and unbiased” (Neumann and
Fahmy, 2019:18).
Due to the current pandemic, traveling to Hong Kong to conduct the
interviews proved unfeasible. Consequently, telephone interviews were
conducted, which entailed certain advantages and disadvantages. The telephone
connection posed a challenge at times, leading to frequent interruptions and
difficulties understanding the participants due to background noises. Hence there
was a frequent need for clarification, which however ultimately did not pose too
much of a hindrance. The main advantage of conducting telephone interviews was
that it enabled both me and the participant to be in a comfortable environment of
our own choosing. The interviews were audio-recorded with the participants’
consent and later transcribed.10
5.2 Selection of Participants
Participants were chosen due to their expert knowledge of reporting on the Anti-
Extradition protests on-site in Hong Kong. Gaining access was complex:
Journalists whom I contacted by e-mail without having a mutual contact who
forwarded me did not respond. Consequently, this study relied on snowball-
sampling. I met one participant during a conference in February 2020. Access to
the remaining participants was gained through a pre-established contact from my
8
Appendix 2
9
Since Bläsi’s model was only chosen after the first interviews as the basis for the content analysis.
10
While transcribing, I recognized that I had misunderstood certain expressions or words during the interviews,
which changed the entire meaning of certain statements. This points to the importance of recording, personally
transcribing and reflecting on the content of the interviews to identify misunderstandings.
21exchange university in Hong Kong, who can be identified as my “gatekeeper”
(Creswell, 2009:125).
The final sample includes four participants, all professional journalists who
covered the Anti-Extradition protests on-site between June and December 2019. A
professional journalist is defined here as “a person who works (as an employee or
freelancer) for journalistic media and is involved in producing and editing
journalistic content or is otherwise in editorial supervision and coordination”
(Lohner, 2019:79). The participants will be described in general terms to
safeguard their identities. They vary in age, national background, years of
experience, and medium. The sample includes two local journalists from Hong
Kong, one from Singapore, and one from Mainland China. One of the journalists
is working as a freelancer focused on text and visual content, another as a
correspondent for an international news agency in Hong Kong. The remaining two
participants are video journalists: one is employed by an international news
agency in Hong Kong, the other is working as a freelancer.
The sample is not representative in relation to gender, as all participants are
female. However, as this study is of qualitative nature, it does not aim at
representativity. A male perspective could have nevertheless been beneficial as
gender-specific differences could have been explored.
5.3 Material
The interviews, which were conducted between April 13 and May 4, 2020, served
as the primary source of data. Each interview lasted around 70 minutes, resulting
in a total 4,5 hours of recorded data. The transcription produced 41 pages of text
which provided the textual material that was analyzed11. The data presents the
participants’ subjective perceptions and opinions and does not rely on facts or
evidence-based data. However, as this research attempts to understand which
factors journalists describe to influence their work, the subjectivity of the material
11
From the direct quotes included in the thesis I removed minor grammatical errors, repetitions, and filler words
for the purpose of clarity.
22does not pose a limitation. Nevertheless, as none of the participants were
employed for a pro-Beijing outlet, there is a chance that the material is lacking
different perspectives since journalists working for these outlets might experience
different influences on their work.
5.4 Data Analysis Method
To make sense of the collected data in light of the theoretical framework, a
directed content analysis (DCA) was applied. Hsieh and Shannon (2005: 1277)
describe it as an approach to qualitative content analysis, utilized to interpret the
meaning emerging from the content of textual data. Contrasting conventional
content analysis in which codes are derived from the data, the researcher
commences by deciding on a theory that serves as a basis for initial codes (ibid.).
However, data that is relevant for the phenomenon under study but does not fall
into the codes, is nevertheless identified to determine if it constitutes a new
category (ibid.:1282). Hence the research process is both deductive and inductive,
as it starts with an initial theoretical framework but leaves room to explore new
leads (ibid.:1283). That ultimately shows the main advantage of the DCA, as it
allows to either contradict or further “refine, extend and enrich the theory”
(ibid.:1283). Qualitative content analyses depart from the position that “simply
because a topic occurs fewer times does not mean that it is a lesser topic”
(Williamson, et al., 2018:463) and hence avoid relying solely on quantifying
dominant themes.
The coding framework was developed in line with Bläsi’s (2004) model of
factors influencing conflict coverage. As presented in chapter 4.1, the model is
already articulated in main categories (six factors) and sub-categories (indicators
of the factors), which could easily be transferred into a coding matrix.12 I took
notes after each interview to capture my first impressions. After transcribing, I
highlighted all text-passages that appeared to describe factors influencing the
coverage. The highlighted passages were then coded with the matrix
23encompassing the predetermined categories. The highlighted text that could not be
coded with the matrix was labeled as a new category according to the factor of
influence it described (e.g. national belonging). To ensure consistency, I repeated
the content analysis two months after with both the initial and inductively
identified categories and arrived at similar results while refining some of the
categories.
The identified factors and their effect on the coverage were then interpreted
with the Peace Journalism model to determine if they hinder or facilitate its
practice (as illustrated in chapter 4.1). Direct quotes from the participants were
embedded in chapter 6, to “give participants a voice in the outcomes while
contributing to the credibility and transparency of the research” (Roller, 2020:8).
5.5 Ethical Considerations
Ethical considerations play a significant role in this study as it oversees sensitive
data of the participants. The participants constitute a vulnerable group since
journalists have historically been exposed to threats and violence for voicing
opinions and bringing information to the public. The study is situated within a
politically tense context. Particularly after the introduction of the new national
security law in June 2020, the current state of press freedom and freedom of
speech in Hong Kong is unclear. As the researcher, I bear full responsibility that
no one is negatively affected by the research project by ensuring the protection of
the participants and shielding the data from possible misconduct13 (Creswell,
2009:89). I have done my best to live up to this responsibility by taking the
following measures:
Information about the participants and collected data was exclusively stored
on my personal computer to inhibit second or third parties from accessing the
data. Confidentiality is ensured through the anonymization of participants, who
12
The codes were identified inductively.
13
This study was reviewed by Malmö University’s Ethics Council and received positive feedback on April 9,
2020, stating that the study employs sufficient measures to protect the participants and shows great awareness of
ethical issues.
24will be referred to as journalist A-D. Other possible identifiers, such as details
about employers and age were removed as well.
Protecting the rights and needs of the research participants is of highest
importance (Chambliss and Schutt, 2019:72). The participants were provided with
an information letter14, which informed them about the purpose of the study, the
opportunity to withdraw their participation at any time, and the option of
contacting the Swedish Data Protection Authority with complaints. Further, it was
emphasized that the participants had full control over which issues were
discussed. Open communication is vital for interview research, as such I did not
pose any follow-up questions that would touch upon highly sensitive or possibly
traumatizing events and priorly asked the participants to tell me if I was
overstepping boundaries. Informed consent was given in written form, by signing
a consent form15 that was attached to the information letter.
5.6 Positioning of the Researcher
As the main instrument of data collection and analysis, I have a responsibility to
reflect on my position in the context of the research and the potential impact on
the study’s results and their interpretation (Chambliss and Schutt, 2019:233).
Having been in Hong Kong for an exchange semester in the fall of 2019, my
experiences affect how I understand and view the protests in general and different
actors involved in it. My position as a white, European woman, who has for the
majority of her life lived in Germany and Sweden, Western countries with
democracy as a granted circumstance, also impacts my view on the situation in
Hong Kong and my understanding of news media (being surrounded by
predominantly Western media and Western-centric theories about media).
Inevitably, this has shaped the interpretation of the material.
However, the research and writing process was reviewed by my supervisor
and fellow PACS students who could have identified any strong biases. By asking
14
Appendix 4
15
Appendix 5
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