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Lehigh University
Lehigh Preserve
Volume 36 - The United Kingdom On The Brink Of
Perspectives on Business and Economics
Brexit (2018)
2018
Make Great Britain Again: Populism And
Nationalism In Brexit
Nadine Elsayed
Lehigh University
Follow this and additional works at: https://preserve.lehigh.edu/perspectives-v36
Recommended Citation
Elsayed, Nadine, "Make Great Britain Again: Populism And Nationalism In Brexit" (2018). Volume 36 - The United Kingdom On The
Brink Of Brexit (2018). 3.
https://preserve.lehigh.edu/perspectives-v36/3
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Perspectives on Business and Economics at Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for
inclusion in Volume 36 - The United Kingdom On The Brink Of Brexit (2018) by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more
information, please contact preserve@lehigh.edu.Perspectives on Business and Economics, Vol. 36, 2018
MAKE GREAT BRITAIN GREAT AGAIN:
POPULISM AND NATIONALISM IN BREXIT
Nadine Elsayed
The Brexit vote brought to the surface salient political divisions
fortified by economic and cultural anxieties. This article explores
how proponents leveraged populist and nationalist sentiment
surrounding economic inequalities and immigration to convince
the UK to leave the EU.
Introduction and cultural anxiety. Brexit, at its core, was a
populist revolt. The way proponents framed the
Prior to the June 23, 2016, referendum discussion and subsequent vote, however, was
vote, European Council president Donald Tusk through a nationalist urge. Populism revolves
told the press that a Brexit movement in the around a vertical dimension—the down
UK would inevitably lead to the destruction versus the up—where a repressed people, the
of Western political civilization in its entirety majority, oppose a corrupt elite, the minority.
(“Donald Tusk…”). Although his statements at Nationalism, conversely, works on a horizontal
the time seemed hyperbolic, the historic move scale, where the likeness of a group is essential
to hold a referendum quickly turned into a to distinguish those who are in from those who
crusade of autarky as a campaign emerged to are out. Proponents of the Leave campaign
“take back control” and revert to times that intricately combined these two urges during
many viewed as more prosperous and familiar. Brexit, arguing for a pull upward while also
British voters and political parties were trying to navigate a horizontal plane in which
made to believe in deep atavisms of populism only certain groups would benefit. Hence, the
and nationalism as necessary steps to their Leave campaign attempted to alienate the EU
country’s success. Subsequently, a war rooted by arguing for a pull up and a simultaneous
deep in far-right ideology began between the pull far right.
citizen, the state, and the outside world. This reasoning holds a certain amount of
The Brexit vote was historic not only due irony since Britain has always been profoundly
to the magnitude of the decision made by the internationalist. Therefore, how did the UK
electorate but also because it brought to surface Independence Party and its Leave campaign
salient political divisions fortified by economic manage to twist and mold that global history
94into a basis for the isolationist nationalism it led to many of the difficulties the British
known as Brexit? This article explores how government encountered when faced with
the victory of the Leave campaign transcended the decision to join the EU in the twentieth
traditional political ideology by rooting itself in century.
strong populist and nationalist urges that date
back to when the UK first joined the EU and even The Awkward Partner
further back into the era of the British Empire.
Specifically, the focus is on how proponents By the 1960s, years after the peak of the
leveraged sentiment surrounding issues of British Empire, the economy in continental
economic inequalities and immigration to Europe was performing much better than the
convince the UK to leave the EU. UK’s (Menon and Salter, p. 1299). Due to a
historical desire to outpace West Germany and
What Made Great Britain Great? France and to prove British exceptionalism
once again, the UK applied to join the EU in
Over the span of several centuries, the 1961. It was promptly denied, with French
English government became the British leader Charles de Gaulle denouncing any
Empire through a worldwide system of idea of negotiations on the matter. A second
dependencies, where colonies, protectorates, application in 1963 was again denied by the
dominions, and other territories were brought French. It was not until eight years after the
under their sovereignty and administration. UK’s first application that unanimous consent
With 1,000 years of history deeply embedded from member nations allowed negotiations for
into the current world system, it is imperative British membership to begin. The UK officially
to first recognize the historical contingencies became a part of the EU in 1973.
that originally allowed the Leave campaign to Labeled infamously the “awkward
flourish under the guise of nostalgia. partner,” the British regularly negotiated
For much of the eighteenth and privileged positions of opting out of areas in
nineteenth centuries, the small island which they had no interest: Protocol 25 of
approximately the size of California grew to the Maastricht Treaty exempted the UK from
dominate world trade and governance. At its participation in the euro; Protocol 36 of the
peak, the British Empire was the largest empire Lisbon Treaty exempted the UK from European
in history and held the position of global fundamental rights legislation regarding
superpower more times than not. In 1916, the home affairs and justice; and Article 4 of the
British Empire represented 412 million people: Schengen Agreement exempted the UK from
25% of both the population of the world and abolished border controls between member
the total land area of Earth (Wrong, p. 46). states. From the beginning, the EU’s awkward
The hegemony became a microcosm of the partner carved out an advantaged position for
world itself that included people of every race itself, shaping a Europe congruent with its own
and creed. Hence, the phrase “the sun never preferences (Menon and Salter, p. 1298).
sets on the British Empire” was often used to Still, the relationship between the UK
describe its far-flung nature for the very reason and the EU remained a necessary partnership.
that British nationalism was anchored to the Britain needed Europe to ensure economic
empire, either by expansion of war, trade, or stability, especially since the continent is one of
religion (Wrong, p. 48). Britain’s highest export destinations. In 2016,
As the British gained prominence 44% of the UK’s exports in goods and services
economically, politically, and culturally, the went to countries in the EU (Ward, p. 5). At
empire became a vehicle for nationalism the same time, the EU often felt the benefits
as its success abroad translated to pride of London as one of the world’s top financial
and glory at home. Such a legacy does not capitals, with more than a fifth of Europe’s 500
dissipate overnight. Although the British largest companies headquartered in the capital
Empire eventually dissolved into autonomous (Ward, p. 6).
sovereign states, patriotism and love for a No matter the mutually beneficial
united kingdom did not fade away. In fact, symbiotic relationship, Euroscepticism weaved
95itself into British public discourse constantly. the referendum (Williams-Grut). On the other
In fact, critics characterized the very notion hand, the Leave side, led by Farage’s UKIP,
of Britain joining a federalized Europe back in campaigned heavily by leveraging politics of fear
1973 as “the end of a thousand years of history” with simple and powerful nationalist messages.
(Menon and Salter, p. 1301). Over time (explored Signs stating, “I want my country back” and
in detail later), a majority of the British “take back control,” were plastered across
electorate grew to view the EU as an imposing towns in the UK. The campaign represented an
foreign entity that forced them to surrender equivocation for a loss of national power, as the
their sovereignty and therefore their historic Leave camp grounded its message in nostalgia
nationhood. Subsequently, deep grievances for some version of a successful British past.
culminated across the island as political parties During the course of the Brexit campaign,
began to argue that withdrawal from the EU, the Leave campaigners regularly attacked the
rather than continued membership, would be Remain campaign by employing many shock
more in line with expressed British identity. and awe public crusades. Farage and UKIP
falsely claimed that European migrants were
UK Independence Party and Brexit using the National Health Service (NHS) for
expensive HIV treatment, told the president of
Right-wing Eurosceptic discourse found
the European Council Herman Van Rompuy
a voice in the UK Independence Party (UKIP),
that he had the “charisma of a damp rag” and
a party whose sole existence was to promote a
the “appearance of a low-grade bank clerk,”
British populist and nationalist agenda. UKIP
and famously broadcasted a red bus stating
rose to dominance with many British citizens
that Britain gave Brussels hundreds of millions
starting to reject conventional parties and a
of pounds a week (“Nigel Farage Insults…”).
broader political establishment that had too
Even after Farage’s plane crashed due to a
long ignored both their economic and cultural
UKIP promotional banner becoming entangled
concerns.
in the plane’s propellers, the UKIP leader was
Originally formed in 1991 as the Anti-
dedicated to removing the UK entirely from
Federalist League, the single-issue Eurosceptic
party was primarily led by the well-known the EU—in an interview with local media, he
Nigel Farage, a member of Parliament of the said the plane crash made him “more driven
southeast England constituency. Farage grew than [he ever] was before” (“The Nigel Farage
the party under his leadership by attempting Story”).
to influence the government’s decisions on Farage, however, was no catch-all
immigration and EU involvement. Hence, when nationalist; his appeal was concentrated in
Prime Minister David Cameron attempted to specific groups and was utterly alien to others.
settle an internal party dispute by promising a The Guardian reported that UKIP had virtually
national referendum on EU membership, UKIP no support among the financially secure and
naturally found its way into public discourse. the middle-aged university graduates who
In January 2013, Cameron promised dominated politics and the media. Essentially,
the public a simple Brexit ballot regarding UKIP hosted a revolt dominated by “white faces,
continued EU membership, yet complex and blue collars, and gray hair”; support was weak
emotional political campaigns ensued. The among women, white-collar professionals,
Remain side focused mainly on economic and the young, while ethnic minority voters
stability, citing that Britain would be “stronger, shunned the party totally (Goodwin and Ford).
safer, and better off” in the EU (Menon and UKIP was not just a political party. They
Salter, p. 1307). The campaign painted leaving were a symptom of far deeper social and value
the EU as a leap into a dark abyss of unknown divisions in Britain. The eventual results of
that would inevitably hurt British economic the Brexit vote—52% Leave to 48% Remain—
prosperity. The City of London agreed, with brought to surface these deep divides in the
business leaders from almost 200 companies electorate: young versus old, rural versus
signing a letter arguing against Brexit a mere urban, college educated versus those without
24 hours after Cameron’s original statement on degrees, rich versus poor, and white versus
96non-white. The manner in which UKIP framed Research). This demographic pattern reflects
its Leave campaign—through an intricate an educational divide, as well as a social
weaving of populist and nationalist threads— class divide, that exists in voting patterns.
exacerbated these divisions. The following These types of vertical divides combined
sections explain how economic inequalities with economic decline typically incentivize
and immigration worry were used as vehicles domestic political turnover, yet British citizens
to scapegoat the EU, the differentiating factor took their own country’s economic struggles
separating the then-glory from the now. and began to push the blame horizontally onto
a susceptible foreign scapegoat: the EU.
Those Left Behind Vote for Change UKIP attempted to create an economic
enemy out of the EU by leading voters to
The roots of the populist revolt can be believe that Britain was somehow subsidizing
traced back over decades. Divides in economic the rest of Europe. Farage’s red bus stating,
experiences left large segments of British “we send the EU £350 million a week; let’s fund
voters on the wrong side of developmental our NHS instead,” made its way from town to
change. Many Leave voters struggled with town during the Brexit campaign (“The Nigel
stagnant incomes, felt threatened by the way Farage Story”). Its plastered cry to “take back
their communities were changing, and became
control” by voting to leave the EU insinuated
furious at established political parties that
that Britain was no longer benefiting from its
appeared not to understand or even care about
historic mercantilist model and instead needed
their concerns (Goodwin and Ford). Together,
to turn inward for economic success. Nationalist
these factors alienated particular communities,
impulse couched in populist concerns dates
specifically those who benefited the most
back approximately five centuries, when the
from the heyday of labor-intensive industry
Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm
and postwar social democracy. According
of England touted that Britain “must always
to the Institute for Public Policy Research
take heed that we buy no more from strangers
Commission on Economic Justice, half of all
than we sell them, for so should we impoverish
households in the UK have seen no meaningful
improvement in their incomes for more than ourselves and enrich them” (Stafford). The
a decade (IPPR’s…, p. 2). The fact that only Leave campaign attempted to showcase that
London and the southeast region of the UK Brussels and the EU were enriching themselves
have fully recovered from the 2008 financial while impoverishing those in the UK. The
crisis ostracizes rural areas that have not seen apparent lack of autarky fueled the anger
that type of economic recovery at all. Only a behind economic inequalities and drove those
fifth of the public think that the way the British who were economically disenfranchised to the
economy works is fair, with average workers’ ballot box in droves.
pay dramatically decreasing while directors of Those who find themselves at the sharp
companies’ pay is increasing by more than 47% end of a series of economic changes and
(Schmitt et al., p. 74). stress unsurprisingly arrive at an antagonistic
Polarized living standards and varied political self-identification that is couched
economic lifestyles thus followed citizens into in negative cultural reaction. UKIP benefited
the ballot box. Studies of exit polls made by the from this populist insurgency by channeling
British Election Study find that nearly 49% voters’ frustrations and promising a populist
of semi-skilled workers, unskilled workers, pull upward. Yet populism, by definition, pits a
and those reliant on state welfare payments virtuous and homogenous people against a set
voted to leave the EU due to economic anxiety of elites or dangerous others who are together
(Schmitt et al.). A similar study by the British depicted as depriving the sovereign people
Social Attitudes team found that 80% of those of their rights, values, prosperities, identity,
with a higher education degree voted to remain and voices (Albertazzi and McDonnell, p. 2).
whereas those with a General Certificate of Farage won over these voters because they felt
Secondary Education or less voted to remain left behind by Britain’s rapid economic and
by only 30% (National Centre for Social social transformation (as shown by the British
97Election Study) but he still needed to navigate London” (Doyle).
the nationalist’s horizontal plane of strictly If these portrayed criminal immigrants
outlining who is included in that definition of were not stealing physical materials from
“virtuous and homogenous people.” Therefore, British citizens, they were presumably stealing
although voters may have found an economic their benefits. The Express claimed that “the
voice in UKIP, they needed to find a “dangerous average family of unskilled migrants cost the
other” to exclude from the nationalist UK £30,000 a year, once tax, public service
narrative, and they found the perfect contender use, and benefit payments are considered” yet
in immigrants from the EU. the report produced by the Express did not
balance their research with the positive effects
The Dangerous Other that migrants have on public finance and how
economically beneficial they are to the country
UKIP argued for Great Britain to become as a whole (Ruhs and Vargas-Silva). A study by
“great” again not by removing economic an Oxford University Migration Observatory
hierarchies or by redressing the economic research team found that in reality there is
injustices suffered by many in rural areas but no significant impact on unemployment or
by shifting blame for all ills onto the foreign average wages for British citizens by overall
other. For UKIP, the scapegoat for this type
immigration into the UK (Ruhs and Vargas-
of thinking was often immigrants, especially
Silva). (Katherine Wu’s article in this volume
from the EU. The political party used language,
of Perspectives further explores how incorrect
such as “spiraling,” “floodgates,” “besieging,”
UKIP’s presented statistics on immigration
and “swamping,” to describe outsiders who
were.) Nevertheless, demographic warfare
had infiltrated their society and threatened
continued as UKIP successfully bracketed
the majority’s rights (Seaton). This idea of a
millions of immigrants into a single identity,
persecuted majority fuels a type of majoritarian
demonizing a collective group as the “other”
nationalism that claims the UK is under siege
and constantly painting them as a people beyond
by enemies and must be “taken back.”
an average British person’s understanding.
UKIP normalized its politics of fear and
exclusion by representing it as a defensive This type of purposeful attack on
reaction to the threats supposedly posed by immigrants had a profound effect. Studies
European immigrants to the security of the conducted by British Social Attitudes found
nation as well as the collective British identity. that issues associated with citizens’ sense of
The most effective way UKIP broadcasted national identity and cultural outlook were
these nationalist messages was through media significantly associated with vote choice.
discourse, which was 75% anti-European The study found that 73% of those who saw
(Seaton). Having the British press at UKIP’s immigration as a “growing concern to Great
defense changed the dynamic of the Brexit Britain’s culture and identity” voted to leave
vote, especially with issues of immigration. the EU (National Centre…). Furthermore, the
The readers of the Daily Mail, the Telegraph, perceived identity of those polled also made a
and the Sun received intense Leave persuasion difference in response. The study found that
and accounted for four times as many readers no less than 92% of British citizens who said
than the Guardian, the Independent, and the they identified as European wanted Britain to
Financial Times, which published opinion continue to be a member of the EU. On the
articles mainly supporting a Remain vote other hand, those who identified as strictly
(Martinson). Therefore, anti-European English, rather than British or European, had
rhetoric found its way into almost every great support for leaving the EU (National
headline on newspaper stands: the Express Centre…). Remain voter Beverly David told
featured a story claiming that “half of all rape the study that “people in London have a
and murder suspects in some parts of Britain different identity. We are Londoners first, then
are foreigners” (Sheldrick) and the Daily European, then British” (National Centre…).
Mail included a headline saying that “More With some London boroughs voting close to
Than 30,000 Europeans a Year Are Arrested in 80% Remain, it is easy to see how identity—
98Figure 1
Word Cloud of What Mattered Most to Leave Voters
Source: Prosser et al.
whether foreign or native—made a difference history. Even Winston Churchill’s son touted
in the attitudes of voters. After the vote results that “immigration has to be halted to defend
came out, British citizen Julius Beltrame said, the British way of life” (Storry and Childs). As a
“I’ve never felt less British and more Londoner” result, UKIP and other nationalist parties could
(National Centre…). easily reimagine the nation’s self-identity by
Similarly illustrative of the central promoting the deep, horizontal comradeship
importance to the Brexit outcome of national that only common language, culture, and
identity and anti-outsider attitudes, the British customs can arouse in British citizens. By
Election Study created a word cloud of the directing the electorate’s economic and populist
language used by survey respondents about the grievances to the dangerous other, embodied
reasons for their vote preferences (Figure 1). by the EU, UKIP fostered a nationalist culture
The size of the text reflects the relative number that no longer resided only in the domain of the
of times Leave voters used each word when far-right. The party brought nationalism from
answering, “What matters most to you when the fringes to the mainstream, continuing to
deciding how to vote in the EU referendum?” purposefully alienate the EU through negative
The findings show extraordinary consistency. narratives of immigration that amplified
Immigration leads the list by a long margin, economically rooted populist angst.
followed by control, country, sovereignty, laws,
and borders (Prosser et al.). The Difficulties of Creating
At the core of UKIP’s identity politics a “Truly Global Britain”
was a movement in search of a homogenous
Britain. Alarmed by the perceived downfalls Populist and nationalist sentiment
of heterogeneity and hybridity, nationalists surrounding economic inequalities and
in the party crafted a narrative of us-versus- immigration was not left at the ballot box
them that would eventually reconfigure the after Brexit. Half a year after the vote, newly
island as narrowly British while alienating appointed Prime Minister Theresa May has
those who did not fit their version of expressed attempted to maneuver the complicated
British identity. UKIP knew the importance of waters between a “hard” or “soft” Brexit in
aliens and outsiders to the formation of group the midst of bitter civic and political opinions
consciousness; it had existed throughout that plague negotiations and planning for the
99implementation of the UK’s exit from the EU. sentiment may serve as restrictions to limit the
May has tried to convey to the nation that the scope of May’s globalist goals for negotiations.
result of the referendum was not a decision to
turn inward and retreat from the world but No Island Is an Island,
rather was “the moment the country chose to Entire of Itself
build a truly global Britain” (Department for
Exiting the European Union). Although she In June 1940, the Evening Standard
said the UK is proud of its European heritage, published a comic by David Low on its front
she claimed that the nation has always been a page. The drawing depicted a heroically isolated
country that has looked beyond Europe and British solider on the White Cliffs of Dover,
to the wider world because “Britain’s history fighting against vicious waves of the channel,
and culture is profoundly internationalist” and featured a three-word caption: “Very Well,
(Department for Exiting the European Union). Alone” (Low). The cartoon was commenting
Indeed, over several centuries, havens for on the fall of France to Nazi Germany and
British ideology have existed all over the the prospect of a war that could end in either
world, whether through imperial, religious, “surrender, starvation, or subjugation”;
or economic expansion. Still, can the UK nevertheless, the soldier stood tall…and alone.
This type of national resoluteness
actually become a global Britain post-Brexit
resurfaced in the Brexit vote. Popular culture,
as May hopes the country to become? How
politics, and economics have always boasted a
does a country position itself to become more
“finest hour” reflex in British history, but the
globally oriented when populist and nationalist
bouts of populist and nationalist morale present
sentiment drove the country to become more
in the Brexit vote took the world by surprise.
isolationist in the first place?
A barrage of disapproval emanated from the
Furthermore, May wants to create this new
international community: one Swiss newspaper
and equal partnership between Europe and an
asked, “What in the world has happened to this
independent, self-governing, global Britain that
country?” (Zaschke); a German radio station
is “strong, confident and united at home,” yet
called Brexit the “biggest political nonsense
the UK is still strongly divided. The Brexit vote since the Roman emperor Caligula decided to
exacerbated the social and cultural divisions in appoint his horse Incitatus as consul” (Boland);
British society, leaving the path ahead of May Japanese media called Britain an “outcast”;
riddled with hurdles to overcome—politically, Poland depicted the nation as “an offended,
socially, and economically. Politically, the spoiled child” (Cortazzi); Pakistan headlines
British Social Attitudes team found that described the British lion as possessing “more
both the Conservative and the Labour parties of a moan than a roar” (Husain); and another
were virtually equally split on the issue of German newspaper called the UK “the laughing
leaving the EU, whereas the UKIP base voted stock of the world” (Stephens). A nation once
by almost 100% to leave the EU (National lauded by its neighbors for its relentless and
Centre…, p. 86). How will negotiations play impenetrable steadiness now struggles to
out internationally in Brussels if domestically keep May’s promise of becoming a “strong and
parliamentarians cannot agree on the merits stable” UK.
of the very decision they are negotiating? As argued, the victory of the Leave
Socially, 75% of voters under the age of 30 campaign in Britain was underpinned by
voted for a future in Europe whereas 61% economic and cultural anxiety that transcended
over the age of 65 voted against (National traditional ideological lines. The aversion to
Centre…, p. 12). How can the ideological international bodies such as the EU was based
differences between the varying age groups be on populist and nationalist tribalism, drawing
reconciled? Economically, May must also take on the perception of nationhood, sovereignty,
into consideration the parliamentary concerns and the need to protect historic British
of Scotland, which voted overwhelmingly to identity. Although UKIP and other right-wing
stay in the single market of the EU. All aspects parties often caricaturized complex realities,
considered, inherent populist and nationalist they essentially sold a romantic and exclusive
100Downton Abbey age of economic prosperity alienating the EU from those benefits.
and traditional values. The problem that May There are only 20 miles of water separating
must face now, however, is how to take those the White Cliffs of Dover from continental
anxieties and channel them into a successful Europe. The next two years of negotiations on
Brexit negotiation. UKIP promised a UK that Brexit will determine whether or not that 20-
would benefit from a populist’s pull upward mile stretch completely severs the island from
economically and a nationalist’s pull to the right the proximate continent. In an ever-increasing
culturally. May will most certainly struggle globalized world, Britain will soon ask itself
to keep that promise, especially if it means whether or not an island can truly be an island,
fundamentally restructuring her government entire of itself, alone.
to aid the electorate economically while also
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