JOURNAL - THE VARIED RECORDS OF HISTORY - THE HUNGERFORD & ASSOCIATED FAMILIES SOCIETY INC.
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Journal
of
The Hungerford &
Associated Families
Society Inc.
The varied records of history
ISSN 1036-2223 Volume 15, Number 4 – November 2020
Journal
of
The Hungerford &
Associated Families
Society Inc.
Volume 15 Number 4
November 2020
The varied records of history
Contents
Editorial Charles Sherlock
1
‘An Authentic Tale’ Pauline Tyrrell 2
Origins of the Irish Hungerfords: new evidence Peter Sherlock 14
HAFS Letters: 1896 - 1916 Lesley Greenwood & Pauline Tyrrell 25
Cover photographs
Left: Daisy (‘Dadum’) Lillian Tyrrell (E.2.4a.8b), one of the letter writers
Right top: a letter from Perle Wilkinson (E.4.4a.5b), written in 1897
bottom: a 19C map of the Persian Gulf, site of ‘An Authentic Tale’
© Hungerford & Associated Families Society Inc. 2020
https://www.hafs.org.au
Editorial
H istorical research, when well done, works carefully and thoroughly with
the records that do exist. Scouring the past to try and ‘prove’ already held
ideas about people, politics, philosophy, culture or whatever, is ideology rather
than genuine historical enquiry. Yet even the best research must continually be
open to revision, since records are always incomplete, and fresh insights into
how they may be read emerge as new material becomes available. This edition
of HAFS Journal, more than any other I can recall, illustrates the importance of
refreshing the historical record.
Pauline Tyrrell (E.2.4a.10b.1c.2d=) opens this issue by re-telling a nineteenth
century experience of what today would be called ‘terrorism’. In doing so, she
carefully preserved the account’s opening pages, while making an originally long
and detailed tale into a length manageable for readers today.
The second article, by the inuagural Editor of HAFS Journal and Newsletter,
Professor Peter Sherlock (E.4.1a.6b.5c.1d.2e), shows the process of histori-
cal re-visioning in some detail. As he acknowledges, in 1999 he changed his
mind about the origins of Thomas Hungerford of Rathberry. Now, after finding
evidence in diverse library records, he has changed it again – back to his initial
view of 1994! In the email accompanying the article, Peter writes, “This is a
really important piece of research in Hungerford genealogy, as the evidence
(while on the internet or in the National Archives for years / centuries) has never
been noticed before. It is a game-changer.”
Official records mostly concern formal information about people. Letters, how-
ever, show us something of their personality, interests, enthusisams and preju-
dices – and are often the source of information about community and social
history. Sadly, the rise of electronic communication means that ‘real’ letters
are much less written, let alone kept, so using those we do have is of growing
importance.
Lesley Greenwood (E.2.7a.3b.9c.1d) and Pauline Tyrrell (E.2.4a.10b.1c.2d=)
have spent much skilled time transcribing significant letters from the HAFS
Resources Centre. Most record details of home life – outings, school, anniver-
saries, church, interests – and show relations’ relationships; the final one gives a
participant’s view of World War I. All contribute to social and community history.
Do you have access to HAFS-related records that you believe should see the light
of day? Please contact the Society via the website, www.hafs.org.au.
Charles Sherlock AM (E.4.1a.6b.5c.1d)
Editor
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 1
‘An Authentic Narrative’
Edited by Pauline Tyrrell (E.2.4a.10b.1c.2d=)
T his is a fascinating tale, and for a while I have been thinking about condens-
ing the story into a version we all could read. Rowland Walpole Loane
(L.XI) wrote the original in the English of the time - 1804. The book is listed as
being in the public domain, so sections may be reproduced.
I have left the front pages of the book (shaded in light blue) as they were origi-
nally set, and in the same format, retyping them exactly as written. q
Right: the Persian Gulf in
the early 1800s. Source:
BBC News Magazine.
Below: the Persian Gulf
today. Source: Encylopedia
Britannica 2011.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 2
AUTHENTIC
NARRATIVE
OF THE
LATE FORTUNATE ESCAPE
OF
Mr. R. W. LOANE
WHO WITH
Captain ROBERT YOUL, Mr JOHN FLOWER, Two European SEAMEN and
ELEVEN NATIVES,
WAS CAPTURED BY
THE AZA ARABS,
Whilst undertaking the recovery of a packet thrown overboard from the H. C. Cruiser
FLY,
WHEN TAKEN BY
LA FORTUNE,
IN THE PERSIAN GULPH;
WITH THEIR
SUBSEQUENT SUFFERINGS, DURING THEIR CAPTIVITY AT EG-MAUM, AN
ABODE ON THE ISLAND OF KEN:
ALSO,
AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR JOURNEY ON FOOT,
UP THE PERSIAN COAST,
TO NAKILOOi,
THEIR RECEPTION AT BUSHEAB,
AND FINAL ARRIVAL
AT BUSHIRE
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 3
TO THE HONORABLE
JONATHAN DUNCAN
President and Governor in Council,
Ec. Ec. Ec.
HONORABLE SIR,
ENCOURAGED by the Protection and Countenance you have shewn me, as the
almost only surviving Sufferer in the late unfortunate Service in the Persian Gulph, I
have been so far emboldened as to take the Liberty of Dedicating to you, a concise
and correct Narrative of our Proceedings and Misfortunes, since we left Bushire, on
the Expedition, for the Recovery of the Fly’s Packet, until our Return to the
Presidency of Bombay. Permit me to observe, Honourable Sir, that I have accurately
related every Incident that occurred within my Knowledge, with a strict Adherence to
truth. Though they may not be sufficiently interesting to claim the Attention of those
whose easy Situation scarcely admit of a just Idea of the Sufferings of the unfortunate,
unembellished and unadorned as it is, I beg Leave to submit it to your candid
Attention and Perusal; and if it in any Mode conduces to your Amusement, it will
gratify my highest Ambition; a farther Motive for prefixing your Name to the present
Dedication, is the private Satisfaction of
Honorable Sir,
Your most obedient
And very humble Servt.
R. W. LOANE.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 4ADDRESS TO THE READER
To warn the future travellers or navigators to, or near the inhospitable shores, on
which my untoward fate so lately cast me, and from which I so providentially
escaped, from similar misfortunes to my own, is my sole reason for detailing the
ensuing Narrative; a wish that my disasters may be the means of preserving from a
like, or perhaps, a worse fate, those who may follow in my footsteps, by shewing the
necessity of arming their vessels sufficiently to repel any attack from these piratical
barbarians, has naturally overcome the diffidence and timidity so inseparable from a
first introduction to the literary world, and compelled me to trust to the candour of the
public, the first, and most likely, the last production of my pen; at the same time
entreating them to consider it, not as the author’s intention, to render it merely a work
of amusement, but of real use and benefit, particularly to the commercial part of
society.
Writing with these views, I surely am not too presumptuous, in hoping that any
deficiency in florid-style may be excused, even by the censorious critic, for the
disinterestedness of my motives.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 5Copy of a Letter from Wm. Bruce, Esq. Resident at Bushire, to the Honorable
Jonathan Duncan, President and Governor, etc. etc. in Council.
I have the honor to acquaint you, that several gentlemen have arrived here, (whose
ships were taken by La Fortune, Captain Le Meme, viz. Shrewsbury and Nancy,) one
of whom, Mr. Flower, was passenger in the Honorable Company’s cruiser Fly, when
Captain Mainwaring ordered the packet to be thrown overboard; in consequence of
which, three of these gentlemen, Messrs. Flower, Loane and Youl, have volunteered
their services, and jointly purchased a vessel, for the express purpose of searching for
the packet; and I sincerely hope they may meet with success.
With due submission, Honorable Sir; allow me to mention these gentlemen’s zealous
endeavours for the benefit of the public service, is deserving of the favourable notice
of Government, and I hope particularly, as they have been sufferers, by being
captured, it will pleas in their behalf, and that they will meet with a reward adequate
to the service they are going to undertake.
I have permitted two of the Fly’s Europeans to proceed on board their vessel, to assist
in steering her.
Tomorrow, the dow I have engaged to convey the crew of the Fly to the presidency,
will leave this, at which time I shall again do myself the honor of addressing,
And, I have the honor to be,
Honorable Sir,
Your most obedient humble servt;
(Signed) Wm BRUCE
Bushire, Oct 20, 1804
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 6A t daylight on the 14th October [1804], Rowland Loane was then chief officer
of the Shrewsbury, when the crew noticed a vessel riding at anchor to the
south west, under St. George’s colours and pendant. They immediately assumed
that the sighted vessel was a British man of war. But then they noticed that two
of the boats were pulling and sailing towards them – concluding from this the
extreme probability of her being an enemy cruiser. As the Captain of the Shrews-
bury was on shore, Rowland ordered that all the treasure freight they had taken in
at Bussorah into their pinnace be sent on shore to the acting resident, at Bushire,
to prevent its falling into enemy hands. Within 10 minutes they had been boarded
by the men in the boats which had come from a French privateer called La For-
tune, which was under the command of Monsieur Le Meme. Resistance was fruit-
less as there were only nine hands on board, so Rowland decided that to avoid
endangering lives it was better to give in and not fight. Rowland was then taken
aboard the La Fortune and taken ashore at Bushire.1
Also at Bushire at the time were a Captain Youl, late commander of the Nancy,
which was captured off Muscat, and John Flower, who was a passenger on the
cruiser Fly when taken by La Fortune off the Island of Ken. Whilst at Bushire,
John Flower told the others that when the Fly was sunk he had taken very accurate
bearings on the Island of Ken, as to where a packet was sunk – this packet obvi-
ously being very important. He wanted to recover this packet and proposed to
take us as“the sole and equal partakers in the expense, toil and future advantages
that might result from so very precarious and important an adventure”.2 It was
agreed, and they purchased a buggalla, fitted her out, and found a crew consisting
of two European seamen and eleven natives – a total of 16 men. They sailed from
Bushire on the 21st October and anchored off Ken on the 25th, immediately com-
mencing their search, finally finding the packet after three long days.
On the morning of the 30th October they left Ken and headed down the Persian
Gulf intending to make a direct passage to Bombay in India. But about noon
on the 1st November they observed two large dows, which then started to bear
down on them. They were soon overcome and nine of the crew of 16 who
did not jump overboard were severely wounded; Youl and Loane were also
wounded but not seriously. Luckily, they had the Shrewsbury’s long boat towing
astern, and the pirates’ attention was solely on plundering the buggala, so they
were able to clamber into the boat and head for the shore, then about 10 leagues
away (some 50-75 kilometres!).3
1 Bushehr or Bushire, now the capital of Bushehr Province, Iran.
2 Page 4 of the record.
3 A league is a unit of measurement. It was common in Europe, but is no longer an
official unit in any nation. It can be anything from 5- 7.5 kilometers.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 7But the pirates noticed what was happening, gave chase, and they were captured
and taken aboard the dow – stripped naked and thrown in the hold. Eventually
they were given a shirt, trousers, and kept in the hold for two days and nights.
During this time, they were tormented with the likelihood of being killed, but
eventually realised that they were being kept alive to be sold as slaves. Taken
ashore at the small village of Egnaum, they were left on the beach overnight
without shelter or covering. In the morning they were moved to a hut about a
mile in the desert, where they were under a constant state of fear, surviving only
on dates and brackish water until some compassionate women sympathised with
them and frequently supplied the men with a little fish, vegetables and rice. All
agreed to be guarded in the local language and conduct, as under Mahometan
law if a Christian should offer to raise his hand in anger against a Mussulman,
death was the penalty. During their initial escape they had managed to hide
some money and pearls which they divided amongst themselves.
During this time Rowland Loane assumed the title of Hakim hoping to profit
from his medicinal abilities, which he put to good use treating Sheik Abdallah –
the Egnaum chief – and after this their daily diet improved considerably. They
were also allowed to erect a tent from the buggala’s sails.
T heir plight as slaves was once again rearing its head. Soon Abdallah entered
their tent attended by various slave merchants. Their cook was sold for thirty
dollars. Then their Gentoo carpenter was led away from them, and he did not
survive many more days in captivity. But there was light at the end of the tunnel.
During this period of desperation and misery, a Wahaby chief arrived at Egnaum.
He had become acquainted with Mr. Manesty, the Honorable Company’s4 Resi-
dent at Bussorah, and was aware that Sheik Abdallah held some English captives,
so they were brought before him. After much discussion he persuaded the Sheik
to give the captives their freedom. Four days later the Sheik informed them that
it was his intention to go out on a cruise and he would take them to the Island of
Ken, from where they would be able to procure a boat for Bushire. The ‘packet’
was returned to them as the Sheik had decided it was of no value to him, but he
demanded to keep the sextant belonging to Rowland.
On arrival on the Island of Ken they were landed on the west side, and Sheik
Abdallah gave them provisions of a bag of dates “for our provisions, as happy
I dare say to get rid of us, as we were to quit a mercenary wretch, from whose
avaricious machinations, mothering but a dread of future chastisement could
4 In 1763 the Arab governor of Bushere granted the British East India Company
the right to build a base and trading post there. It was used as a base by the British
Royal Navy in the late 18th cemetery. In the 19th century, Bushehr became an
important commercial port.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 8possibly have preserved us”.5 They were left without shoes and their clothes
were almost rags, which was not ideal to walk more than four miles to reach a
village situated on the east end of the island. Once there they met Sheik Useph,
the principal man on the island, and asked for assistance with a boat to ferry
them to Charac,6 The Sheik agreed to accommodate this request, but advised
that it would take a short time to repair her, and “he accommodated us with a
house adjoining his own, where we took up our residence, and were supplied
from the Sheik’s own table, with every convenience which the island afforded”.7
Whilst there it was decided to open the packet that they were carrying, so the
contents could be dried. After all the exposure to salt water, the despatches and
enclosures were spread on the beach to dry, being turned regularly. At night they
were gathered up again, so the dew could not affect them, and in the morning
the process started again.
T he cries of men, women and children alerted them to the fact that the
island was under attack by Joehasem’s fleet. Consequently, the Sheik
loaded the only two boats on the island with his valuables, wives and children,
and as many of his people as he could take on board, and set sail. There was
no escape, so they dug a deep hole in the earth and deposited the packet. The
group found a hiding place in a cavern that was well hidden near rocks, but
still had a good view of whatever was passing on the east side of the island. At
9 in the morning the attackers landed and plundered the town of “everything
valuable enough to remove till night, when they only quitted this employment
to plunge into riot and debauchery.”8
During the day two events had raised their spirits. The first of these was the
appearance of a square-rigged vessel. This was the Shannon (brig), the property
of the Company’s resident at Bussorah, commanded by Captain Babcock, who
they found out had been badly injured, (losing his arm) during a gallant defence
against the pirates. The other event was the noise of artillery on the N.W. part
of the island. This was an engagement between four of the pirate boats and the
boats belonging to the Sheik. The battle raged for a quarter of an hour, till the
boat the Sheik commanded was set on fire, and shortly after blew up, followed
by his other boats. Some survivors swam to shore and informed them that the
Sheik had been killed early on, and that the boats had been intentionally burned
to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy.
5 Page 36 of record.
6 Charac – a small town on the coast of Persia.
7 Page 38 of record
8 Page 40 of record
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 9They remained in their hiding place for two nights and a day, without food or
water, but soon needed to find some water. Eventually, a well was discovered, but
it was very deep, and they used their shirts tied together to raise some water for
them to drink, before returning to their hiding place. But still the raiders did not
leave, and they remained in the cave for a further two more days and nights. By
day five they had to leave the safety of the cave, as they were starving, but luckily
came across some wild fig trees, the fruit partly allaying their hunger. Next, they
came across some old ruined houses, where they found some goats, which were
easily caught as they were heavily laden with milk. After entering the old build-
ings, they found them nearly as secret and infinitely more comfortable than their
old one among the rocks. Here they managed to “drag one of the fattest of the
flock into our new place of abode, and took the liberty of putting him to death, in
order to supply our daily sustenance”.9 With the help of an old razor and a piece
of flint they managed to start a fire and grilled the flesh of the goat.
On the night of the 8th, they were alarmed by the appearance of a number of
Arabs approaching their dwelling with torches, but luckily they changed course
at the last minute. The next morning, the pirates left, leaving them as the sole
inhabitants upon the Island of Ken.
T he job at hand was to attempt to build a raft so they could leave the island.
The village was the source of half-burned timbers from the ruins of the
town, and by sunset the raft was finished. However, after launching it they soon
realised that it would not carry above four at a time with safety, so they agreed
to cast lots to see who should go over first and send a boat for the rest. “The lot
fell to Mr. Flower, who choosing two seacunnies and a lascar to accompany
him, parted with us next morning.”10
While those left behind were waiting, a boat from Collat (a village to the west-
ward of Charac) anchored close to the town, but luckily they were friendly and
Youl and Rowland bargained for passage for the whole crew, for the price of
four dollars. They agreed, and the packet was retrieved from the hiding place
in the sand, and by 2 o’clock they left the island, arriving at Collat early in the
evening, where they found the rest of their party had arrived earlier. A Persian
woman gave them accommodation and food for the evening, and the next day
they decided to trek about 30 miles to Cheroo, the nearest town.
The journey was not easy; they encountered very steep mountainous country,
separated by a lush green valley. One of the group had to be left behind, “plac-
ing him under the shade of an overhanging precipice, and leaving him a share
of dates and water, we quitted him with heavy hearts, at being thus obliged to
9 Page 51 of record
10 Page 56 of record
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 10abandon one of our unfortunate crew, after having suffered so many hardships
together.”11
Finally they arrived at Cheroo about 10 o’clock in the night, exhausted and
fatigued. An alarm was given by some of the inhabitants: they were quickly
surrounded and taken to the Chief’s house, and he ordered that they were pro-
vided with provisions, which included dates and cold boiled rice. Sleep was
on mats beneath the lee of a boat on the beach. The next morning the Chief
despatched a search party for the crew member that was left behind en route.
The Chief was asked for a boat to convey them to Bushire, which he said he
would think about. In the meantime, he gave them a small house adjoining his
own to live in.
Sadly, the search party returned with the news that their companion had died.
More bad news followed. The Chief had a change of heart, and the small house
was to be returned to the cow that had previously lived there, so once again they
were back on the beach. They had no shelter from the heat of the sun during the
day, and the rain at night. They stayed at Cheroo for eight nights, and despite
having asked for assistance, none was given, so before day light they headed
towards the next town.
After a long day’s walk, they reached the next village, and a fisherman they met
offered them accommodation in a loft where he was storing his sails. The next
morning they met the Sheik of this village, and he informed them that a “boat
might possibly sail in a day or two, for Bushire, and that if we had a mind to
wait for it, he would permit us to take a passage in her”.12
Rowland did not trust the Sheik, and he suggested that they immediately pro-
ceed towards Nakiloo, about eleven miles away. There was no agreement in the
group on this course of action, so Rowland and one of the European seaman left
by themselves for the walk to Nakiloo, arriving about 4 in the evening. They
immediately waited on Mahomet Agy, the chief of the town, and asked for his
help. He told them his superior, Sheik Rhamah, was away and he needed to
consult with him before any decisions were made. In the meantime, he supplied
them with mats, fish and rice, before they retired for the evening. The new day
arrived with wonderful news – a boy came to the house informing us that there
“were other Fringies approaching the town”13 – our companions had joined
us! Mahomet Agy welcomed them with food, he was showing himself to be a
benevolent man.
11 Page 67 of record
12 Page 84 of record
13 Page 88 of record
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 11T he next day I met with him to discuss whether he was able to assist us, as
he had received a letter from Sheik Rhamah concerning his future conduct
towards us. His orders from his master instructed him “to provide us with every-
thing that was necessary and requisite, while we remained at Nakiloo. That in
a few days more he would despatch a boat to convey the Europeans, part of the
crew, over to the Island of Bushead, where he would accommodate them with a
residence until he would have a boat prepared for their conveyance to Bushire.
The natives, he said, must take their passage to Muscat, in a dow that was then
laying there, and which would sail in the course of 2 or 3 weeks.”14 They waited
for four days, before being informed that the Sheik wanted one of us to come
over to the Island, and suspicion set in. Everyone agreed that two men should
go, and this fell to Rowland and Youl, leaving the packet in the safe keeping of
Flower and the two European seamen.
By noon the boat was ready as they headed for the beach, where there was a very
rough surf which made it impossible for both of them to get into her together.
Suddenly, Mahomet Agy seized Captain Youl in his arms, carried him through
the surf, placed him in the boat, and immediately shoved her off. Rowland was
stunned, but was assured that another boat would be coming for him. But on his
return to the rest of the group, Mr. Flower asked if Rowland had received the
packet, as Mahomet Agy had just been with him, and said Youl and I had sent for
it. Flower had handed it over without suspicion. Rowland then went to Mahomet
Agy and confronted him. “He answered with a contemptuous sneer, that it was
utterly immaterial to me what his reasons were, since he was determined not to
give it up ... I rushed upon the deceitful scoundrel, and seized him by the collar.”15
Mahomet quickly shook him off and drew his creese16 and threatened him with
instant death, but this did not happen. Rowland held his ground and tried to nego-
tiate, but to no avail. Defeated, he returned to his companions in the hut, but sud-
denly he, Flower and the two seamen developed a severe fit of fever and ague,17
and they stayed in this state for two days, unable to eat or drink the brackish water,
that was being supplied to them. Mahomet Agy visited them for the first time
since the quarrel, apologising for what had happened, and returning the packet
– which had been unopened. But their health had not improved, and they spent
several more days in this terrible state, whilst also worrying about the fate of Cap-
tain Youl. But a letter finally arrived, stating the fact that a boat was being sent to
bring them all over to the Island. Youl had also had the fever.
14 Pages 90, 91 of record
15 Page 97 of record
16 Creese – a knife
17 A burning fever, with hot and cold fits – most probably malaria.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 12T he next morning, after breakfast, they embarked and landed on the Island
between 4 and 5 in the evening. A meeting occurred with Sheik Rhama and
he said that as soon as they were well enough, he would arrange a passage for
them to Bushire. Overjoyed, they returned to their dwelling to rest, where they
spent a comfortable night, or as comfortable as their sickness would allow. For
several days they were not well, but finally they decided it was time to leave.
The Sheik provided all they needed, and with a boat provided they left the
Island, but they were not well.
About 4 o’clock in the evening, about ten leagues from the Island, Rowland
became very ill, his fever had returned and in was in a state of delirium for a
considerable time. Youl watched over him and about four hours later feeling a
little better, only to find his companions looking even worse than they had done
the day before. Youl in particular was very ill “poor Youl’s fate I had for some
time seen could not be far distant, as I sat by him all night, and could but too
clearly see him alter for the worse every minute”. About 4 in the morning, just
as a storm had passed, Youl died. The Arabs on board insisted that the corpse
should be thrown overboard immediately, and although Rowland objected, this
occurred, within sight of Bushire. They were to lose another member, Simms,
about 9 o’clock the same morning.
Once they arrived in Bushire, they were too weak to walk and needed to be car-
ried to the factory, where Mr. Bruce (the acting Resident) provided them with
beds, clothing, and all else they needed. “To his care also we committed the
Honorable Company’s packet.”18 Sadly, although there was a Doctor looking
after them, Flower died four days later.
O nce he had recovered enough, Rowland took advantage of the arrival of the
Honorable Company’s cruizer, Queen, from Bussorah, bound to Bombay,
and sailed on the 18th January. With him went the packet “which had been the
cause of so many disasters, and which had occasioned the death of three out
of five of us, and nearly so of us all.”19 The Queen was accompanied down the
Gulf, as far as Cape Musseldom by the Honorable Company’s cruisers Morn-
ington and Antelope, to protect them from attack by pirates.
After parting company with these vessels, we had a very pleasant passage to
Bombay, where we arrived on the 5th of February, and on the same day I had the
honor of delivering to the Honorable Jonathan Duncan, the Honorable Com-
pany’s packet, which had cost us so dear in recovering from oblivion.20 q
18 Page 116 of record
19 Page 118 of record
20 Page 118 of record
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 13Sources:
Map of the area in the nineteenth century:
https://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-magazine-monitor-29761017
Map of the area in recent times:
https://www.britannica.com/place/Persian-Gulf
Record of the voyage:
R.W. Loane, Authentic Narrative of the fortunate escape of Mr. R. W. L., who,
with Captain R. Youl, M. J. Flower, and eleven natives, was captured by the
Aza Arabs in the Persian Gulph: also an account of their journey on foot up
the Persian coast. John Flower British Library, Historical Print Editions, 1805
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 14Origins of the Irish Hungerfords:
new evidence
By Peter Sherlock (E.4.1a.6b.5c.1d.2e)
O ne of the greatest mysteries in the Hungerford family history is the origins
of the Hungerfords of Ireland, and how they are connected to the medieval
English Hungerford family.
The ancestor thought to be the progenitor of the Irish family is Thomas Hun-
gerford (d 1681), who settled in Rathbarry parish, County Cork, and through
his Irish-born children became the ancestor of Hungerford families from Ireland,
England and Wales to North America, India, Australia and New Zealand.
Like many HAFS members, I descend from Thomas of Rathbarry through his
great-great-great-grandson, Captain Emanuel Hungerford (1785-1872), who
emigrated to Australia. Captain Emanuel was twice descended from Thomas of
Rathbarry, for his parents were third cousins.
Table 1: The descent of Emanuel Hungerford (1785-1872)
Thomas Hungerford (d 1681) of Rathbarry, Cork
___________|____________
| |
Richard Hungerford (d 1729) Margaret Hungerford
| |
Thomas Hungerford (d 1715) Ann Knolles
| |
Richard Hungerford (d 1784) Ann Daunt
| |
John Hungerford (d 1802) = 1771 = Ann Daunt (d 1805)
|
Emanuel Hungerford (1785-1872) to New South Wales 1827
There is no conclusive evidence of Thomas of Rathbarry’s birth or parentage,
and so for descendants of the Irish Hungerfords the family tree ends here. We
cannot trace his descent from Sir Thomas Hungerford (d 1397), first recorded
Speaker of the House of Commons, or from Walter, Lord Hungerford (d 1449)
who fought with Henry V at Agincourt.
For around two hundred years, successive generations of historians have tried to
establish the link. My additions to this tradition were published in HAFS Journal
2/3 (1994) and again in HAFS Journal 5/2 (1999). Recently, I have found new
evidence about Thomas’s origins. First, let’s rehearse what we already know.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 15Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry (d 1681)
T homas Hungerford of Rathbarry makes only a few appearances in con-
temporary historical sources. First, in 1640 he took out a licence in the
Church of Ireland Diocese of Cork and Ross to marry a woman named Mary
May. Unfortunately, the original marriage licence bond does not survive, but its
existence is recorded in the indexes to the Irish Marriage Licence Bonds at the
National Archives of Ireland which is available online.1
Thomas and Mary (May) Hungerford had seven known children: sons Richard,
John and Thomas; and daughters Elizabeth, Anne, Jane and Margaret. Their
many grandchildren bore the surnames Hungerford, Daunt, Poole, Hewitt and
Knolles, all well-known Protestant families in Cork.
In 1659 Thomas Hungerford was recorded in a quasi-census of Ireland as one
of the ‘tituladoes’ (property owners) in the Barony of Ibawne and Barymore. He
was described as resident at the townlands of Croanogh and Gortigrenane in the
parish of ‘Rathbury’.2
We know of only one document written in Thomas Hungerford of Rath-
barry’s own hand. This letter survives in the Egmont papers at the British
Library and is dated at ‘Rathberry’ on 10 October 1675.3 It was addressed to
Robert Southwell (1608-1677) of Kinsale, Cork.
The letter contains a wonderful genealogical clue, for Thomas asks South-
well if he would “profer my due respects to my lady parcevall and my Cozen
Southwell”. “Lady Parcevall” refers to Robert Southwell’s daughter Cath-
erine (1637-1679), widow of John Perceval, while “Cozen Southwell” is
surely Robert’s wife, Helena Gore (c 1610-1679).
In the same collection of papers survives a rental receipt from May 1679 which
records “Captaine Hungerford” as renting the “Lands of Dundedy in Glacone”
from the Percival family for the sum of £40.4
Finally, Thomas of Rathbarry made a will dated 3 December 1680. The will
itself does not survive, but abstracts of it do which state that it was witnessed by
William Hull, Adam Clarke (a neighbour), and Achilles Daunt (Thomas’s son-
in-law). The will went to probate on 6 March (1680) 1681 in Cork.5
1 http://census.nationalarchives.ie/search/dm/home.jsp
2 https://www.irishmanuscripts.ie/product/a-census-of-ireland-circa-1659/
3 British Library, Additional Manuscript 46952
4 British Library Additional MS 46956A folio 112
5 Until the mid-eighteenth century, the English counted the change of year from 25 March,
not 1 January, hence the double date given here for clarity.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 16In 1857, long after his death, a monument to Thomas of Rathbarry was erected
at Ross Cathedral by his descendant and namesake. The epitaph claimed that
he died on 2 March (1680) 1681 and that he was descended from Sir Edmund
Hungerford of Down Ampney in Gloucestershire, England through the Hunger-
fords of Lea, Wiltshire.
Thomas Hungerford and the Irish Rebellion of 1641
T hese facts have long been known. New evidence has now come to light
enables us to place Thomas Hungerford in Cork during the tumultuous
events of the Irish Rebellion of 1641, the war between Ireland’s established
Catholic population and more recent English Protestant colonists.
In 1641 a vast series of depositions were taken to record witness testimonies,
mostly by Protestants, about the Irish Rebellion and its alleged atrocities. The
manuscripts have been a key historical source for many centuries, and some
years ago were transcribed and made available online by Trinity College
Library, Dublin in the Irish Depositions Project.6
Within this extraordinary collection is the deposition of Ann Sellers of Cork,
taken on 4 October 1642. She first described how she had been robbed of goods
worth £139. She went on to narrate how, “on or aboute Candlemas last” (2 Feb-
ruary 1642) the famous Irish rebel John Barry had led a force of 500 or 600 and:
beseidgd the said castle of Downededy and tooke the same vpon
quarter the who hauing tak’n this deponent, & diuers others, the
said John Barry cald vp to mr Richard Hungerford gouernour of
the said Castle, wishing him also to come downe, or else, he would
quarter the deponent & others, & soe serue them vp in dishes to
him; which said Richard Barry when he was come downe, the said
John Barry calld him treacherous rogue & rascall & told his two
sons, that they should rather haue bound their father & so haue
made him to giue vp the castle, and that they should not haue turn’d
rebbells too: in which Castle the said deponent was kept prisoner a
weeke, and after escapt to Rathbarry Castle for refuge.
What an extraordinary scene. In February 1642, one Richard Hungerford,
father of two sons, is the British Protestant governor of Dundeady Castle, and
unsuccessfully attempts to defend the castle against Irish Catholic rebels led
by John Barry.
Dundeady Castle is in the parish of Rathbarry, in the heart of the lands occupied
by the Hungerfords across the mid seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries:
6 1641.tcd.ie
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 17it is ten kilometres to the southeast of the town of Ross where Thomas Hunger-
ford of Rathbarry is buried, and about twelve kilometres southwest of the island
of Inchydoney.
Could it be that Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry was one of the two sons of the
Richard Hungerford mentioned in Ann Sellars’ deposition?
Fortuitously, another – anonymous – account of this incident in February 1642
is recorded in the manuscripts at Trinity College Dublin:
And that very same night the rebels took the castle of Donnemeas,
where Mr. Richard Hungerford, his two sons, and his daughter-in-
law, were taken prisoners, with three men and eight women and chil-
dren, who were afterwards ransomed by my Lord of Kinalmeaky.7
The Hungerfords’ rescuer, Viscount Kinalmeaky, was a younger son of Richard
Boyle, Earl of Cork.
In 1641, one of the sons of Richard Hungerford of Dundeady Castle was mar-
ried. This fits perfectly with the known facts about Thomas Hungerford of Rath-
barry, who had married Mary May in 1640.
There is also a reference from January 1642 to an “Ensign Hungerford” who
rode to Ross to plunder the town and take prisoners.8 Perhaps this is a reference
to Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry, or to his brother, the other, unnamed son
of Richard Hungerford of Dundeady Castle.
The Irish Hungerford connection: a new theory
S ignificantly, Thomas Hungerford and Mary May named their eldest surviv-
ing son ‘Richard’, further evidence that Thomas was the son of Richard
Hungerford of Dundeady Castle.
In 1642 Richard was a rarely used Christian name in the Hungerford family.
The only adult Richard Hungerford living in the first half of the seventeenth
century was a son of Anthony Hungerford (d 1639) and his wife Israel God-
dard, perhaps named after his mother’s uncle, Sir Richard Verney.
He was alive by 1599 when he was mentioned in the will of his grandmother,
Edith (Strange) Hungerford, and his paternal descent from the Hungerfords
of Farleigh Hungerford Castle through the Hungerfords of Down Ampney is
well attested. This Richard would have been the right age in 1642 to be the
father of two sons, one newly married, and is the best candidate for Richard
Hungerford of Dundeady Castle.
7 Mary Hickson, Ireland in the Seventeenth Century (1884) Volume 2, 381.
8 Herbert Webb Gillman, ed., “Siege of Rathbarry Castle, 1642”, Journal of the Cork
Historical and Archaeological Society, second series, Volume 1, No 1 (January 1895) 1-20.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 18Table 2: The descent of Richard Hungerford
Thomas Hungerford (d 1397) of Farleigh Hungerford
|
Walter, Lord Hungerford (c1378-1449)
|
Edmund Hungerford (c1410-1484) of Down Ampney
|
Thomas Hungerford (d 1494)
|
John Hungerford (d 1524)
|
Anthony Hungerford (d 1558)
|
Thomas Hungerford of The Lea, Wiltshire
= Edith Strange (d 1603)
|
Anthony Hungerford (d 1639) of Hankerton, Wiltshire
= 1575 Israel Goddard
|
Richard Hungerford (living 1599),
probably governor of Dundeady Castle 1642
A new theory for the origins of Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry can therefore
be considered, one drawn from the very midst of the terrible circumstances
of violence and tumult of mid-seventeenth century Ireland. This theory is in fact
an old one – it is the theory I originally proposed in 1994 (HAFS Journal 2/3).
The new theory fits well with older evidence, such as the 1729 will of John
Hungerford of Lincoln’s Inn, England, which was for many centuries the only
known source connecting the Irish and English Hungerfords. John of Lincoln’s
Inn had no children and, after providing for his widow Mary, left bequests
of several hundred pounds to Richard Hungerford (d 1729), the eldest son of
Thomas of Rathbarry, to Richard’s wife, their children and grandchildren. John
described Richard as his “near Kinsman” and “cousin”.
John Hungerford of Lincoln’s Inn was born in 1657 and baptised on 28 October
1657 at Charterhouse Hinton, Somerset, just a couple of miles to the east of
Farleigh Hungerford. John was the son of Richard Hungerford and Anne Price,
who were married on 10 December 1656 at Bath Abbey. John’s father Richard
was perhaps the father of two daughters baptised at Charterhouse Hinton to a
Richard and Elizabeth Hungerford – Elizabeth in 1649, and Mary in 1650 –
about whom nothing further is known.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 19The origins of John’s father, Richard, are unclear. Noting how unusual the name
Richard Hungerford was, and that for John Hungerford of Lincoln’s Inn to have
been a “near kinsman” of the Irish Hungerfords there must have been a close
connection to Thomas of Rathbarry, the simplest explanation is that Richard
Hungerford of Charterhouse Hinton was the other son of Richard of Dundeady
Castle mentioned in the 1642 deposition.
Table 3: Suggested Family of Richard Hungerford
Richard Hungerford (living 1599) governor of Dundeady Castle 1642
|
Thomas Hungerford (d 1681) Richard Hungerford
of Rathbarry of Charterhouse Hinton
= 1640 Mary May = 1656 Anne Price
| |
Richard Hungerford (d 1729) John Hungerford (d 1729)
of Inchidoney of Lincoln’s Inn
An old theory disproved
I n 1999 I changed my mind to argue that Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry
was the son of Fulke Hungerford (d 1620), the elder brother of Richard Hun-
gerford of Dundeady Castle (HAFS Journal 5/2).
Fulke Hungerford’s will of 1620 mentioned his children Henry, George and
Susanna, and an unborn child. The name and fate of this unborn child is not
recorded. My previous theory was that Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry was
this child, born posthumously to Fulke and Avis Hungerford.
Furthermore, Fulke’s wife Avis was the daughter of Sir George Ivy (d 1639) of
West Kington, Wiltshire, and Susan Hyde. If Avis was the mother of Thomas
Hungerford of Rathbarry, then Thomas and Helena Gore of Kinsale could be
cousins through Susan Hyde (mother of Avis Ivy) and Catherine Hyde (mother
of Helena Gore).
Table 4: Family of Fulke Hungerford and Avis Ivy
Anthony Hungerford (d 1639) George Ivy (d 1639)
m Israel Goddard m Susan Hyde
|
Fulke Hungerford (d 1620) m Avis Ivy
_______________|_______________
| | | |
Henry George Susanna Unborn child 1620
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 20Two pieces of evidence now rule out the theory that Thomas of Rathbarry was
the posthumous child of Fulke Hungerford and Avis Ivy.
First, in 1999 I proposed that Helena Gore’s mother Catherine Hyde was the
daughter of Nicholas Hyde. Nicholas was son of Laurence Hyde (d 1590) of
West Tisbury, Wiltshire and brother of Susan Hyde who married George Ivy.
This genealogy is incorrect. The Southwell family monument at St Multose’s
Church in Kinsale, Cork, erected around 1680, provides details of Helena’s
ancestry. The epitaph not only explains that she was the daughter of Robert
Gore but also provides details about Helena’s mother’s ancestry:
Here also lieth Catherine Gore, mother to the said Helena, and
sister to Sir Arthur Hyde, of Castle Hyde, knt. who died upon the
7th day of July, 1638.
Catherine and Arthur Hyde’s parents were Arthur Hyde (d 1600) of Castle
Hyde, Cork and his wife Elizabeth Pates. They were Elizabethan colonists
thought to be from Denchworth, Berkshire. Arthur Hyde was resident in Cork
as early as 1589 when he possessed 12,000 acres of land, and that his household
was comprised of himself, his wife, and his children Arthur, Susan, Ellen and
“Katheren” as well as many servants.9
Ancestry of Helena Gore Southwell
Thomas Gore
Helena Gore Robert Gore of Great Sherston,
(d 1625) Wiltshire (d 1603)
(c1613-1679)
m Robert Southwell Edith unknown
(1608-1677) Arthur Hyde of Castle
Catherine Hyde
of Kinsale, Cork Hyde, Cork (d 1600)
(d 1638)
Elizabeth Pates
This means that Avis Ivy, formerly proposed as mother of Thomas Hungerford of
Rathbarry, was probably not related to the Hyde, Gore and Southwell families.
A son sues his mother
F ascinating new information has now emerged about Avis Ivy herself and
her family. This not only rules her out altogether as Thomas Hungerford’s
mother but shows there were other Hungerfords living in Ireland in the 1640s
besides those in county Cork.
9 The National Archives, London: SP 63/144 folio 226ff
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 21In October 1654 a case in the Court of Chancery in London was instigated by one
Henry Hungerford against Avis and Walter Backhouse.10 The bill of complaint
explains in detail the fate of Avis and her children after Fulke Hungerford’s death
in 1620. According to Henry Hungerford, his father “Fowke Hungerford” left
“a verry good personall estate” valued over £500, including bequests of £50 to
Henry and his brother George Hungerford, with the residue of the estate provided
to Henry’s mother and Fulke’s widow, Avis Hungerford.
Henry went on to explain that his brother George Hungerford was a successful
merchant who lived in Persia for six years, accumulating property worth over
£2,000. When he returned from Persia, George lived with his mother Avis and
died at Holborn, London in 1640. Avis then moved to Ireland, taking with her
not only the property left to her by her husband Fulke, but also the wealth accu-
mulated by her son George. Henry’s complaint was that he had never received
the £50 due to him under his father’s will, and that his mother had appropriated
his brother’s estate.
In a reply to the bill of complaint dated March 1655, Walter Backhouse provided
further details about Avis’s life. He stated that the value of George Hungerford’s
estate in 1640 was only about £100. After George’s death Avis “transported
herself” to Ireland where she married “one Purcell an Irishman and Catholike”
from Kilkenny. Shortly after the marriage, “the Rebellion” broke out in Ireland
between the Irish people and the English army. Purcell was killed by soldiers,
and Avis had her wealth confiscated by “the Rebells”. Avis was then said to
have married twice more in Ireland, to English Army officers, both of whom
died leaving her “little or noe estate”.
Finally, in about 1652 Avis married Walter Backhouse, who was at least her
third and possibly her fifth husband. Walter claimed that she had only forty shil-
lings to her name, and that her jointure was tied up in her former husband Pur-
cell’s lands. By 1655 the Backhouses had moved from Ireland back to London.
Fulk Hungerford: a new Irish Hungerford
A s is often the way with early modern legal records, we do not know wheth-
er Henry Hungerford won his case against his mother and stepfather Back-
house. Henry was still alive in 1661 when he himself was sued in another legal
matter. It is as yet unknown whether he married or had children.
We have no further information about the final chapters in Avis’s remarkable
life. The fact that Avis went to Ireland would seem to tie in beautifully with the
thesis that she was the mother of Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry. In 1640
Avis’s son Henry Hungerford appears to have been living on his father’s or
10 The National Archives, London: C6/42/107
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 22grandfather’s lands at The Lea and Garsdon, Wiltshire. Her second son George
Hungerford had just died in London. A move to Ireland to be with a third son
would fit with this.
Here we return to the collection of depositions from the Irish Rebellion. These
include a deposition by Elizabeth Dowdall of Killfinney, Limerick, dated to
1642. Dowdall describes the murder of her servant ‘Fulk Hungerford’ by Irish
rebels whilst attempting to reach the English army. The name is unique. Sure-
ly this ‘Fulk Hungerford’ was none other than the son born posthumously to
Fulke and Avis Hungerford in 1620 or 1621. His untimely end in 1641 placed
him as one among tens of thousands of violent deaths which took place in this
tumultuous period, and which had long-lasting political consequences.
Avis Ivy
born c1596, England to Sir George Ivy and Susanna Hyde
m c1615 Fulke Hungerford
m c1640 unknown Purcell
m c1654 Walter Backhouse
living 1654
Children:
1. Henry Hungerford c 1616 (living 1661)
2. George Hungerford c 1618-1640
3. Susanna Hungerford c 1619-1622
4. Fulk Hungerford c 1620-1641
Future avenues for research
I n light of the new evidence presented above, Thomas Hungerford of Rath-
barry was almost certainly the son of Richard Hungerford of Dundeady
Castle and grandson of Anthony Hungerford of Hankerton, Wiltshire, thus
providing a line of descent right back to the medieval English Hungerford family.
Thomas could not have been the posthumous son of Fulke Hungerford and Avis
Ivy, as this child may now be identified as Fulk Hungerford who died about
1641 or 1642 in the Irish Rebellion while in the service of Elizabeth Dowdall
of Limerick, Ireland.
Many new questions now arise.
When did the Hungerfords first arrive in County Cork? It now
seems entirely possible that Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry was
not an emigrant, as long assumed, but was born in Ireland.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 23When did Richard Hungerford die after he was ransomed by Lord
Kinalmeaky? Was his life taken elsewhere in the tumultuous events
of 1642, or did he live on, perhaps returning to England?
If Richard Hungerford of Dundeady Castle had two sons in 1642,
then who was their mother? There is a marriage at Bricklehampton,
Worcestershire, in 1629 of one Anne Kimber to Richard Hunger-
ford, who is very likely Richard of Dundeady. The couple would
have been first cousins: Richard’s aunt Dorothy Hungerford was
Anne’s mother. But 1629 was too late for a marriage which had
produced two adult sons by 1642.
How was Thomas Hungerford of Rathbarry related to “Cozen”
Helena Gore Southwell? Perhaps his mother was a member of the
Hyde family of Cork, or of the Gore family who hailed from Sher-
ston, Wiltshire, just a few kilometres from Farleigh Hungerford
and Charterhouse Hinton.
H appily, as we wait for future evidence to emerge which might prove
Thomas of Rathbarry’s parentage for once and for all, a large chunk of his
descendants may take consolation from another recent discovery.
It turns out that Captain Emanuel Hungerford was indeed a direct descendant
of the medieval Hungerford line, not through his paternal line but through his
grandmother Mary Cranfield Becher, whose ancestry I have recently traced to
Mary Hungerford (1468-1533), wife of Edward Hastings and heiress of the
Barons Hungerford, Moleyns and Botreaux.
But that’s another story. q
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 24HAFS Letters: 1896 - 1916
Lesley Greenwood (E.2.7a.3b.9c.1d) and Pauline Tyrrell (E.2.4a.
10b.1c.2d=) have been transcribing significant letters held in the
HAFS Resource Centre. Of those here, six are from the decade
1896–1904; a longer one describes wartime life in France 1915-16.
Ethel May Wilshire to her brother,
Beecher Sealy Hungerford1
Mooriwarra,
Mosman
November 9th, 1896
My dear Jim,
Many happy returns of the day to you my dear – I expect you will think it about
time I wrote to you, but there never seems any news, or anything worth writing
about as I do not see very much of the Kilowen2 people and even so they write
and give you all the news, not that there is much of the latter at the best of times.
We have just returned after a day’s outing to Balmoral and a lovely day we had.
Although, there seemed to be a chapter of accidents. Most of the party consisted
of youngsters aged from 15 to 2 and a half and 1 year, so you may imagine the
few adults of the party had their work cut out to superintend the young people’s
behaviour. I asked Roly3 and Orpen4 to come over, and they were here at 8.30
this morning being afraid of being too late. I dread to think of the unearthly hour
they must have had mamma out of her drowsy nest. Any way they came and
have just gone home. Roly wanted to get back in time for school tomorrow so
they would not stay all night as I wanted them to do.
As regards accidents, they and we escaped free, but one of the boys gave his heel
a horrid cut on a piece of glass, hidden in the sand, so he was laid up for the rest of
the time and had to be wheeled home in a perambulator. Second, another boy got
a bilious fit and was sick over everything, then to make the poor kid worse, a Bull
Dog [?] bit him in two places, third, the youngster of 2½ years age got lost and the
rest of the party were searching for him everywhere [only] to find that two boys
had rescued him and escorted the little reptile home; the rod is the medicine for
that offence – so you see we have now had quite an uneventful day.
1 Ethel May Wilshire (E.6.13a) and Beecher Sealy Hungerford (E.6.14a)
2 ‘Kilowen’, Ashfield NSW, is the property owned by her father Thomas Hungerford (E.6).
The family lived here after they left ‘Baerami’ in the Upper Hunter Valley.
3 Roly is Ethel’s second youngest brother, Roland (‘Roly’) George Dunmore Hungerford
(E.6.16a) 1883-1961.
4 Orpen is Ethel’s youngest brother Orpen Moore Hungerford (E.6.17a) 1886-1976.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 25Enid Harwell was to have come but the young nipper did not turn up for some
reason or other – I went up to the Harwell’s yesterday afternoon and had the
pleasure of a solitary talk to Enid. All the others being out. Stella out walking
with her young man, Mr Cambridge and Mrs Harwell being gone for a walk. Mr
Cambridge seems very nice and gets a good screw,5 which is a great consider-
ation now-a-days. They are thinking of being married I fancy about the middle
of next year.
Molly6 went to Blackheath on Friday. Cousin
Marion7 wrote asking her to go up for some
dance to be held tonight and that she would pay
her train fare up. So, of course the offer was not to
be refused. Molly seems to have a rare pay time;
she goes about such a lot now that she writes for
the “Sun” and seems to enjoy herself thoroughly.
Rosie8 is back from Ceylon – the climate there
being too much for her equilibrium, I think. She
intends staying at Kilowen now so the home
is what you might call rather “too comfortably
full” as always seems to be the case. With that
same mansion, rumour has it that Tom is to be
married at the end of this or early next month,9
but it has not come to rumour yet as to what they
A page of Ethel’s letter.
are going to live on or where they are going to
live – Perhaps we shall hear that later on.
Mrs Beamish10 is also at Kilowen, having come down for a change and Papa
returned from Brisbane about a week ago having gone there on business for
the bank. There is no more news, so I must say good bye. With much love and
best wishes
Your affct Sister
Ethel
5 “a good screw” refers to earning a good wage.
6 Molly is her sister Mary Kate Hungerford (E.6.12a)
7 Cousin Marion is a mystery. Marion Louisa Hungerford (E.2.9a), who married John Forbes
Davidson in 1883, is unlikely, as her husband was in jail in Darlinghurst at the time.
8 Rosie is Ethel’s sister. Rose Hungerford (E.10a)
9 Thomas Hungerford (E.6.9a), Ethel and Beecher’s brother, who married on 11 August 1897.
10 Alys Beamish (H.1a) was the first child of Henry Jones Hungerford. She married Francis
John Beamish in 1877 in Ireland. They were in the process of divorcing when he died
in 1897, and she moved to Australia. Alys then married her sixth cousin, Kenneth Stuart
Hungerford (E.6.8a) on 4 January 1898, a year and half after this letter was written.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 26Perle Wilkinson1 to Miss M Hungerford2,
‘Kilowen’, Milson Street, Ashfield, 18963.
My dear Mabel,
I don’t think there is much hope of us meeting as you seem to be always
engaged. I have heard that Ellies horse [? boy ?] is a beauty and would like very
much to see it. Give Dadum4 my love and tell her I will be only too glad to have
her to travel up with but I don’t know when I am going up but for a few weeks
I think I would that be too [?]ed?
I was asked on board the “Australia”
to afternoon tea by Captain Grecon
last Saturday week but had promised
elsewhere and then I was asked to
spend the day with Mrs Grecon last
Wednesday and had sick headache. I
am going down to apologise tomor-
row. You know Friday was my birth-
day and I got a lot of presents. Daw
sent me a gold brooch with “Perle” on
it and I got also a hat, dicky-up, photo
The letter from Perle Wilkinson to Mabel Hungerford.
frame, bangle and last-but-not-least, a
silver heart on a gold chain. Mrs Day lets me ask boys down to tea whenever it
pleases me to do so and I walk home with them on Sundays.
My best love to Daisy and yourself,
Believe me
Your affect. cousin5
Perle Wilkinson
We are going to have a small evening here soon. I have written home for my
white dress. I am going to the all-schools sports next Saturday and am going to
ask one or two of the Croppbacks[?] to tea.
__________________
I feel it my duty to tell you that Billy6 has grown a moustache, 3 on each side
and 2 in the middle. [Pencil drawings follow: see next page]
1 Perle Wilkinson (E.4.4a.5b) 1881-1965
2 Ada Mabel Hungerford (E.6.15a) 1878-1953
3 Perle’s 15th birthday was 28 August 1896, so the letter was probably written in early
September 1896.
4 Dadum: Daisy Lillian Tyrrell (E.2.4a.8b) 1881-1962
5 Perle and Mabel were first cousins once removed, though only three years apart in age.
6 William Henry Wilkinson (E.4.4a.b)
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 27Above: the pencil sketches of Billy’s moustache (left side) and
Willy courting Mabel (right side), with ferns below.
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 28Perle Wilkinson to Miss Mabel (‘Mobbs’) Hungerford,
‘Kilowen’, Milton Street, Ashfield.
‘Coolalta’, Tuesday1
Dearest Mobbs
Poor little dibble: how you must dread being a teacher. I hope the kids won’t
lock you up – Billy2 says you needn’t be alarmed about the spectabled nose as
the specks would be too high up or some nonsense.
May went home on Monday and Ruby came back here – Mrs Corbett and Youell
are going to Ashmans for Easter – Alfred and Evelyn Stephen to Oakdale. And
one office boy is coming here then are all coming over on Saturday night. And
we are going to dance. So it will be rather fun.
On Sat. May Day,3 Daw, Audrey [Wilkinson], Daisy, Zelma [Wilkinson], and the
Heavenly Twins went up Mount View and had Bread-Jam we all so went up the
mountain while Tom Paige was here.
Next Sunday Billy is going to drive Mother and Rene to Sc[?] Velvet service and
Garth [Wilkinson], and I, Audrey and Daisy are going to hide. “Golah” was a[?] on
Friday – and was inquiring after you and Billy who hadn’t then returned. We hear
that Horace Waters is expected in Sydney on Saturday. I heard from Fred a week ago.
Last Sunday we went to church and it was rather funny – Audrey had to go long
before us. So Daisy rode with Youell, Garth and I together and Dick by himself.
After church Youell went home and Audrey took his place. Daisy and Dick very
kindly rode with them till we got nearly home when he very kindly came to Garth
and me to beg me to ride home with him from the Mount View picnic which was
to be on the following Saturday but after hearing from me in very polite language
that I wouldn’t ride an inch with him he relieved us of his presence.
I heard from Amy today. I wish she would come here for June. I am going to try
to get round Susie to give us another evening next week.
[?] Pokolbin [?] Lionel and Mrs Dad going it all they know she has had him up
there to lunch ‘tete-a-tete’ several times.
Dear girl with much love and congratulations
Your affect. coz
Perle Wilkinson
love from all of Centre [?] What is the name of the paper that Mollie is working
at – don’t forget to tell me.
1 ‘Tuesday’ – 13 April 1897? The letter is postmarked 15 and 16 April 1897: Easter Sunday
was 18 April 1897.
2 William Henry Wilkinson (E.4.4a.3b)
3 May Day was a person, her surname probably given to differentiate her from Ellen Mary
(‘May’) Tyrrell (E.2.4a.7b) 1879-1961
HAFS Journal 15-4 page 29You can also read
