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Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
From “Babu“ to Bachelor:
Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic
workers in Singapore
Wissenschaftliche Arbeit zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades eines Master of Arts
der Universität Hamburg im
Master Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia
vorgelegt von
Anna-Lena Brosell*
aus
XXX
GUTACHTER:
XXX
XXX
___________________________
i
Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
Content
Figures ....................................................................................................................................... iii
Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................ iii
1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 1
1.1 Objective...................................................................................................................... 2
1.2 Tenaga Kerja Wanita (TKW) ...................................................................................... 3
1.3 The Indonesian Open University in Singapore ........................................................... 5
2 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 7
2.1 Grounded theory .......................................................................................................... 7
2.2 Data collection ............................................................................................................. 8
3 Influencing factors ........................................................................................................... 13
3.1 Factors in the macro environment ............................................................................. 13
3.2 Factors in the micro environment .............................................................................. 17
3.3 Individual factors ....................................................................................................... 29
4 The role of the image ....................................................................................................... 32
4.1 Online newspaper analysis ........................................................................................ 32
4.2 Self image .................................................................................................................. 41
5 Psychological concepts .................................................................................................... 44
6 Empowerment strategies .................................................................................................. 50
7 Conclusions ...................................................................................................................... 57
7.1 Limitations ................................................................................................................. 63
8 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................... 65
Appendix .................................................................................................................................. 75
Ehrenwörtliche Erklärung ........................................................................................................ 79
In this version the summary and the reflection chapters were omitted.
ii
Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
Figures
Figure 1: Factors influencing the decision to study 3
Figure 2: Regional branches of the Indonesian Open University 5
Figure 3: Student data as of December 1, 2016 6
Figure 4: Interview partners – TKW 8
Figure 5: Employer details 10
Figure 6: Comic by the Singapore Ministry of Manpower 14
Figure 7: Picture of TKW at Paya Lebar 27
Figure 8: Information system 28
Figure 9: Importance of different stakeholders in the migration process 29
Figure 10: Online newspapers 33
Figure 11: Sexualized image of TKW in Tribun Jabar 38
Figure 12: Overview of topics mentioned in the media analysis 39
Figure 13: Self concept according to Shavelson et al. (1976) 44
Figure 14: Marsh/Shavelson Model 45
Figure 15: Unfolding potential matrix 47
Figure 16: Summary of influencing factors 57
Abbreviations
HPLRTIS Himpunan Penata Laksana Rumah Tangga Indonesia
MoM Ministry of Manpower
NGO Non Governmental Organization
TKI Tenaga Kerja Indonesia
TKW Tenaga Kerja Wanita
TWC2 Transient Workers Count Too
UT Universitas Terbuka
iiiBrosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
1 Introduction
The analyses within this thesis show the possibilities for access to formal education
opportunities of Indonesian female domestic workers, also known as Tenaga Kerja Wanita or
TKW. So far migration of domestic workers has mostly been considered a means of improving
the economic and financial situation of the women. Even though the acquisition of skills during
their stay is mentioned in previous works about TKW and migrant workers, it was not
considered among the main reasons for migration and mostly included skills that were directly
related to their domestic work, such as cooking, baking, language and hairdressing classes.
Even though there are also other courses mentioned, such as IT classes, they would not be
sufficient to help TKW make the move from working in the informal sector to finding jobs in
the formal sector upon their return to their home country. The possibility of TKW to acquire
better education was limited. However, this changed with the introduction of university level
classes for domestic workers at the Indonesian Open University (Universitas Terbuka; UT) in
Singapore.
This master thesis will analyze the factors that influence the TKW’s decision to attend
university. This includes external factors that are determined by the environment, as well as the
TKW’s individual situation and psychological concepts, such as self-efficacy, that might play
a role. Another important part of this thesis will look at the image of TKW and its impact on
the women. TKW are often viewed as vulnerable, poorly educated and even naïve. Therefore,
a special focus will be on empowerment strategies applied by TKW and how they overcome
the unfavorable conditions they are in. In this section the focus is on what they can do personally
to improve their situation on their own.
The methodology and approach used in this thesis is grounded theory. Overall, 14 interviews
and group discussions were conducted with TKW, employers and NGO representatives. In line
with the iterative nature of grounded theory, the initial interviews tried to provide a broad
understanding of the topic, while the following interviews were more structured and focused
on the topics that were mentioned in previous discussion. Furthermore, a media analysis was
conducted, after it became clear that the image of TKW might have a relevant impact on their
willingness to pursue further education.
Eventually a model was constructed that tries to incorporate the different factors that influence
TKW in their decision to attend the Open University. It shows that providing TKW with the
opportunity to attend university might not be sufficient to make sure that they make use of this
1Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
opportunity. In addition, one also needs to keep in mind individual and psychological factors
such as self-efficacy and the image TKW have of themselves in order to increase the number
of domestic workers receiving tertiary education. Last but not least recommendations for further
research will be made.
1.1 Objective
The objective of this thesis is vividly portrayed by some of the observations of one of the TKW
who were interviewed. She believes that there is a shift in the objectives of TKW. She argues
that previously money was the sole reason for many TKW to go abroad. However, recently
people started exploring more opportunities and obtaining relevant skills becomes increasingly
important. Her focus is on creating a future for herself in Indonesia which includes financial
resources as well as relevant skills to make a living after her return.
Terus menurut kamu kan sudah enam tahun disini. Sekarang ada yang beda sama
enam tahun yang lalu atau masih sama saja?
Kalau menurut saya… dari lihat… dari saya sih memang jauh lebih baik yang sekarang
gitu. Mungkin dari dulu cuma yang dibilang… kalau orang Indonesia bilang kurang
(???) buat apa ya. Buat membantu sesama orang Indonesia disini gitu. Jadi sekarang
orang Indonesia suka membantu juga kayak yang tadi saya bilang development itu. Itu
dari orang Indonesia asli. Jadi dia kerja di sini. Dia kasih waktu dia buat TKW-TKW
disini untuk ngasih ilmu setiap hari minggu.
Menurut kamu kan sekarang sudah lebih baik. Jadi apa yang bikin jaman ini lebih
baik daripada enam tahun yang lalu?
Jaman ini lebih baik karena sekarang lebih… orang lebih memikirkan skill daripada
uang itu sendiri. Jadi dulu kan biaya… cuma gaji yang dikirim. Jadi sekarang tidak.
Jadi kita harus punya skill bagaimana kita nanti pulang ke Indonesia. Jangan terus ya
jadi TKW. Karena TKW… jadi TKW tetap aja seenak-enaknya jadi TKW itu tidak enak.
Enaknya di negeri sendiri sama orang yang kita sayang. Jadi itu mereka benar-benar
membuka hati mereka, pikiran mereka juga. Gimana saya harus benar-benar punya
skill yang cukup buat ke Indonesia. Walaupun cuma mendirikan sebuah… sesuatu yang
lebih berharga. Jangan sampai kembali ke sini lagi. Jadi tetap bertahan di Indonesia
dengan kemampuan kita.
(Interview 9)
2Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
Based on the information gathered during the interviews and consequently during the media
analysis a theoretical model explaining why TKW choose or choose not to pursue further
education in Singapore was developed. Several factors that impact TKW were found and
visualized in the following figure.
Figure 1: Factors influencing the decision to study
Source: Own graph
This model sums up the factors that influence the TKW’s decision to study. In this thesis all of
the factors mentioned above will be analyzed and explained in more detail as they can have
positive as well as negative implications on the TKW’s participation in Open University
courses. A special emphasis will be on psychological factors, as they do not only offer a possible
explanation why TKW with similar backgrounds make different decisions, but they might also
determine to what extent TKW apply empowerment strategies. Finally, the image of TKW in
society and the image they have of themselves will be looked at in more detail. The thesis will
end with an overview of all the factors as well recommendations that are based on this research.
1.2 Tenaga Kerja Wanita (TKW)
Tenaga kerja wanita is the Indonesian term for female migrant workers. In this thesis the term
will be used specifically to describe Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore. They are
3Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
considered low-skilled workers, which often means that they work under unfavourable
conditions. Bell & Piper (2005: 196) question the treatment of foreign domestic workers as
second class citizens. They are for example denied the possibility to become citizens in the long
run (Bell & Piper, 2005: 204&205) as foreign domestic workers are considered as low-skilled
workers who only stay in Singapore temporarily. The Singaporean government’s objective is
to minimize the dependency on foreign workers and tries to ensure the limited stay of foreign
workers by, for example, imposing a monthly levy that has to be paid if someone employs a
foreign domestic worker (Yeoh, Huang & Gonzales III, 1999: 117&118). Much research has
been conducted about this vulnerability of domestic workers and the hardships they endure.
NGO’s and other charitable organizations are also trying to improve the women’s situation.
However, less research deals with self-empowerment and the acquisition of compencies during
the women’s stay abroad.
Bach (2013: 198-211) is an exception to this. She divides her findings into three categories.
Firstly, she mentions competencies related to the domestic workers duties in the household.
Since these skills are linked to her everyday task in the household Bach argues that these are of
little use outside their current workplace. Secondly, she mentions skills that they acquire by
working as a domestic worker, but which are not directly related to her tasks. Examples
described in Bach’s dissertation are English language skills, discipline and how to save money.
Finally, she mentions skills that are acquired outside their workplace. The examples Bach refers
to are a domestic worker who is active in a catholic migrant organization, another domestic
worker who was able to acquire some skills in her employer’s beauty salon and one domestic
worker who went to school and attended training courses for nurses. However, the academic
education of TKW is rarely mentioned in existing literature. Therefore, this master thesis will
try to provide more information on this topic.
Further research has been conducted about the role of transnational family networks. Hugo
(2003) analyzed information systems that TKW use during their migration. He argues that
providing better information during the decision to migrate can help empower the women.
Dolfin & Genicot (2010: 344) argue that larger family networks encourage migration of
Mexican migrant workers as social networks provide information about the migration as well
as the situation in the destination. These social networks also play a role in enablinging women
to use education opportunities and will be analyzed in the chapter about the micro environment.
4Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
1.3 The Indonesian Open University in Singapore
This chapter will introduce the Indonesian Open University as it enables the TKW to pursue
tertiary education abroad. According to their website the Indonesian Open University was
founded in 1984 with the objective to provide education opportunities to Indonesian as well as
foreign citizens regardless of their place of residence. Even though the Open University has
opened regional offices all over the country the numbers of overseas students are still limited.
Figure 2: Regional branches of the Indonesian Open University
Regional Office Total % Regional Office Total %
Kupang 16.708 5,64% Surakarta 7.188 2,42%
Palembang 14.975 5,05% Pangkal Pinang 7.029 2,37%
Jakarta 14.742 4,97% Banda Aceh 6.661 2,25%
Bandar Lampung 13.249 4,47% Batam 6.573 2,22%
Surabaya 13.175 4,44% Kendari 5.424 1,83%
Semarang 12.806 4,32% Bandarmasin 5.078 1,71%
Purwokerto 12.337 4,16% Denpasar 4.590 1,55%
Malang 11.525 3,89% Jambi 4.463 1,51%
Pekanbaru 10.651 3,59% Palu 4.361 1,47%
Medan 10.018 3,38% Palangkaraya 4.263 1,44%
Pontianak 9.922 3,35% Majene 3.972 1,34%
Samarinda 9.176 3,10% Jayapura 3.524 1,19%
Bandung 8.813 2,97% Mataram 3.190 1,08%
Jember 8.777 2,96% Ambon 3.118 1,05%
Serang 8.615 2,91% Tarakan 2.815 0,95%
Padang 8.369 2,82% Manado 2.617 0,88%
Bogor 8.341 2,81% Gorontalo 1.970 0,66%
Yogyakarta 8.158 2,75% Sorong 1.436 0,48%
Bengkulu 7.930 2,67% Ternate 1.230 0,41%
Overseas Student
Makassar 7.585 2,56% Service 1.103 0,37%
Surakarta 7.188 2,42% Grand Total 296.477 100%
Source: Indonesian Open University website, retrieved on 08.02.2017, from
http://www.ut.ac.id/node/284
The statistic does not mention if the students in Singapore are included in the Overseas Students
or if they are part of the Batam office, since program registrations for certain classes in
Singapore need to be done through the Batam branch. Nevertheless the number of students in
Singapore is rather small.
According to Kompas.com (31.01.2011) the first 502 domestic workers signed up at the
Indonesian Open University in Singapore in 2009, which means that the expansion to Singapore
5Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
took place rather recently. For the second term of 2010 this number increased to 853. Exact
data on the current number of students enrolled at the Singapore/Batam branch of the Open
University could not be retrieved. However, it appears that in terms of students enrolled there
has not been a major increase within the last couple of years, especially considering the 92,000
Indonesian domestic workers who live in Singapore (Kompas.com, 31.01.2011).
Another interesting fact is that about 70% of the students at the Open University are female
(Open University website, retrieved on 20.02.2017). Therefore, being female means that it is
actually more likely that one is a student at the Open University. The following figure gives
further information on the age distribution of students. Around 50% of the students are below
the age of 30. The TKW who were interviewed for this thesis and who studied at the Open
University were mostly within this age group as well.
Figure 3: Student data as of December 1, 2016
Age Number of students %
< 25 92.699 31,27%
25-29 58.883 19,86%
30-34 56.818 19,16%
35-39 35.507 11,98%
40-44 20.008 6,75%
> 44 32.562 10,98%
Total 296.477 100%
Source: Indonesian Open University website, retrieved on 08.02.2017, from
http://www.ut.ac.id/ut-dalam-angka
In Singapore the Open University works together with the Indonesian School in Singapore,
where weekly classes. On Sundays many TKW who are enrolled in classes come to the school
to study and meet up with friends. At the same time other social gatherings take place there,
such as sports classes or other short term courses. Apart from these classes the students receive
study material online and exchange information through social networks. Exams take place at
the Indonesian School as well.
6Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
2 Methodology
2.1 Grounded theory
This master thesis is based on a grounded theory approach. Grounded theory was originally
developed by Glaser and Strauss in 1967 and is a methodology that uses data as the basis for
forming a theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2015: 6, 15). What differentiates grounded theory from
other approaches is that the research does not start with developing a clear theory by examining
existing concepts, but concepts are constantly created throughout the data collection process.
The findings are the starting point for further data collection and more concepts are developed
afterwards. It is a circular approach which should eventually lead to the creation of a new theory
which is derived from the collected data.
In line with this approach, the research started with a general idea of writing a thesis about
Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore. Initially, a focus on social networks was anticipated,
but after the first interviews were conducted and analyzed, it gradually shifted to education and
the image of TKW, as several references to these topics were made by the interviewees.
Following the path the data had shown; additional interviews were conducted at the Indonesian
School in Singapore.
Another way to ensure staying open minded and not being too strongly influenced by
preexisting concepts was to conduct the first interview without the questionnaire that was
created in advance. Even though many of the previously formulated questions were answered,
it helped in generating new questions as one could not rely on the existing questionnaire. Upon
completion of the first interview, the new topics which came up during the interview were added
to the initial version of the questionnaire and included in the following interviews.
Even though the grounded theory approach suggests constantly analyzing the data during the
research process by coding them, time constraints during the 3 week interview phase meant that
only rough concepts could be developed at that time and detailed coding was only possible later
on. However, the end of the interview phase did not constitute the end of the overall research,
but was seen as a starting point for the development of concepts and hypotheses. Further
research then looked at these hypotheses in more detail. This resulted in a second research phase
during which a media analysis was conducted.
7Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
2.2 Data collection
Overall 14 semi-structured interviews were conducted between February and March 2015. This
includes 10 TKW, three employers and one former president of an NGO working with migrant
workers in Singapore. In addition, there were several informal meetings with TKW during their
days off. About half of the TKW interviewed attended high school or university classes at the
Indonesian School in Singapore. One of the TKW was active in an association of TKW in
Singapore. In addition to the interviews a media analysis took place to find out more about how
TKW are perceived.
In grounded theory, theoretical sampling plays a critical role. As data collection and data
analysis follow a circular approach, grounded theory provides the opportunity base one’s
selections of interview partners on the preliminary findings of previous interviews. In this case
the initial interview was conducted with a TKW who was studying at the Open University
which became the main focus of this thesis. This TKW invited me to join her at the Open
University where further interviews could be conducted with women who were getting degrees
or signed up for other classes (Interview partners 6-9). However, to compare and analyze the
differences between TKW who chose to attend university and others who did not took these
classes (Interviews 1-4). Interview 5 was a special case since the TKW had previously attended
classes at the Indonesian School in Singapore, but decided to stop going there. Interview 10
was also special as the TKW was in the leadership team of an organization that supports TKW
in Singapore and therefore had a unique perspective. Furthermore, I tried to find interview
partners who differed in terms of age and family background as the figure below shows.
Figure 4: Interview partners – TKW
Interview 1 Interview 2 Interview 3 Interview 4 Interview
5
Date of 06.03.2015 06.03.2015 06.03.2015 06.03.2015 15.02.2015
interview
Origin Java Java Java Java Java
Age 33 34 30ish 26 25
Attending No No No No Previously
classes at the for 1 year
Open
University/
Indonesian
School in
Singapore
8Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
How long have 2000-2006, 2008-2013 in 2010-2012, 2010-2014, 7 years
you been in and 2008- Toa Payoh, then she 2014-today
Singapore? now 9 month in returned to
Indonesia to Indonesia
get married, shortly, but
from 2014 came back
until now in the same
Singapore year, until
now
Family She had a
(husband & husband
children) when she
first came to
Singapore,
Husband but he
working in passed away
Malaysia in 2014;
and one 1 child.
child living staying with
with her Husband and her older Husband, no Not
grandmother one child sibling children married
Interview 6 Interview 7 Interview 8 Interview 9 Interview
10
Date of 14.02.2015 14.02.2015 14.02.2015 08.02.2015 14.02.2015
interview
Origin Java Java Java Java Java
Age 24 25 25 24 36
Attending Yes Yes Planned to Yes Yes
classes at the attend, but
Open decided to
University/ join computer
Indonesian and sewing
School in classes
Singapore instead
How long 5,5 years 4 years 3 years 6 years 17 years
have you been
in Singapore?
Family Not married Not married Not married Not married ???
(husband &
children)
9Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
In addition to interviewing TKW further interviews were conducted with employers as well as
a founder of an NGO trying to support domestic workers in Singapore. General information
about the employers can be found in the figure below. The complete questionnaire used for the
interviews with the employers is in the appendix.
Figure 5: Employer details
Employer 1 Employer 2 Employer 3
Nationality of Singaporean Singaporean Philippino
employer (Chinese) (Chinese)
Nationality of Indonesian Indonesian Philippino
domestic worker
Length of 6 years Since October 2014 Almost 10 years
employment
Reasons for having a To take care of the Household tasks, To take care of the
helper father who had a cooking dog when they are
stroke traveling, prepare
food, ironing, no
cleaning
Why did you select Language, Had to speak Philippino were
your helper/ criteria? because her Mandarin preferred for language
parents speak reasons
Malay
Before conducting the interviews, their purpose as part of a master thesis research was
explained. Furthermore, they were ensured that their names would not be mentioned in the
thesis. Therefore, all names were substituted in this thesis. Interviewees were asked for the
permission to voice record the interviews. In some cases they did not feel comfortable with this
and instead notes of their answers were taken. Other data includes personal notes of
observations, newspaper articles, photos and videos.
Semi-structured interviews were chosen as the main method. According to Corbin and Strauss
(2015: 39) the advantages of semi-structured interviews are that they ensure that certain topics
are covered in each interview. They can also be of help to the researcher, because they can
always get back to their prepared questions during the interview process. This was also the case
in this research project. However, not all questions were included in all interviews, because the
questionnaire evolved throughout the research process, as concepts from previous interviews
were added to the initial questionnaire to follow up on some preliminary findings or ideas. It
10Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
needs to be highlighted that the initial interviews were less structured and were used to cover a
broad range of topics. After certain topics were mentioned that appeared to be relevant, they
were included in the following interviews. Therefore, the interviews became more and more
structured throughout the research process.
In semi-structured interviews researchers normally start by asking the prepared questions and
then continue to ask if the interviewee feels that there are additional issues that should be
covered. A disadvantage of this method is that some information might not be mentioned,
because the interviewee did not know if the additional information was important, since a
particular topic might not have been included during the previous questions (Corbin and
Strauss, 2015: 39).
Usually topics for semi-structured interviews are taken from existing literature; however, in this
case many topics were taken from the first interview which differed from the subsequent ones
as it was unstructured. Unlike semi-structured interviews, which might have the effect that some
issues are not addressed, unstructured interviews can be a highly effective source for acquiring
data. In unstructured interviews, the interviewees are given more freedom to express their
thoughts, while the interviewer can follow up on interesting concepts. Corbin and Strauss
(2015: 38) highlight that it is important to keep in mind that the interviewer can also have an
influence on the way the interviewees respond to the questions.
Nevertheless unstructured interviews can be a rich source of information. In this research
project the initial unstructured interview was especially important as it eventually changed the
entire course of the research. The TKW interviewed mentioned her studies at the Open
University, something that was not anticipated prior to the interview. If the initial interview had
been structured or semi-structured, this remark might not have been made. In line with the
grounded theory approach, the subsequent interviews tried to gather more information
regarding this topic. Furthermore, a visit to the Indonesian School in Singapore was made, as
Open University classes for TKW were held there.
Afterwards the interviews were analyzed with regard to the factors that led to the TKW’s
decision to study or prevented them from seeking further education.´During the analysis of the
interviews many references to the image of TKW were made. To find out more about how
TKW were portrayed in the media, an analysis of online newspapers was conducted. The top
50 google search results for the terms “Indonesian domestic workers Singapore”, “Tenaga kerja
Indonesia Singapura” and “Tenaga kerja wanita Singapura” were screened for newspaper
11Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
articles about TKW in Singapore. The terms mentioned above were selected, because they can
be considered neutral. Furthermore, the search terms were in English as well as Indonesian in
order find out if there are any differences. Out of the 150 search results that were screened, 56
were relevant newspaper articles. They were coded and analyzed with regard to the image
portrayed of Indonesian domestic workers. The results will be portrayed in chapter 4 of this
thesis.
12Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
3 Influencing factors
Making university classes available to domestic workers is an important step to increase their
skills, but it is not sufficient to attract larger numbers of students. During the research for this
thesis a number of factors that influence the domestic worker’s decision to study became
apparent. These can be divided into factors on the macro level, such as the political
environment, and on the micro level, which includes the social networks of TKW. Individual
factors that are dependent on the character and personal situation of the TKW are looked at as
well. Even though these factors will be grouped in the following analysis, it must be noted, that
they do influence each other and therefore cannot completely be separated from each other.
3.1 Factors in the macro environment
In this thesis factors in the macro environment are defined as any factor that is not part of the
immediate (social) surroundings of the TKW and that they personally cannot influence as there
is no direct interaction between the women and these factors.
Developments in the macro environment can have a major impact on the TKW’s opportunity
to study. Overall trends have enabled the TKW to attend the Open University. Digitalization,
for example, has affected domestic workers. Platt et al (2014: 5) conducted a study about
information technology among Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore and found that 90%
owned a cell phone. Furthermore, some of them managed to negotiate with their employers that
they could use their wifi at home. Out of the 201 domestic workers that were interviewed 39.3%
had internet access (Platt et al, 2014: 14). However, this number most likely increased since
then. Internet acces is is crucial for TKW who intend to study at the Open University as they
provide materials online. Therefore, digitalization enables TKW to receive further education.
Apart from making these courses available to TKW and having the necessary technology,
another important factor is the amount of free time TKW have to attend classes. The
Singaporean government entitled all TKW with a Work Permit issued or renewed after 01
January 2013 to a weekly rest day (Singaporean Ministry of Manpower website, 2016) by
amending the Employment of Foreign Manpower Act (Chapter 91A) & Employment of Foreign
Manpower (Work Passes) Regulations in 2012. However, while this Act entitles TKW to a
weekly rest day, it can be substituted with the equivalent of one day’s salary (Fourth Chapter,
Paragraph 11-14). Furthermore, the Ministry offers financial support to families who need
13Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
constant care for elderly citizens and therefore cannot give a weekly rest day to their domestic
helper. On the other hand the Ministry of Manpower also published the “FDW Weekly Rest
Day: A GUIDE For Employers” booklet, where they promote the idea to let their domestic
workers sign up for courses during their day off. Furthermore, they provide a list of
organizations that offer classes, which also includes the Open University classes at the
Indonesian School in Singapore.
Figure 6: Comic by the Singapore Ministry of Manpower
Source: Singapore Ministry of Manpower, “FDW Weekly Rest Day: A GUIDE For
Employers” booklet
Despite these efforts by the Ministry of Manpower there are many domestic workers who do
not get a day off and receive no compensation for it. In 2015 the Singaporean NGO “Transient
Workers Count Too” (TWC2) published a study for which they asked 195 domestic workers
14Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
about their day off. The surveys were conducted between July 2013 and October 2014 and came
to the result that 50% of domestic workers with contracts before 2013 received no weekly day
off, while the number decreased to 40% for domestic workers with new contracts. In addition,
10% of the domestic workers reported that they had no day off at all. Also 44% did not receive
compensation for working on their days off and 28% were not comfortable with their leave
arrangements. However, a vast majority of 91% were aware about the official regulations
regarding days off.
In the analysis of their survey, TWC2 found that there appears to be a relationship between the
time domestic workers spent in Singapore and the number of days off they are granted. They
explain this with an increased bargaining power. While domestic workers who just arrived have
to repay their debt and have little experience, they gain more bargaining power over time.
TWC2 also found that there is a relationship between the salary and the amount of days off.
Domestic workers with higher salaries also tended to receive more days off. This can be
explained with higher bargaining power as well, since it is not solely used for negotiating better
day off conditions, but also higher salaries. An example mentioned in one of the interviews
conducted for this thesis is in line with this observation. A TKW mentioned in her interview on
14.02.2015 that she currently receives a salary of $SG 500 (Interview 6, Question 55). Once
her contract finishes she will ask for $SG 600 a month. In case she won’t receive the pay rise,
she would move to another employer. As she is already familiar with the habits of her employer
and gained experience working with them, she is now in a position to renegotiate her contract.
Her employer should have an interest in keeping her, as hiring a new domestic worker would
mean additional effort for them.
Another NGO, the “Humanitarian Organization for Migration Economics” (HOME), published
a study in March 2015 that came to similar conclusions. Their study was based on surveys of
670 domestic workers and they reported that 40% of them did not receive a weekly day off. An
average of 13 working hours a day leaves little room for studying either.
In addition to mandatory days off, there is another factor in the macro environment that can
possibly influence the TKW’s decision to study, which is political stability. During the research
period there was an ongoing debate about whether Indonesia should stop sending domestic
workers abroad. On 14 February 2015 the Straits Times (online) reported that the Indonesian
President Jokowi said that he would stop sending Indonesian domestic workers abroad.
However, the article also mentioned that Jokowi’s predecessor Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
15Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
had already made efforts to bring Indonesian migrant workers home in 2012. The debate
whether to stop the practice of sending domestic workers abroad has already been ongoing for
years, but so far there has been no final decision. It is questionable, if Jokowi’s plans will be
executed. Nevertheless these reports have an effect on the domestic workers in Singapore as
they can create an atmosphere of doubt and insecurity. The domestic workers that were
interviewed during this research were well aware of the debate and all of them apart from one
TKW opposed the government’s plan. They argued that they need to make money and
Indonesia does not provide sufficient opportunities for them. During her interview a TKW
(Interview 3, Question 109) said “If he provides jobs for us that pay as much as we get here,
ok… if not, don’t stop us from working abroad”. On the other hand, another TKW (Interview
4, Question 109) mentioned that it might be better to stop sending TKW, because of all the
negative occurrences. Currently, TKW are still working in Singapore, but whenever a serious
case of abuse becomes publicly known or there are political tensions between Indonesia and
the receiving countries, there will be new voices calling for the end of Indonesian female
domestic workers abroad. Since completing a degree takes several years, TKW need a certain
amount of stability.
Furthermore, the TKW need to have an additional benefit from studying at the Open University.
Therefore, the Indonesian job market needs to provide them with sufficient employment
opportunities after their return to Indonesia and the TKW need to believe getting a degree will
help them to improve their situation.
Kamu sebentar lagi kan akan lulus. Sudah ada rencana setelah kamu TKW disini?
Kamu ngapain? Atau ada rencana kamu masih tinggal di sini berapa lama?
Rencana saya setelah saya lulus wisuda saya ingin kembali ke Indonesia dengan
sertifikat UT dan juga mengikuti kursus komputer dan bahasa inggris di sini. Sebagai
modal untuk mencari pekerjaan di Indonesia.
(Interview 6)
Kalau kerja di Indonesia, tahu sendiri, maksimal sekarang kalau S1 lulusan gimana kita
dapatin gaji yang lebih besar. Sama kayak di Indonesia juga. Kalau di Indonesia
walaupun dibilang pembantu rumah tangga PRT tapi gajinya tidak ada apa-apanya
kayak di luar negeri.
(Interview 9)
16Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
In the first interview it was mentioned that the TKW hopes to find a job by attending classes at
the Open University. She seems to believe that her investment in getting a degree is beneficial
in the long run. In the second interview the difficulty of finding a job without a university degree
was highlighted. Therefore, studying seems to be the only chance to get into the formal job
market upon return from Singapore. This shows that regardless of the actual state of the
Indonesian job market, they believe that it justifies the effort of getting a degree at the Open
University.
Overall, it can be noted that the conditions in the macro environment that enable domestic
workers to study at the Open University have improved during the last couple of years. Not
only did the Open University introduce courses for them, but the regulations that govern the
domestic worker’s entitlement to a rest day have given more women the opportunity to attend
courses during their free time. The Ministry of Manpower even actively recommends these
classes to employers. On the other hand, domestic workers are still highly dependent on their
employers regarding free time as they have to approve their request for days off. New migrants
in particular have little room for negotiation that could possibly improve their conditions and
enable them to get access to university education. Lastly, frequent calls for the end of sending
TKW abroad might create an atmosphere of insecurity that could be detrimental.
3.2 Factors in the micro environment
In this thesis the micro environment will be considered as the immediate surroundings of the
TKW such as people and agencies they regularly are in contact with. These social ties are
believed to play an important role in work migration. Existing theories on social networks and
migration were summarized by Haug (2008: 589). She mentions the affinity hypothesis which
proposes that existing social ties in the place of origin have a negative effect on the willingness
to migrate as well as the information hypothesis which states that ties to the receiving country
increase the likelihood of migration. The facilitating hypothesis highlights the support functions
that social ties in the destination country have in terms of financial as well as moral support.
She also mentions the conflict hypothesis which focuses on the push factor that conflicts in the
home country constitute. Last but not least, the encouraging hypothesis proposes that ties in the
home country can also be a push factor, when for example family members support the
migration. This summary shows the variety of ways that social ties can influence the TKW in
their decision to migrate. Even though these theories focus on the migration decision, some of
17Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
these hypotheses might also be to a certain extent valid in terms of pursuing further education.
Encouragement from families and friends would most likely lead to an incrreased likelihood to
sign up for classes. Having friends who are already students at the Open University make it
easier for other TKW to collect information and adjust to the new situation. This chapter will
therefore analyze the impact that the TKW’s immediate environment can have.
During their stay abroad TKW are in contact with a number of people that can influence their
decisions. Upon their departure from Indonesia their family still plays a very important role.
However, throughout their stay abroad this often changes as they spend the majority of their
time in their employer’s household and can only contact their family through phone calls, skype
or sms. In addition, other new stakeholders emerge, such as their Singaporean agencies and
friends they make in Singapore. These stakeholders will be looked at in more detail in this
chapter.
Family
The family often plays an important part in the TKW’s decision to migrate and even though
their influence on the TKW decreases over time, they still are an important factor. This is among
others due to improved communication tools, which also makes transnationalism in migrant
networks becomes increasingly relevant (Portes et al, 1999: 223). Transnationalism refers to
“social, economic and political engagement across borders” (Vertovec, 2009: 13). TKW and
their families are part of these transnational networks and therefore, influence each other (Hugo,
2002: 14). Information flows through these transnational networks which can be considered a
form of social capital (Coleman, 1988: 104) and are possibly to the advantage of the women.
However, Hugo (2002: 26) argues that despite these positive effects of transnational networks,
distancing themselves from their families could empower women as they become more
independent and come in contact with other people from different backgrounds.
This ambivalent relationship between the women and their families could also be observed
during the research for this thesis. The type of influence that the family exerts can very much
differ and is highly dependent on the specific situation. Therefore, this chapter will give an
overview of the role that families might play.
Supporting their families is one of the main reasons why the women decided to become TKW
in the first place, even though in some cases the families were initially against them working
18Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
abroad. One of the TKW’s parents (Interview 7, Question 19), for example, initially did not
allow her to go abroad, because she was still underage at that time. Another TKW’s parents
(Interview 5, Question 19) did not agree to let her go abroad either, but she ran off to Singapore
by herself and did not even tell her family that she became a TKW until she was already abroad.
In yet another case (Interview 3, Question 19) her husband did not give his permission at first,
but eventually agreed. However, once she had arrived in Singapore he wanted her to come back.
Their reasons for going abroad often involved making money and supporting their families.
However, in some cases in addition to poverty, problems at home (Interview 9, Question 20)
were named as the reason to go abroad. Sometimes economic issues in the families (Interview
5, Question 20; Interview 9, Question 20) prevented the TKW from continuing to go to school,
so they decided to become TKW instead.
Gimana waktu kamu bilang mau jadi TKW? Kamu masih muda kan?
Ya, tidak ada kepikiran. Sebenarnya satunya frustrasi. Ada masalah keluarga. Kalau
kebanyakan disini pasti ada masalah yang mungkin kita tidak bisa menyelesaikan.
Larinya kesini biar lupa gitu. Jadi sama. Ada masalah, tidak ada jalan keluar, lari
kesini aja gitu. Dan tidak niat untuk kerja kayak gini, planning dari itu tidak pernah
ada. Tiba-tiba diajak. Sudah sore aku datang itu. Langsung ke agen. Langsung kesini.
(Interview 1)
Kamu memutuskan untuk pergi ke Singapura atau by accident?
By accident. Sebenarnya kalau saya ada broken home. Terus mau ke sekolah, tidak…
di satu sekolah di Indonesia yang aku suka tidak bisa masuk gara-gara ekonomi. Terus
binggung mau kemana. Terus ada yang nawarin ke Singapore. Terus pikiranya ya udah.
Habis ke Singapore kuliah gitu. Cuman sampai sekarang betah di Singapore. Karena
bosnya baik terus gitu. Jadi betah.
(Interview 9)
In this special case the TKW already had the wish to pursue further education before departing
for Singapore. However, a difficult situation within the family as well as lacking financial
resources meant that she was not able to continue school. Instead she chose to work abroad and
save money in order to enroll at university upon her return. However, the Indonesian Open
University gave her the opportunity to study while working in Singapore instead. In this case
the financial situation at home as well as the negative emotions (“broken home“) towards the
family initiated her departure from Indonesia.
19Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
In contrast to this there are other examples where families were very supportive of the woman’s
decision to become a TKW.
(…) Terus saya bertanya sama keluarga. Gimana kalau saya kuliah di sini? Mungkin
uang yang saya kirim kurang karena saya harus bayar biyaya kuliah juga. Tapi mereka,
ya sudah, tidak apa-apa. Mereka setuju. Terus setelah mereka setuju saya ngomong
majikan. Majikan juga setuju tapi kamu harus bisa membagi waktu untuk kerja dan
kuliah.
(Interview 6)
How close the TKW are to their family once they are in Singapore depends on the individual
person. One of the TKW (Interview 3, Question 74), for example calls her child every day,
whereas she contacts her parents once a week. However, she also mentioned, that she contacts
her older sibling whenever she has problems, while other TKW (Interview 4, Question 89;
Interview 5, Question 89) talk to their friends instead. Another TKW (Interview 9, Question
74) also calls her family once a week, but sends sms more often. In general, TKW are in touch
with their families regularly, especially if they have children. However, life in Singapore
significantly differs from how their families live in Indonesia. This makes it difficult for them
to communicate their situation as their relatives at home might not understand what living in
Singapore is like. In addition, since TKW spent a long time apart from their families the direct
influence of the family at home might decrease over time. Nevertheless they are usually
consulted for important decisions, such as taking up university studies.
Agency
Often agents are involved in bringing the TKW to Singapore and placing them with an
employer. An agency in Indonesia organizes the migration, but once the TKW arrive in
Singapore a local agency takes over. The agencies are supposed to provide TKW with
information during the migration and make sure the migration is in line with the existing rules
and regulations. However, the quality among agencies varies. While some operate according to
the regulations, others fail to provide proper service. A TKW mentioned an information booklet
that she received from the Ministry of Manpower (MoM) in case she faces any problems
(Interview 8, Question 90). However, many of her friends neither received it from the MoM,
nor from the agency. Two other TKW did not know about any of this information at all
20Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
(Interview 2, Question 90; Interview 4, Question 90), while another one was only informed by
the Indonesian embassy (Interview 9, Question 90). The agencies were not mentioned as a
source of information, even though they are responsible for making sure that all first time
foreign domestic workers in Singapore attend a settling-in programme. During this one day
training they should receive information about their employment in Singapore and safety
precautions (Ministry of Manpower, online). Previous research, however, suggests that
misconduct of agencies does occur. Platt et al (2013: 40-41) found cases where domestic
workers were ill-informed by their agencies and they observed a lack of transparency regarding
salary deductions by agencies. This varying quality of agencies means that not all TKW get
sufficient support from their agencies.
Furthermore, Platt et al. (2013: 43) criticize the “commodification” of foreign domestic
workers. According to them some agencies offer a replacement system where employers can
exchange their domestic worker for a new one for free in case they are not satisfied. The TKW
are a source of income for the agencies and the TKW are dependent on them. With regard to
university attendance it therefore seems unlikely that TKW will receive any help from agencies,
as they do not directly benefit from it.
Employer
Once the TKW arrived in Singapore the employer plays an important role. Goh et al. (2016: 5-
7) argue that the TKW, the employer and the agency are bound by a system of indebtedness. If
the TKW does not fulfill her contractual duties and decides to leave, the employer can be held
liable by the agent. The employer also needs to pay for the TKW’s journey back home, which
means that the employer has a strong interest to keep the TKW.
Furthermore, in Singapore employers need to provide a security bond for the TKW of up to
$SG 5,000 which can be forfeited under certain circumstances. The Singaporean Ministry of
Manpower published the following information on their website:
Your security bond may be forfeited if:
• You or your helper violate any of the conditions of the Work Permit or security bond.
• You don't pay her salary on time.
• You fail to send her back when her Work Permit is expired, revoked or cancelled, or if
she goes missing.
21Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
If the helper goes missing, half of the security bond ($2,500) will be forfeited if you
have made reasonable effort to locate her and have filed a police report.
You will not be liable for your helper's violations (such as those relating to pregnancy) if
you can prove that you have:
• Informed her of the Work Permit conditions she must comply with.
• Reported a violation when you first become aware of it
(Ministry of Manpower Singapore, online: “Security bond requirements for foreign domestic
worker “, retrieved on 15.12.2016)
This security bond constitutes an additional reason for the employers to keep their TKW under
close surveillance. Employers might worry about the whereabouts of the TKW when they are
not at home, because an unforeseen pregnancy would result in a financial loss. In one of the
interviews (Interview E1) an employer confirmed that this is one of the main worries of
employers. This creates a situation where employers have on the one hand an interest in
controlling the whereabouts of the TKW to protect their interests and on the other hand have
the means to enforce this as the TKW lives in the employer’s property and is dependent upon
him or her.
This means that granting the TKW their day off can be considered as a risk. In the interviews a
TKW mentioned that problems might occur if the women hang out with the wrong people (salah
bergaul) and don’t use their free time for the right things (Interview 7, Question 91). Therefore,
some employers are reluctant to grant the day off as the quote below highlights.
Biasanya kerja berapa hari? Libur berapa hari?
Kalau dulu pas cina sih full day. Kalau minggu tidak off. Sebenarnya kalau cina tidak
suka untuk dikasih pembantunya untuk off. Takutnya macam-macam di luar gitu. Jadi
cina tuh lebih strict ke helpernya. Tapi kebanyakan buat kebaikan juga, karena ada
yang nakal juga, di luar ngapain-ngapain itu.
(Interview 9)
In addition, negative reports about TKW in the media (see chapter about the image of TKW in
the media) might cause employers to be careful and more restrictive with their domestic
workers. In other cases the relationship between the TKW and the employer is strained. The
quote below highlights some potential problems the TKW might face at work.
22Brosell (2017), From “Babu” to Bachelor: Education opportunities of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore
Sebenarnya kalau yang ada masalah mungkin mereka kurang mental. (…) Nomor satu
mental itu. Jadi itu, mental mereka low. Mungkin kurang komunikasi juga sama majikan
dan dia tidak bisa bahasa. Kalau orang beda, orang berpendidikan sama tidak. Bukan
mau merendahkan orang tak berpendidikan. Cuman kita yang masih muda sudah
berbekal dari Indonesia. Ya maksimal bahasa. Jadi kita tahu cara membatasi... Kalau
sebenarnya mereka banyak sih. Teman saya yang TKW benar-benar kayak takut dengan
majikan. Jadi kalau orang C. Orang C. itu strict banget lo. Pokoknya kerja. Bangun
pagi. Jam enam tet. Harus bangun jam enam. Jam enam tuh sampai malam jam 12
kalau tidak jam 11. Itu yang nasibnya tidak baik. Jadi makan saja… lebih kayak
majikan... Kalau dibilang lebih sayang anjingnya daripada pembantunya.
(Interview 9)
The TKW described above are afraid of their employers and face difficult working conditions
including long working hours. They are under extreme pressure and need to be mentally
resilient to able to deal with this situation. Little communication and language barriers between
TKW and employers can enhance problems as miscommunication can create further problems.
In addition, poor language skills make it difficult for TKW to speak up, especially if they are
already afraid of their employer. TKW who find themselves in an employment situations like
the one described above will not have the opportunity to make use of the available education
opportunities. An additional problem was highlighted during the interview with an NGO
representative.
The other key issue is the security of workers in Singapore. At the moment if your
employer wants to fire you and send you home he can do that without giving a reason.
(Interview NGO)
TKW, who attend university, need to plan several years in advance as part time studies take a
long time. Therefore, they need a certain amount of security regarding their jobs. If speaking
up can put them at risk they will most likely refrain from doing anything that could upset the
employer or put a strain on the working relationship.
On the other hand, employers can be an important support factor for TKW. Wardoyo &
Mahmud (2013: 223) found that apart from granting the permission to study, they also give
moral support, time to study and provide internet access which enables TKW to study from
home. In one of the interviews a TKW even mentioned that her employer was the one who
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