Educational Assortative Mating, Bridal Pregnancy, and Childbearing in Contemporary Japan
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Educational Assortative Mating, Bridal Pregnancy, and Childbearing in Contemporary Japan Fumiya Uchikoshi (The University of Tokyo) Ryohei Mogi (Centre d'Estudis Demogràfics, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) 1. Introduction This study examines the impact of educational assortative mating on fertility outcomes in contemporary Japan. Previous studies argued that the relative improvement of women's better access to higher education in developed nations accompanies an increase in the number of women having stable jobs and an increase in homogamy and hypogamy marriage patterns. However, little is known about the consequence of hypergamy (van Bavel 2012) on demographic outcomes. One exception is Nomes and van Bavel (2016), which argued that an increase in hypogamy couples (wives have more education than husbands) is a main determinant to explain the long-term decline in fertility in Belgium. These hypogamic couples are less likely to have children because of relatively larger opportunity cost, differentials in marital timing, and women’s preference to marry down. In the Japanese context, however, the impact of hypogamy on childbirth may have a different mechanism. Uniqueness of Japan comparing other developed countries is the strong association between marriage and fertility (Raymo, Musick, and Iwasawa 2015) and this feature may create the different mechanism behind that relationship. Although a family structure and attitudes towards family values have been transformed over the decades in many respects (e.g., a decrease in family size, increase in single person household, or declining parent’s intervention towards marriage), the proportion of non-marital births is still a quantitative minority (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 2017). Hence, childbirth mostly happened in marital union. However, recently the order of marriage and conception becomes more flexible than in the past. The proportion of bridal pregnancy1 (Dekichatta kekkon), which is a marriage preceded by pregnancy, among first births increased from 12.6% in 1980 to 27.9% in 2002, then it has been stable (Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare 2000, 2010). Related with spouse pairing patterns, Raymo and Iwasawa (2008) argued bridal pregnancy occurs among non-normative type of couples such as women’s educational hypogamy, since bridal pregnancy is highly likely to be unintended (Raymo, Musick, and Iwasawa 2015). Moreover, as previous studies suggested that marriage preceded by pregnancy is strongly associated with divorce risk and lower quality of marital relationship (Teachman 2002), it is possible to assume that these unexpected and non-normative marriage would not produce an additional childbirth. Therefore, according to those findings, 1 We use bridal pregnancy as a term to describe a marriage preceded by pregnancy following Raymo and Iwasawa (2008). While it sounds more common to use pre-marital pregnancy to describe it, pre-marital pregnancy implies that it does not consider they get married and marriage timing. Therefore, using the term of bridal pregnancy is more suitable in the Japanese context.
hypogamy in Japan have a positive association with the first childbirth, possibly mediated by its strong linkage to the bridal pregnancy and a negative influence on an additional childbirth. Based on this research interest, this study examines the relationship between educational assortative mating and fertility outcomes possibly mediated through marriage preceded by pregnancy in Japan. In this study, Japanese General Social Survey 2009 Life Course Study (JGSS-2009LCS) is used. One of the advantages of this survey is that it captures detailed information of respondent’s and spouse’s demographic events and occupational careers in person-month level. Because of its exploratory nature of the study, we attempt to estimate the hazards by parity (i.e. first, second, and third childbirth) using event history model (Yamaguchi 1991). The total sample used for the analysis is 887 Japanese female aged 28 to 42 in 2008 who are currently married2. We explain the trend of educational structure and assortative mating in developed countries and the unique trends in Japan in the following section. After defining our two hypotheses of the impact of hypogamy onto childbirth by parity in the third section, data and method used are introduced. The results are illustrated in the fifth section, then the conclusions, discussion, limitations and future research are found in the final section. 2. Literature Review 2.1. Women’s better access to higher education and the end of hypergamy thesis In most of developed countries TFR declined under the replacement level. It also has an aspect as a process of reducing the differential fertility among the social classes. While in the past scholars have examined the relationship between social mobility and differential fertility (Berent 1952; Duncan 1966), the influence of women's educational attainment on fertility is paid an attention in recent years, possibly because of the relative improvement of women's better access to higher education. However, since fertility consists of two partners, we can also focus on the influence of the male partner’s social status (Corjin et al. 1996). For women, if marriage acts as an opportunity of social mobility, it is decisive to consider the influence of not only female’s status but also male's educational attainment on fertility (Huinink 1995). Moreover, besides of each partner’s socio-economic status, the combination (assortative mating) can influence on the fertility (Dribe and Stanfors 2010). In the economic model of division of labor, male candidates in the marriage market seek women's housekeeping role, and women seek male partner’s earning potential (Becker 1991). Therefore, it is predicted that the fertility of a women’s hypergamy couple (whose female status is lower than that of men) is the higher than the other type of couples (Nomes and van Bavel 2016; Trimarchi and van Bavel 2017). Alternatively, as homogamy couples are predicted to have similar values and are less likely to dissolve (Tzeng 1992), the fertility of homogamous couple could be higher than heterogamy couples. 2 JGSS-2009LCS only asked their respondents about educational attainment of their current spouse. Since this study examines the effect of educational assortative mating, we omitted divorced, widowed, and remarried cases from the analysis.
Predicting a similar result through a different mechanism, scholars in demography have paid more attention on increasing hypogamy couples in recent years. Due to women’s better access to higher education over the decades, more women than men study at higher education in most of the developed nations (DiPrete and Buchmann 2013; Esteve et al. 2016; van Bavel 2012). Esteve et al. (2016) presented that the proportion of female college graduates age 25 to age 29 was higher than male in 139 countries in 2010. While the women’s hypergamy was the normative type of union in the past, this structural change in higher education decrease the hypergamy couples (Esteve et al. 2016). Due to this changing in the assortative mating trend, hypogamy couples, which were considered as non-normative couples, have decline relatively in its disadvantages (e.g. high risk of divorce) in the United States (Schwartz and Han 2014). In European countries, on the other hand, the number of female breadwinner has increased and hypogamy couples are predicted to be playing a new role of division of labor between wives and husbands. Based on the increase in the number of hypogamy couples in developed nations, the consequence of educational hypogamy has been intensively examined. Among those literature, Nomes and van Bavel (2016) hypothesized that an increase in educational hypogamy in Belgium contributed to the decline in fertility over the decades. They provided three causal mechanisms to hypothesize that hypogamic unions are negatively associated with fertility. First, opportunity cost of childbearing could be considerably high in households where women outearn their husbands. Secondly, there are differentials in marital timing between the lower and higher educated. Therefore, women of hypogamic unions tend to postpone their fertility behaviors. Third, women’s preference towards the number of children might be associated with expected spouse pairings. Women who want to have more children might project to rely on husband’s earning potential, while highly educated women who do not want to have children selectively choose partners whose status are lower than themselves. Therefore, women of hypogamic unions are assumed to have fewer children compared with wives of other types of assortative mating. 2.2. The Japanese context 2.2.1 Trends in educational assortative mating in Japan Is the association of an increase in educational hypogamy and fertility applicable to other low fertility countries in different contexts, such as East Asian nations? To broaden the perspective provided by Nomes and van Bavel (2016), this study examines its applicability in the Japanese context. In Japan, the composition of educational assortative mating has changed differently from other countries in which there has been an increase in educational homogamy (Blossfeld and Timm 2003; Mare and Schwartz 2005). Japan has been characterized as a country where gender division both in public and private spheres is one of the most rigid in the world. As a result of this gender asymmetric structure, women are socially expected to quit the job after marriage or childbirth. Therefore, educational hypergamy has been considered as normative (Raymo and Iwasawa, 2005). In terms of trend of educational assortative mating, there has been a decreasing trend in educational homogamy (Fukuda, Yoda, and Mogi 2017; Miwa 2007). Raymo and Xie (2000), using the
10th National Fertility Survey in 1992, argued that the association between husband’s and wife’s education decreased between the 1970-74 and 1988-92 marriage cohorts. Miwa (2007) also found that the level of educational homogamy has decreased over the decades using different nationally representative datasets. The latest study by Fukuda, Yoda, and Mogi (2017), using microdata from the Population Census, argued a constant decline in educational homogamy in Japan from 1980 to 2010. In contrast to the interests in educational homogamy, the trend of educational hypogamy has not been paid a scholar’s attention, but the proportion has gradually increased (Fukuda, Yoda, and Mogi 2017). A part of reason was its smaller share in educational assortative mating in Japan, where many women are willing to marry up (hypergamy) even in the bad economic environment that has existed since the 1990s (Raymo and Iwasawa 2005). 2.2.2 The relationship between educational assortative mating and fertility in Japan Empirical study about the association educational assortative mating and fertility in Japan is limited. One exception is Shirahase (2011), which argued that highly educated homogamic couples tend to have fewer children to invest more in the child's education than lower educated couples, possibly because of its poor public expenditure on education and thus private sectors (households) play a major role for education expenditure among OECD countries. How does hypogamy influence on fertility in Japan? We propose two hypotheses drawn from the same theoretical assumption: educational hypogamy couples more tend to be pregnant before marriage than the other types of combination. Before introducing our two hypotheses, we explain this assumption. Raymo and Iwasawa (2008), using four waves of National Fertility Survey in Japan, argued bridal pregnancy occurs among couples of women’s educational hypogamy. This is because bridal pregnancy is positively associated with unintendedness of childbearing (Raymo, Musick, and Iwasawa 2015). There are two main reasons. Firstly, the effective contraception is not widespread (Konishi and Tamaki 2016). Use of hormonal contraception (e.g. using pill) is authorized by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare in Japan in 1999 and most couples rely on using condom or withdrawal in sexual intercourse. Konishi and Tamaki (2016), using a cross sectional survey among married and never-married women in Japan, argued that more than half of never-married women do not use reliable contraceptive methods such as pill, even if they do not have a current pregnancy intention. In addition, sexual activity at young age in Japan increased and has got younger (Japanese Association for Sex Education 2013). Therefore, bridal pregnancy occurs unintendedly as a result of sexual intercourse without an effective contraceptive use (Ohtani 1993). Secondly, the reason of marriage illustrates the feature of bridal pregnancy. Using the 14th Japanese National Fertility Survey (2010), Iwasawa and Kamata (2014) compared reasons to get married between bridal pregnant couples and the others. They presented 75.3 % of bridal pregnant couples decided to get married because women conceived (Iwasawa and Kamata 2014), while only 4.0% of couples of other first marriages responded to this category. This result indicates that it is strongly required to marry by the time of first birth in the Japanese context.
While Nomes and van Bavel (2016) argued that educational hypogamy suppressed the level of fertility, we predict that educational hypogamy is differently associated with the first and the second birth due to the key feature of bridal pregnancy in Japan. As hypogamy couples are more likely to be bridal pregnant, we hypothesize that educational hypogamy is positively associated with first childbirth. In contrast, we predict the relationship between hypogamy and the second childbirth would be negative. There are two series of empirical studies that support this hypothesis. First, unintended pregnancy decreases mother’s well-being (Institute of Medicine 1995), which is anticipated to lead to lower childbearing desire. A theory of couple’s interdependence (Kelley 1979; Scanzoni 1979), which assumes that couples are interconnected in terms of their behavioral and psychological exchange derived from romantic relationship, predicts a pregnancy causes a conflict within a couple. If the pregnancy is unintended, its negative impact on marital wellbeing will be strengthened, because the union is formed for protecting their child from illegitimacy (Hertog 2009), rather than the relationship itself (Knab and Harknett 2006; Surra, Chandler, and Asmussen 1987). Secondly, premarital pregnant couples tend to have higher probability to divorce (Billy, Landale, and McLaughlin 1986; Knab and Harknett 2006; McCarthy and Menken 1979; Surra, Chandler, and Asmussen 1987; Teachman 2002). Premarital pregnancy occurs among non-normative type of couples such as women’s educational hypogamy (Raymo and Iwasawa 2008), which is also positively associated with divorce (Tzeng 1992). Divorced women will face a considerable difficulty to have an additional child unless they remarried a new partner in the Japanese context. Therefore, it is highly likely that bridal pregnancy negatively influences on the second childbirth. 3. Hypothesis On the one hand, if we follow the argument by Nomes and van Bavel (2016) that examine the impact of educational assortative mating on childbirth in Belgium, we predict that, regardless of the order of childbirth, hypogamy couples tend to have less likelihood to experience childbearing (hypothesis 1). On the other hand, if we focus on the non-normative aspect of this spouse pairing, hypogamic unions have a positive effect on fertility, but only for the first childbirth (hypothesis 2a). To add, educational hypogamy is negatively associated with second childbirth and the relationship is partly explained by their propensity to experience bridal pregnancy (hypothesis 2b). 4. Data and Methods The data, JGSS2009-LCS we use is a retrospective data and contains marriage/divorce, childbirth, and other life course history in person-month level. Hence, it fits our research interest because it allows us to separate bridal pregnancy couples from other pregnancy couples. We created person-month data in which the risk set limits the sample to female respondents and starts from (1) the time at their first marriage for the first childbirth and (2) twelve months after the first childbirth for the second. Bridal pregnancy is defined cases in which the first child was born within the first seven months from marriage. Respondent's and spouse’s education were classified into junior high school, high school, vocational/junior colleges, and university or more. Based on this classification, we created homogamy (husband’s education = wife’s
education), hypergamy (husband’s > wife’s), and hypogamy (husband’s < wife’s). Table 1 presents the distribution of each variable at the beginning of observation. Duration longer than 180 months (=15 years) from the beginning of observation was censored. Table 1. Descriptive statistics Second First birth birth Educational attainment Junior high school 1.13 1.15 High school 38.11 38.41 Junior/two year colleges 42.39 43.48 University and more 18.38 16.96 Spouse’s educational attainment Junior high school 2.93 3.34 High school 38.67 38.87 Junior/two year colleges 18.15 17.88 University and more 40.25 39.91 Age at marriage 16-22 14.54 14.42 23-25 31.34 31.83 26-28 33.26 32.76 29-31 14.09 14.42 32-34 4.51 4.27 Over 35 2.25 2.31 Leaving parental home 35.47 92.71 Educational assortative mating Homogamy (low) 22.77 22.84 Hypergamy 31.91 32.41 Hypogamy 20.29 20.42 Homogamy (high) 25.03 24.34 Age at first birth 16-22 9.11 23-25 19.84 26-28 32.06 29-31 25.84 32-34 8.77 Over 35 4.38 Bridal pregnancy 26.87 N 887 867 Source: Authors’ calculation using JGSS2009-LCS data 5. Results 5.1 Descriptive results We first estimated the descriptive survival rates of having first and second child depending on the types of educational assortative mating. Since homogamy couples include both low and high educated, we separate this type of pairing into low (junior high and high school) and high (vocational/junior colleges and university) educated groups.
Figure 1 shows survival function of first birth among these four educational groups. Homogamy couples of low educated are the most likely to have their first childbirth during the first half of the survival time at month level and hypogamic couple follows. Homogamy of high educated are less likely to have their child, but the gap in propensity to bear child gradually decreased and during the second half of the survival months the propensity of high educated homogamy couples to bear child is almost the same with other groups. Not surprisingly, these differentials in fertility timing occur because low educated couples tend to marry earlier. Therefore, we need to examine whether educational hypogamic couples are more likely to have their child compared with other groups by controlling demographic covariates. Figure 1. Survival function of first birth 1.00 0.75 Survival rate 0.50 0.25 0.00 0 50 100 150 200 Duration from time at marriage (month) Homogamy (high) 222 Hypogamy 180 Homogamy (low) 202 Hypergamy 283 Note: a log-rank test shows the difference of those survival functions between four groups is statistically significant (1% level). Figure 2 shows survival functions of second childbirth among those groups. Compared with the survival function of first birth in which more than 90% of the population experience their first birth, the probability of couples to have their second child is slightly lower. It also demonstrates that the differentials in birth risk between these four groups are not significant compared with the first birth sample although the result of log rank test shows the difference of second birth risk between them is statistically significant at 10% level. In spite of these smaller difference, homogamy of low educated couples are more likely to have their second child than other couples. However, a similar problem occurs as we face in the survival function of first birth. In this case, it is highly likely that homogamy of low educated couples have their first child earlier than other couples. Therefore, we need to control not only the timing of marriage but also the timing of first child birth in estimating the propensity to have second child birth and its differentials among four educational groups.
Figure 2. Survival function of second birth 1.00 0.75 Survival rate 0.50 0.25 0.00 0 50 100 150 200 Duration from 12 months after time at first birth (month) Homogamy (high) 211) Hypogamy 177 Homogamy (low) 198 Hypergamy 281 Note: a log-rank test shows the difference of those survival functions between four groups is statistically significant (10% level). 5.2 The relationship between educational assortative mating and first childbirth To capture the precise estimation of the effect of assortative mating on childbirth, Table 2 shows the results of discrete time logit regressions which predict the propensity of each assortative mating to have first childbirth. In Model 1, we examined the effect of educational attainment of each partner with other covariates. Since in this study we pay a particular attention on educational hypogamy, the highest attainment (i.e., university and more) is placed in a reference category. Compared with these university graduates, other groups are more likely to have their first child. In particular, the positive association on junior college graduates with first birth risk is statistically significant and high school graduates also positively associated with first birth at marginal level (10%). As of spouse, high school graduates are more likely to have their first child than university graduates and this is statistically significant at 5% level. The relationship between junior college graduates and first birth risk is observed possibly because in Japan male junior college graduates are a quantitative minority. In Model 2, we added a series of educational coupling setting educational homogamy of high educated as a reference category. In contrast to our hypothesis, the effect of educational hypogamy on first birth risk is not significant, although the coefficient is positive. Other types of educational assortative mating, homogamy of low educated and hypergamy couples, are neither associated with first birth risk at statistically significant level.
Table 2. Results of the effect of educational assortative mating on first birth estimated by discrete time logit model Model 1 Model 2 Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E. Month at risk (ref: 1-6) 7-12 0.846*** (0.124) 0.846*** (0.124) 13-24 1.043*** (0.125) 1.043*** (0.125) 25-36 0.878*** (0.146) 0.879*** (0.146) 37-60 0.748*** (0.152) 0.750*** (0.152) 61-96 0.155 (0.213) 0.155 (0.214) over 97 -0.538† (0.315) -0.541† (0.315) Educational attainment (ref: university and more) Junior high school 0.309 (0.406) 0.595 (0.585) High school 0.203† (0.113) 0.325 (0.255) Junior/two year colleges 0.244* (0.103) 0.335† (0.179) Spouse’s Educational attainment (ref: university and more) Junior high school 0.140 (0.226) -0.125 (0.466) High school 0.207* (0.089) -0.034 (0.373) Junior/two year colleges 0.049 (0.103) -0.029 (0.162) Age at marriage (ref: 29-31) 16-22 -0.017 (0.142) -0.023 (0.142) 23-25 -0.024 (0.115) -0.026 (0.116) 26-28 -0.018 (0.112) -0.021 (0.112) 32-34 0.116 (0.194) 0.116 (0.194) Over 35 0.174 (0.262) 0.180 (0.262) Leaving parental home -0.015 (0.094) -0.015 (0.095) Educational assortative mating (ref: homogamy (high)) Homogamy (low) 0.126 (0.303) Hypergamy -0.101 (0.191) Hypogamy 0.156 (0.283) Constant -4.121*** (0.154) -4.120*** (0.156) Observations 21580 21580 Log Likelihood -3482.951 -3482.718 AIC 7003.901 7009.436 Pseudo R square 0.021 0.021 † p
second birth risk? Especially, are hypogamic couples, which have been regarded as non-normative, less likely to have their second child? To answer this question, we examined the effect of educational attainment and its combination on second birth risk in Table 3. In Model 1, the same variables shown in Table 2 except for the age at first birth are used. In contrast to results of first birth, neither wife’s educational attainment nor spouse’s educational attainment are not associated with childbirth. However, even if educational attainment as baseline is not significantly related to childbirth, it is likely that its combination (assortative mating) might affect the childbirth risk. In Model 2, we added three dummy variables to examine this point. The result demonstrates that compared with homogamy of high educated, educational hypogamy is negatively associated with second childbirth risk even after controlling covariates such as the age at marriage and the age at first childbirth. The odds of hypogamic couples not having their second child are 2.33 times greater than homogamy of high educated couples (1/exp(-0.824)=1/0.43=2.33). The negative association of educational hypogamy and second childbirth supports our hypothesis. To elucidate a possible mechanism behind the relationship, we added a dummy variable that will be 1 is a respondent experiences a bridal pregnancy and 0 otherwise. Although our hypothesis assumes that the negative effect of educational hypogamy on second childbirth is explained by its propensity to conceive her first child before marriage, the effect of bridal pregnancy is not significant and positive. To add, the association between educational hypogamy and second childbirth is still marginally significant and its negative effect remains. Table 3. Results of the effect of educational assortative mating on second childbirth estimated by discrete time logit model Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E. Month at risk (ref: 1-6) 7-12 1.386*** (0.193) 1.387*** (0.193) 1.387*** (0.193) 13-24 1.672*** (0.183) 1.675*** (0.183) 1.675*** (0.183) 25-36 1.541*** (0.193) 1.546*** (0.193) 1.546*** (0.193) 37-60 1.158*** (0.200) 1.161*** (0.200) 1.161*** (0.200) 61-96 0.112 (0.263) 0.123 (0.264) 0.124 (0.264) over 97 -1.051* (0.443) -1.015* (0.444) -1.012* (0.444) Educational attainment (ref: university and more) Junior high school -0.172 (0.471) -0.680 (0.641) -0.677 (0.643) High school -0.001 (0.138) -0.189 (0.306) -0.190 (0.306) Junior/two year colleges 0.007 (0.125) -0.118 (0.215) -0.122 (0.215) Spouse's Educational attainment (ref: university and more Junior high school -0.202 (0.245) 0.733 (0.582) 0.725 (0.581) High school 0.084 (0.103) 0.946† (0.496) 0.926† (0.497) Junior/two year colleges -0.099 (0.125) 0.030 (0.185) 0.023 (0.185)
Age at marriage (ref: 29-31) 16-22 -0.221 (0.215) -0.233 (0.216) -0.195 (0.225) 23-25 -0.336* (0.170) -0.343* (0.171) -0.317† (0.176) 26-28 -0.135 (0.150) -0.138 (0.150) -0.124 (0.152) 32-34 0.090 (0.304) 0.067 (0.304) 0.057 (0.305) Over 35 -0.158 (0.615) -0.135 (0.613) -0.158 (0.613) Leaving parental home 0.211 (0.202) 0.247 (0.204) 0.244 (0.204) Age at first birth (ref: 16-22) 23-25 -0.071 (0.184) -0.051 (0.185) -0.028 (0.189) 26-28 -0.409* (0.204) -0.388† (0.205) -0.348 (0.215) 29-31 -0.609** (0.221) -0.608** (0.222) -0.555* (0.239) 32-34 -0.815** (0.273) -0.816** (0.274) -0.750* (0.295) Over 35 -1.514** (0.508) -1.522** (0.507) -1.447** (0.521) Educational assortative matinge (ref: homogamy (high)) Homogamy (low) -0.715 (0.439) -0.702 (0.439) Hypergamy 0.070 (0.224) 0.069 (0.224) Hypogamy -0.824* (0.420) -0.814† (0.420) Bridal pregnancy 0.062 (0.103) Constant -4.561*** (0.348) -4.554*** (0.349) -4.618*** (0.365) Observations 29139 29139 29139 Log Likelihood -2888.480 -2886.239 -2886.061 AIC 5824.961 5826.478 5828.121 Pseudo R square 0.047 0.048 0.048 † p
In Japan, while the increase in hypogamy couples are observed as well (Fukuda, Yoda, and Mogi 2017), nuptiality and fertility change can be seen in the increase in bridal pregnancy. The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of hypogamy onto fertility considering bridal pregnancy in Japan. Bridal pregnancy is highly related to hypogamy (Raymo and Iwasawa 2008) and highly likely being unintended (Iwasawa and Kamata 2014; Raymo, Musick, and Iwasawa 2015), which decreases the desire of childbirth (Institute of Medicine 1995) and increases the divorce risk (Billy, Landale, and McLaughlin 1986; Knab and Harknett 2006; McCarthy and Menken 1979; Surra, Chandler, and Asmussen 1987; Teachman 2002). Therefore, our hypothesis is that educational hypogamy is positively associated with firstbirth, but negatively associated with second childbirth. Although this is the tentative result, this study’s attempt to examine the relationship between assortative mating and fertility outcome shows notable findings. First, hypogamic unions do not necessarily have fewer children. In particular, no difference in first birth risk with statistical significance was observed among four types of educational assortative mating. Second, however, educational hypogamy is negatively associated with second childbirth compared with educational homogamy of high educated. Third, in contrast to our prediction, bridal pregnancy is not associated with additional childbirth and the effect of educational hypogamy on second birth remains even after controlling the effect of bridal pregnancy. Therefore, these results partly support our hypothesis. Although the association between educational hypogamy and firstbirth was not observed, we demonstrated the negative association of educational hypogamy with secondbirth. However, bridal pregnancy does not explain this relationship. Possibly, as we argue below, a part of educational hypogamy couples which were formed because of unintended childbearing might have dissolved and was omitted from the sample of this study. If so, other factors such as wife’s relatively higher earning potential than other types of couple affect lower probability of childbearing. Alternatively, as Nomes and van Bavel (2016) argued, these non-normative couples are deviated from other family norms, the two-child norm in this case. It should be noted that the abovementioned interpretation should be cautious due to a selection problem. There are selection biases in bridal pregnancy and the second child birth. We only observe a person who get pregnant before marriage and is married before childbirth, which means that we are not able to observe a person who ends the pre-marital pregnant in abortion. Thus, the bridal pregnant sample in this analysis is selected from the number of pre-marital pregnant. Secondly, we have to omit the divorced sample due to the data limitation. JGSS-2009LCS did not ask the educational level of the first partner for the divorced and widowed person. Therefore, it is not possible to include them as we are not able to create assortative mating variable. As bridal pregnant couples have higher divorce risk (Billy, Landale, and McLaughlin 1986; Knab and Harknett 2006; McCarthy and Menken 1979; Surra, Chandler, and Asmussen 1987; Teachman 2002), the results underestimate the negative impact of bridal pregnancy on second childbirth at least. It is possible to anticipate that its effect could be larger than our results if we included the information of divorced person. However, at the same time, this also indicates the robustness of our results.
This study leaves an implication to disentangling the decline in TFR in Japan. While the main factor to decline in TFR has been the changes of nuptiality behavior in Japan (Iwasawa 2002), recently the decline in marital fertility started contributing to the decline in TFR (Hiroshima 2001; Kaneko 2004). Our results present that hypogamy couples do not have statistically significant difference from the other type of assortative mating couples, while they have lower probability to have second birth. This means that recent decline in marital fertility may be caused by hypogamy couples. Similar to Belgium case (Nomes and van Bavel 2016), the increase in hypogamy couples may contribute to the low fertility in Japan. In addition, Japanese unique situation among developed countries (i.e., low non-marital childbirth rate and high bridal pregnant proportion) may help to understand and generalize the new trend of assortative mating and its consequences. References Becker, G. S. (1991). A Treatise on the Family. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Berent, J. (1952). Fertility and social mobility. Population Studies 5(3): 244-260. Billy, J. O. G., Landale, N. S., and McLaughlin, S. D. (1986). The effect of marital status at first birth on marital dissolution among adolescent mothers. Demography 23(3):329-349. Blossfeld, H.-P. and A. Timm. (2012). Who Marries Whom? Springer Science & Business Media. Corijn, M., Liefbroer, A. C., and de Jong Gierveld, J. (1966). It Takes Two to Tango, Doesn't It? The Influence of Couple Characteristics on the Timing of the Birth of the First Child. Journal of Marriage and Family 58(1): 117-126. DiPrete, T. A. and Buchmann, C. (2013). The Rise of Women: The Growing Gender Gap in Education and What It Means for American Schools. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Dribe, M. and Stanfors, M. (2010). Family life in power couples.: Continued childbearing and union stability among the educational elite in Sweden, 1991–2005. Demographic Research 23(30): 847–878. Duncan, O. D. (1966). Methodological Issues in the Analysis of Social Mobility. In: Smelser, N. J. and Lipset, S. M. (eds.). Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development. Chicago: Aldine: 51-97. Esteve, A, Schwartz, C. R., van Bavel, J., Permanyer, I., Klesment, M., and García-Román, J. (2016). The End of Hypergamy: Global Trends and Implications. Population and Development Review 42(4): 615– 625. Fukuda, S., Yoda, S., and Mogi, R. (2017). Three Decades of Educational Assortative Mating in Japan - A Micro-Data Analysis of Population Census 1980-2010. IPSS Working Paper Series (J) No.14. Tokyo: National Institute of Population and Social Security Research. (in Japanese) Hertog, E. (2009). Tough choices: Bearing an illegitimate child in Japan. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Hiroshima, K. (2001). Shusshou ritu teika wo donoyou ni toraeruka? Nenreibetsu yuuhaiguu shussyouritu no monndaisei [How to Analyze Fertility Decline? : Drawback in Age-specific Marital Fertility Rate], Riron to Hoho [Theory and Methods], 16(2) 163-183. (in Japanese)
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