Argentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930)
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Articles / Artículos
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
Argentinian women and the uses of drugs: A
sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in
Argentina (1860-1930)
Mujeres argentinas y usos de drogas: análisis
sociohistórico del uso femenino de sustancias
psicoactivas en Argentina (1860-1930)
Victoria Sánchez Antelo1
1
Corresponding author. Abstract This article describes cases presented by experts from the legislative and
PhD in Social Sciences.
Professor-Researcher,
medical-legal fields regarding the use of psychoactive substances among Argentinian
Instituto de Ciencias de la women from 1878 to 1930. Background information is presented regarding the relationship
Salud, Universidad Nacional between women and the use of different drugs, medical interventions on the female body
de Tres de Febrero, Buenos
Aires, Argentina. * where psychoactive substances were used are analyzed, and experts’ descriptions of cases
of female drug users are detailed. Experts’ discourses during this period did not attempt to
comprehend the specificities of female consumption but were rather used to position the
issue of drug use as a social problem. This was done using three prototypes: the victim of
a sick husband; the prostitute who encourages drug use among the weak in spirit (natural-
born criminals); and the virtuous young woman who succumbs to drug addiction in spite
of her father’s rule. Each figure reinforces the need for state intervention and increased
social control.
Keywords Substance-Related Disorders; Drug Prescriptions; Medical Legislation; Gender
identity; Argentina.
ABSTRACT Este trabajo describe casos expuestos por expertos de los ámbitos legislativo
y médico-legal periodístico, en los que se reporta el consumo de sustancias psicoactivas
por parte de mujeres de Argentina, entre 1878 y 1930. Se presentan antecedentes sobre
mujeres y usos de distintos fármacos, se analizan las intervenciones médicas que utilizan
sustancias psicoactivas sobre el cuerpo femenino, y se detallan los casos de mujeres
consumidoras desde las miradas expertas. En este periodo, los discursos expertos no
buscaron comprender la especificidad femenina del consumo, sino promover el tema
drogas como un problema. Esto se produce utilizando tres prototipos: la víctima de un
marido enfermo, la prostituta que envicia a los débiles de espíritu (criminal nata), y la
joven virtuosa que contraviene la ley del padre y sucumbe en la toxicomanía. Cada figura
refuerza la necesidad de intervención estatal y control social.
Palabras claves Abuso de Drogas; Prescripciones de Medicamentos; Legislación
Médica; Identidad de Género; Argentina.
Salud Colectiva | Universidad Nacional de Lanús | ISSN 1669-2381 | EISSN 1851-8265 | doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.24462
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446 Sánchez Antelo V.
INTRODUCTION others’ presentation of the case, women are
depicted only as passive victims without clin-
ical details, while the process through which
In Argentina in 1920, the case of a woman those same drugs are utilized on female bod-
who had died of a drug overdose was chosen ies as part of the “art of healing” is omitted.
as a way to introduce the issue of drugs into This omission made it possible to evoke
the legislative arena. José Roydero and Juan prototypical figures in order to highlight the
Capurro, National Deputies for the Capital danger of an epidemic whose magnitude was
from the Radical Civic Union (UCR), used unclear locally. Academic and legislative
this case to argue the relevance of their bill publications of the time emphasized not only
“Regulation of alkaloid commerce” in the the danger that the citizenry was exposed to,
August 31, 1920 session.(1) The chosen case but that the very future of the Nation was en-
stirred up multiple issues that the legislators dangered. In these sources, despite the fact
exploited on a number of occasions. It con- that the majority of cases narrated were cen-
sisted of a lawsuit against a physician who tered on men, it is possible to observe un-
had been charged with turning his wife into systematic mentions of women who used
a morphine addict. This case resonated with different “alkaloids.”
the porteño bourgeoisie, as it involved a phy- These moralizing and classist discourses
sician who had been a student of the capital – which made frequent reference to the con-
city’s most renowned doctors and a woman of sumption of substances by women – were
the elite. According to court records, the man central to prohibitionist arguments that were
began to utilize morphine after a fracture. the precursors to local and international drug
The woman began using morphine during policy.(8,9,10) Although chronicles of the early
their honeymoon aboard a ship to Europe, 20th century often refer to female consump-
provided and administered by her husband.(2) tion practices, few inquiries into women as
In 1916, after a period of recurrent morphine consumers of psychoactive substances exist.
use, the woman died,(3) leading to a lawsuit Rather, contemporary studies tend to focus on
against her physician husband.(4) According their role in trafficking rather than consump-
to Roydero, the document provided by the tion,(11,12,13) while gender studies highlight the
courts “is a file where we can clearly see a importance of understanding the socio-cul-
man driving a young and beautiful woman to tural aspects of drug use.(14,15,16,17,18,19)
the absolute relinquishment of her own will In the field of Argentinian historiography,
and submits to his, who transforms her into no systematic analysis has been conducted of
true human detritus.”(5) the consumption of psychoactive substances
Interest among physicians in Argentina by women. Some researchers have reflected
regarding the uses of “alkaloids” began to ap- on the formation of psychopathological dis-
pear near the end of the 19th century. None- courses(6) in parliamentary debates,(20,21) as
theless, this particular case spurred debates well as the figure of Leopoldo Bard and his ar-
among experts and lawmakers regarding the ticulation with international political consen-
role of physicians in the administration of dif- suses.(7) In this sense, the research that formed
ferent substances, the role of pharmacists in the basis for this article employed sources
their provision, and especially the use of psy- analyzed in previous studies, but with focus
choactive substances without medical super- placed on cases of female consumers.
vision and the criminal liability of individuals
with drug addiction.(6) The debate culminated
in 1926 with the penalization of the posses- METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS
sion of a number of substances without a pre-
scription.(7)
Despite the female protagonist in the The objective of the research, therefore, was
case chosen by Roydero, in his as well as in to describe cases presented by experts fromArgentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930) 3
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
the legislative and medical-legal fields re- the theoretical elements of their analyses.
garding the use of psychoactive substances Of these theses, this research only took into
among Argentinian women from 1878 to account cases observed involving women in
1930. Expert discourses from this period are Argentina. Moreover, in the journalistic arti-
analyzed, showing that they did not seek cles collected by Leopoldo Bard, pieces from
to define female specificity, but rather to the European press that describe police cases
position the issue of “drug use” as a social revolving around drug abuse are reproduced.
problem that required State intervention and He also cites Harry Anslinger, who describes
greater social control. Revising this historical the situation in the United States. Therefore,
process constitutes a contribution to the com- the cases reported by Bard – which appeared
prehension of current mental health policy, in the press both in France and the United
criminal law, and State action regarding indi- States – were excluded from the analysis. Al-
viduals that use drugs, particularly women. It though these references were considered in
should be first noted that the concept of psy- order to give an account of expert perspec-
choactive substances – or “drugs” as a syn- tives on the issue, the analysis focused on
onym – is used here in reference to the range cases of Argentinian women that consumed
of substances that have psychoactive effects these substances.
on the central nervous system of the human Fourth, the archives consulted for this
body, regardless of legal status. This includes research included: the library at the Medical
alcohol, but also products such as cocaine, School of the University of Buenos Aires (UBA),
morphine, laudanum, cannabis, mercuric where scientific journals and doctoral theses
chloride, chloroform, ether, or pentyl nitrite. published between 1860 and 1930 could be
Second, period defined for the analy- accessed; records of congressional proceed-
sis comprised a historical moment in which ings from 1894 to 1933, both from the Hon-
certain substances that were utilized on the orable Chamber of Deputies of the Nation and
female body in local medical practice and Honorable Senate of the Argentinian Nation,
sold over the counter gradually transformed as well as medical dissemination publications
into a public health concern that would re- from the same period, kept in the periodicals
quire prohibition and State intervention both archive at the Library of the National Congress;
through medical and police action.(20) and the issues of the magazine Caras y Care-
Third, documentary sources published tas (Buenos Aires edition) published between
between 1860 and 1930 were used, that re- 1898 and 1930, found in the digital collection
ferred to the consumption of psychoactive at the National Library of Spain.
substances by humans and that contained ref- This article forms part of a larger research
erences to drug use on the part of Argentin- agenda on women and the uses of drugs,
ian women. It should be noted that academic aimed at analyzing the historical process of
publications by local authors, in addition to the production of knowledge and the prob-
theoretical discussions of the topics they ad- lematization of female drug consumption in
dressed, constructed clinical profiles based the healthcare field and in Argentinian politics.
on the reproduction of cases reported by Eu- The article is divided into three sections.
ropean academics – as well as authors from The first provides some background on the
the United States – in order to justify models relationship between women and the uses
of State regulation. of different pharmaceuticals. Then, different
The theses of Argentinian physicians an- medical interventions on the female body
alyzed here reproduce cases described by that utilized psychoactive substances are
European theorists such as Benjamin Ball, analyzed and the consequences of that use.
Jean-Baptiste Fonssagrives, Eduard Levisn- Finally, cases of female drug users are pre-
tein, Jean-Martin Charcot or Henri Legrand sented, as described by experts in order to
du Saulle, among others. This reproduction justify medical procedures, legal reforms, and
allowed Argentinian physicians to present the institutionalization of specific policies.4
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446 Sánchez Antelo V.
Each section corresponds to a moment of and a few poorly composed and even
transformation of the discourses analyzed. In less suitable recipes that they call home
all cited texts the original syntax and gram- remedies…
mar of source material are respected.
This abandonment, and their scarcity in
other Places motivates the amateurs in
WOMEN AND THE ART OF HEALING this ability, or Some women whose piety
UNDER THE VICEROYALTY: or interest compels them to apply reme-
COMMON PEOPLES AND FOUR dies without knowledge of the symptoms
HERBS of the accidents that they tolerate (Cited
by Beltrán in his Historia del Protomedi-
cato de Buenos Aires, 1937)(25)
The relationship of women to drugs is not
limited to their status as users. Women have The headings utilized by Beltrán synthesized
had a central role in the use of herbs, ton- the disputes between traditional or native
ics, and elixirs, as well as in the exercise of medicine and the colonizing advances of
healing practices throughout history.(22) The what Di Liscia has called “European tech-
institutionalization of medical and pharma- no-cultural movements.” This would entail,
ceutical roles demanded a strict regulation of on the one hand, a displacement of the role
domestic practices, specifically limits on the of women in medicating communities and
production and administration of home rem- families, and on the other a double process:
edies. The modernization of the art of heal- the appropriation of indigenous knowledge
ing displaced and discredited female power on the use of herbs and potions, along with
and knowledge in the administration of dif- a relegation of their knowledge to a place
ferent substances.(23) This process took on a of inferiority. This hierarchization made it
complex and irregular character, marked by possible to consolidate the techniques and
advances and retreats, in accordance with conceptions brought from the European con-
the greater or lesser success of legalized tinent as unquestionable truths.(26)
pharmaceuticals in treating disease.(24) In Moreover, this modernization entailed
the Rio de la Plata, the relationship between the imposition of classificatory systems, a
women and the uses of pharmaceuticals had transformation that was reflected in the Pe-
been characterized as a public problem dat- nal Code authored by Carlos Tejedor in
ing back to the period of the Viceroyalty. 1867. This introduced regulations regarding
As documented by Juan Ramón Beltrán,(25) the production of beverages and food prod-
indigenous women utilized a number of na- ucts, associated with the need to penalize
tive herbs and preparations for the purpose the adulteration of substances making them
of healing. He defined these practices as harmful to health.(27) This did not only have to
“indigenous folk medicine characteristic of do with the classification and codification of
primitive peoples” and included them in a substances as nutritious, healing, and harm-
perplexing group of activities meant to de- ful, but also with the differentiation among
ceive, based on exorcism and witchcraft. At professions, commercial activities, and legal
the beginning of the 1790s, these activities and illegal uses. The modernization of the
were so widespread that representatives of art of healing implied excluding therapeutic
the Spanish Crown alerted that practices and actors from the institution of
prescribing and preparing pharmaceuticals.
…the common peoples of the Country, Cast as folk medicine and quackery, many
opposed to Doctors and Chemists’ Medi- of these practices were led by women, and
cines, hand themselves over with greater lawmakers began to demand that they be
ease to that class of Empiricists, whose controlled.(26,28,29,30,31) Towards the end of
science can be reduced to four herbs… the 19th century, women were reduced toArgentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930) 5
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
the maternal role and recast as promoters of against “the failings of nature.” Although he
health in the home, as auxiliary custodians of suggested preventing marriages between
expert indications, as executors of preventive individuals with “hereditary diseases or de-
measures, and as supervisors of the sick.(24) fects,” when faced with a pregnancy already
underway, medical intervention appeared to
be “the logical, rational, and to a certain ex-
THE FEMALE BODY: TERRITORY OF tent scientific option.”(36)
ACTION AND PRESCRIPTION OF In this context, the pharmaceutical boom
SUBSTANCES continued, and in 1915 renowned Tucumán
physician Eliseo Cantón made an incursion
into the perfection of anesthetics with the
Between 1870 and 1890, the transforma- creation of “birth analgesics,” highly praised
tions in medical technology in Europe can by the National Academy of Medicine. In an
be largely attributed to the urgent need to article published that same year in an issue of
address high mortality rates in childbirth and the weekly magazine Caras y Caretas, Cantón
the postpartum period. The spread of these espoused that “four centigrams [of morphine
technical advancements brought with it an in- chlorhydrate] are enough to alleviate labor
creased use of aseptic measures as well as the pains, and six will resolve surgical analgesics
utilization of stitching and anesthetics such in the majority of gynecological cases.”(37)
as morphine.(32) Argentinian experts were not In the 19th century, hegemonic schools of
unaware of these advancements, which were medical thought seemed to place a great deal
cited and reproduced in their publications. of emphasis on female physiology and moral-
Emulating their European colleagues, ity.(38) In Latin America, eugenic ideas began
Argentinian experts pushed for the medi- to prosper at the beginning of the 20th cen-
calization of pregnancy. A thesis published tury, which encouraged policies for repro-
in 1908 placed focus on hygiene during ductive control as well as social conducts on
pregnancy and included recommendations the part of both men and women that would
regarding nutrition habits, controlling the affect that control. These ideas promoted the
pregnant woman’s desire to consume al- interference of the State in private matters,
coholic beverages, indications regarding fostered by increased medicalization and ap-
clothing, and vaginal aseptic measures with plication of legal regulations.(30,39,40,41)
mercuric chloride.(33) During the period analyzed, profound
Towards the end of the 19th century and socio-demographic, political, and economic
the beginning of the 20th, it became common- changes took place in Argentina, particularly
place to use cocaine, opium extract, and mor- in the city of Buenos Aires. Growing interna-
phine injections in order to address symptoms tional migration and political-economic cri-
in the female body. In 1895, these drugs were sis exacerbated social conflicts. In the field
recommended for the management of inco- of expert knowledge, eugenic ideas emerged
ercible vomiting,(34) a condition that weak- from the tensions produced by inequality. Bi-
ened the pregnant woman and had adverse ological determinism permeated a large part
effects on the fetus. They were also prescribed of conceptions related to health and disease,
for labor pains and as anesthetics for vaginal the role of the medical field as a political ac-
cesarean sections, which according to a thesis tor, and the role of the State in the control of
published in 1918 had been a practice uti- various individual behaviors.(42,43) Thus, there
lized in the country since 1907. emerged a biopolitics enclosed in scientific
In his 1903 thesis, the physician Luis Vil- discourse, with no other objective than to
larroel called for an end to the “inviolability define political actions aimed at institution-
of pregnancy […] imposed by religion,” in fa- alizing hierarchies based on class, geogra-
vor of the control of pregnancy and childbirth phy, and gender, justified through biological
by the medical profession, in order to struggle arguments.(42) With respect to gender, these6
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446 Sánchez Antelo V.
expert discourses legitimized the hierarchies as well as specific technologies such as injec-
of the patriarchal order.(44,45) tions of liquids or gases. For the treatment of
In Argentina, this school of thought was syphilis, in 1882 Miguel Figueroa mentioned
connected to debates regarding the role of introducing mercuric chloride into the vagina
demographic expansion in economic growth of pregnant women, despite the risk of trigger-
as well as elites’ qualms regarding the “qual- ing an abortion or “inducing saturnism” as a
ity” of the population. Physicians began to product of mercury poisoning; while in 1887,
distinguish a number of afflictions specific another physician reported using preparations
to the female body that related specifically of opium, cocaine, or belladonna in order
to their sex and their sexuality. Among these to combat the “nervous element” that was
“women’s diseases,” chlorosis and vaginis- thought to cause vaginismus.(50)
mus were conditions that required special The symptomology of “women’s dis-
attention. Associated with manifestations of eases” oscillated between the naturalization
processes of transformation in the female of weakness and delicateness as innately fe-
body, these alarmed Argentinian physicians male characteristics and the pathologization
who treated them as indicators of poorly ad- of their conditions as consequences of exces-
ministered passions that should be consid- sive passionate energies that weakened their
ered pathological.(46) moral spirit.(21,52,53,54)
In the case of chlorosis, in his 1847 thesis The organic hypothesis regarding fem-
Argentinian physician Adolfo Peralta reports inine weakness and delicateness was not
on European experiments that had connected purveyed by physicians alone. Argentinian
this condition with iron deficiency; at the legal experts also utilized it to explain female
same time, among the etiological factors he inferiority in the area of criminal law. They
mentions moral afflictions resulting from attributed difficulties in controlling the pas-
lovesickness.(47) Nonetheless, the author criti- sions to these organic aspects, which they un-
cizes other doctors for characterizing chloro- derstood as a lack of adherence to the moral
sis as a type of hysteria and rejected the use order. Thus, in his 1878 thesis on Compara-
of narcotics commonly used in treating it.(47) tive Morality of men and Women from the
Regarding vaginismus, the popular science penal point of view, José Calderón held:
volume titled My Doctor: A Practical Guide
to Medicine and Hygiene defined it as Extreme passions are even more extreme
in women than they are in men; because
…excitability, excessive sensitivity of the latter lives more under the influence
the genital organs… It can be observed of his brain and therefore his will, and
in certain young women, nervous, excit- women under the influence of the gan-
able, and even hysterical at times… glion nervous system, that is, they are
above all in the recently married. Its dominated by feelings, and do not rea-
treatment should be oriented toward son. (Calderón, 1878)(54)
“fighting against the nervous element.”
(Fournol, Heiser and Samne, 1930)(48) The articulation between physical-moral
weakness and the dangers of degeneracy
The interest in demographic quality spurred functioned as an explanatory standard from
initiatives aimed at preventing “social poi- the mid-19th century to the early decades of
sons,” in particular syphilis, tuberculosis, and the 20th century.(22) The concept of degener-
alcoholism, all considered inheritable and acy is worth closer examination, given that it
therefore subject to medical intervention. was widely utilized by Argentinian experts in
(42,43)
Attention to hygiene and female genital analyses of drug addiction. According to Ben-
therapies for their treatment necessitated the edict Morel, primitive human nature (in the
development of techniques such as the posi- sense that it was not corrupted) was charac-
tioning of the body for medical examinations, terized by a “natural” adhesion to moral laws.Argentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930) 7
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
A variety of mental illnesses – understood as to the configuration of the medical history
moral affectations – could be explained by needed for the psychopathological definition
an abnormal constitution, a hereditary and in general, and for the identification of drug
cumulative condition that could lead to a addiction in particular.
process of unhealthy deviation of the race.
Valentín Magnan, on the other hand, reas-
serted biological factors as an explanatory Hysteria as a field of pharmacological
variable by establishing that damage to areas action
of the brain would give way to a lack of moral
will.(4) This organic damage produced psychic A number of symptoms including nervous-
imbalance and was caused by the effects of ness, uncontrolled passions, and moral and
diseases, emotions, physiological disorders, physical weakness began to become asso-
and physical debilitation.(55) ciated with hysteria; even though this was
Along these lines, the renowned and in- not thought of as an exclusively female con-
fluential Argentinian psychiatrist Domingo dition, it would become institutionalized as
Cabred analyzed a disorder that he termed inherent to their subjectivity.(58) Interpreted as
“reflex madness.” According to his 1881 the- a condition that represented a halfway point
sis, mental alienation was a reflex to organ between psychopathology and simulation, its
failure. In the case of women, this disorder study became a sort of “spectacularization of
was attributed to changes in the reproductive pain” of the modern woman.(21,51,53,59)
system during the menstrual cycle, and par- Near the end of the 1880s, the Argen-
ticularly in the postpartum period. Between tinian medical profession took a clearer in-
1876 and 1880, around 3% of cases admit- terest in hysteria. Following Vallejo, two
ted to La Convalecencia, the former women’s perspectives can be identified in the theses of
hospice of the City of Buenos Aires, were Argentinian physicians: one, focused on emo-
“madness caused by the postpartum.”(56) The tionality, nervousness, and morality in order
proposed treatment included a combination to distinguish the condition; and another,
of interventions on the organ that caused the that attempted to identify physiological traits
pathology and morphine injections to allevi- that could explain the origin of the disorder.
ate symptoms such as delusions, insomnia, or Both interpretations of hysteria coincided in
hallucinations. recommending the use of alkaloids to treat its
In his thesis, Cabred describes the case symptomology.
of Eufemia in order to explain his reason- Those that emphasized moral and emo-
ing. Admitted to La Convalecencia in 1879, tional factors suggested that the proper treat-
the patient was a 45-year old single Argen- ment for the hysterical woman was marriage.
tinian woman who had no family history of According to Ignacio Firmat in his 1889 the-
alienation or diseases that would explain a sis, this would build character, disciplining
psychotic episode. After suffering a violent nervousness under the rule of the husband,
blow, she presented uterine hemorrhaging, thereby countering moral weakness; at the
auditory and visual hallucinations, as well as same time, it would calm the “perverse cu-
paranoid delusions. Despite no family his- riosities” and “restless affectivity” common
tory of degeneracy, the woman experienced in young women. Nonetheless, he advised
periods of “violent agitation” during her against “the very vivid release” of women’s
menstrual cycle. Recurrent insomnia wors- passions, given that it could lead to “violent
ened her condition, for which Cabred pre- agitations and immoderate excitement.”(60)
scribed cannabis extract and thermal shock Following French authors such as Jean
therapy with ice baths, a very common prac- Martin Charcot and Henri Legrand du Saulle,
tice at the time.(56) Argentinian physicians also proposed treat-
Among Argentinian physicians, a de- ments such as cold showers, and according
tailed analysis of hereditary traits was central to Firmat, “lashing the patient with a wet8
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446 Sánchez Antelo V.
towel,”(60) shock therapy, and exhalation of 16 years old, family history turned out to
chloroform or pentyl nitrite. This led to a be decisive (a sister who had had a nervous
need to combat the “stimulating effects of breakdown). In the case of Juana, a 30-year-
some drugs” such as pentyl nitrite, for which old Argentinian woman with a “bilio-nervous
ether was prescribed, as well as opium and temperament,” Yzaurralde was unable to
its derivatives (morphine and laudanum), de- identify hereditary or organic explanations,
spite the fact that other physicians warned only a family quarrel that triggered the hys-
against the danger that women would “be- terical disorder. Despite the range of causes
come enamored with these anesthetics.”(60) of these symptoms, he prescribed ice baths,
According to the physician Celestino morphine injections, and “restorative medi-
Arce, in 1881 at the Buenos Aires Women’s cation” to all of the women.(63)
Asylum there was evidence of “large-scale” Regardless of the etiology of hysteria,
use of both opium extract tablets as a sleep these drugs were considered true “anti-hister-
aid as well as morphine injections, given that ics.” Nonetheless, Firmat warned that deci-
they produced satisfactory results in “moder- sions regarding the quantity and frequency of
ating the excitability of the nervous system.”(61) their administration, as well as the instruments
Among those that placed greater empha- for their injection, should not be entrusted to
sis on the organic aspects, it is worth men- the patient, “given that the relief that they
tioning the physicians Arturo Ferrand and produce will draw them to a multiplication
Juan Yzaurralde. The former contended in his of the dosage.” That being said, he held that
1888 thesis that the origin of this pathology “supervised intoxication” was the only way to
resided in “a lack of harmony or an imbal- prevent tolerance and drug addiction.(60)
ance between the voluntary or cerebral ner-
vous component and the involuntary or spinal Intoxications and morphine addiction
nervous component.” The prevalence of this
pathology among women was due to the fact In medical texts, hysteria, intoxicating agents,
that they possessed a “weaker constitution and morphine addiction were often linked in
and a more developed nervous system, more confusing ways. In his 1900 thesis, Eduardo
prone to suffering from this ailment.”(62) More- Doyle posited a connection between mercu-
over, he held that physicians should combat ric chloride poisoning and hysteria. As pre-
bodily symptoms such as diarrhea, seizures, viously mentioned, mercuric chloride was
and hysterical fits by utilizing ether, chloro- utilized in treating syphilis, a pathology more
form, and morphine injections.(62) prevalent among women subjected to prosti-
In the same year as Ferrand, Juan Yzaur- tution. Doyle argued that mercuric chloride
ralde emphasized in the theoretical back- used alongside alcohol acted as a catalyst for
ground of his thesis the explanations that a specific condition: toxic hysteria. Although
identified the origins of hysteria in the brain the primary cause was hereditary predispo-
and the ovaries. Nonetheless, in his observa- sition, the physician held that intoxication
tions carried out at the Buenos Aires Women’s could trigger latent hysteria.(64)
Asylum, the etiology confusingly pointed at On the other hand, in 1891 Antonio
both organic and emotional aspects. Among Almeida presented his thesis on morphine
the observations carried out by Yzaurralde, addiction as a specific clinical condition.
some cases of girls and young women stand The etiology of this condition interestingly
out, as they presented violent outbursts and enough identified it with lifestyle choices and
convulsive hysterical fits. In Josefa, 14 years specific social sectors:
old, the physician attributed these symp-
toms to a delay in the first menstruation and …the demands of modern life keep peo-
a family history of alcoholism; in María, 17 ple in a state of constant nervous agita-
years old, the crisis was prompted by a bout tion, […] the neuroticism so frequent
of lovesickness; while in the case of L.B., and widespread among the high socialArgentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930) 9
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
classes, imitation and contagion, and the Medical Association. There, he was able to
skepticism of our generation combined show that leading figures in the Argentinian
with that unquenchable thirst for sensu- medical sciences such as José Arce, Carlos
alism quickly brings on exhaustion and Udaondo, and Mariano Castex all warned of
boredom” (Almeida, 1891)(65) how difficult it would be to perform medi-
cal treatments without the use of morphine
Almeida recognized the medical enthusiasm or cocaine. In fact, one contradicted one of
for using salts of morphine, given that they Bard’s central arguments, contending that
were effective in relieving pain and even in drug addiction was actually very uncommon
curing “moral diseases.” Nonetheless, he in Argentina.(66,67)
warned against the consequences of leaving In this sense, Almeida’s thesis provided
decisions about the administration of the drug another key element. In his analysis, he used
in the hands of patients or their family mem- alcoholism as a reference model for charac-
bers. In his opinion, the lack of experience terizing the psychopathological condition of
with morphine addiction on the part of his morphine addiction. This parallel was funda-
colleagues often led them to trust patients to mental to the arguments of lawmakers, given
administer the drug themselves, “thus open- that in the context of a “drinking epidemic,”
ing the door to vice.” He also levied criticism the prohibition of alkaloids seemed like the
at the pharmaceutical guild, which would be most logical preventive action to ensure that
echoed by legislators years later: the unre- their use would not spread.
stricted sale of the drug without strict controls
of the authenticity of medical prescriptions
would surely lead to intoxications.(65) WOMEN THAT USE ALKALOIDS:
Out of the six observations he carried VICTIMS OR PERPETRATORS
out in Buenos Aires in 1891, Almeida docu-
mented only one woman. It was the case of a
“distinguished Lady” who presented a “bout The first decades of the 20th century ushered in
of hysteria” and was admitted to “the Psychi- transformations in gender relations, evidenced
atric Institute.” The medical record indicated by both demographic change and a decrease
that the 37-year-old woman had no family in the birth rate. Alongside the growth of ur-
history that would explain the condition, al- ban middle classes, in the City of Buenos Ai-
though she was described as having “a good res women held roles in public life that would
character, yet nervous and impressionable.” have been previously unthinkable.(68) These
The most notable feature of this case was that processes attracted the attention of diverse ex-
in order to alleviate pain during her previous perts, who increasingly analyzed the behavior
pregnancy, the woman had used morphine of women in their writings. The established
injections, extending its use and increasing institutional framework at the time favored the
the dosage even after pregnancy.(65) The origin advancement of State control carried out by
of the morphine addiction was not explained physicians and police, privileging collective
as iatrogenesis, but rather by the availability morals over and above individual autonomy,
of the drug without medical supervision. especially when it came to women.(69)
This case along with others shed light on In this context, the previously mentioned
the effects caused by the use of drugs con- bill was presented to the Chamber of Deputies
sidered to be essential to medical practice. of the Argentinian Nation in 1920, aimed at the
(4)
In 1923, the physician Leopoldo Bard, Na- “Regulation of alkaloid commerce.” As phy-
tional Deputy for the Capital from the UCR sician Gregorio Berman outlined in 1926,(70)
and one of the sponsors of the legislative re- two models entered into tension in this debate:
form, surveyed a number of luminaries in the one focused on the sale of these products, and
local and foreign medical field and published another emphasized their consumption. The
the results in the Journal of the Argentinian latter model based its arguments on the user’s10
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“weakness of spirit” and the role of physicians multiple dimensions that needed to be taken
in facilitating access to these drugs. In the into account. While lawmakers from the UCR
presentations of lawmakers – many of them supported prohibition in order to prevent il-
physicians as well – vague delineations of legitimate uses of these drugs, representatives
this phenomenon were commonplace: it was of the Conservative Party from the Province
both an “elegant vice” as it was an “exotic of Buenos Aires countered in their favor argu-
custom.” Etiology interpreted them in terms of ing that they constituted significant industrial
moral conduct, as “the comfortable situation products, as was the case of ether (Exposition
of not taking action: the laziness caused by of motives of Deputy Silvio Parodi, Septem-
those abnormal situations.” The supervision ber 1, 1920).(5) The list of drugs and products
of alkaloid consumers came to be seen as that would be included in the prohibition was
necessary, given that unrestricted use not only still under discussion, as were the criteria for
did harm to the users themselves, but also en- considering them “problematic.”(20) During
dangered the future of the society as a whole, the September 1, 1920 session, the Deputy
degrading the race (Exposition of motives of for the Province of San Juan from the UCR
Deputy Roydero, August 31, 1920).(5) Marcial Quiroga proposed including hashish
This was the beginning of a process of – “that eternal dreamer” – and his arguments
change in which certain drugs would begin were based on “the disorders that is causes in
to be considered “illegitimate.”(7,20) This gave women.”(5) He also denounced the effects of
way to discursive transformations regarding mercuric chloride tablets – used to treat syphi-
the role of physicians and pharmacists – fa- lis – for men, women, and children, given that
cilitating the access to psychoactive sub- it produced acute chlorosis and hemorrhages
stances(20) – as well as the establishment of in pregnant women. According to the con-
“victims and perpetrators.” By 1919, an or- gressman, between 1915 and 1920 the capi-
der of the National Department of Hygiene tal’s “Ramos Mexia Hospital” (sic) registered
restricted over-the-counter sale of cocaine, 240 cases of women poisoned by mercuric
morphine, ether, cannabis, and their deriva- chloride tablets, many of them young women
tives.(3) These measures prompted other pro- between 15 and 22 years old, some of whom
cesses that caused alarm among lawmakers. were “in labor, thereby causing infanticides”
In his intervention on June 10, 1920, Deputy (Exposition of motives of Deputy Quiroga,
Capurro was shocked to report that September 1, 1920).(5) The legitimacy of their
use was therefore a gray area: while on the
The application of the [National Depart- one hand it was common to prescribe these
ment of Hygiene’s] order sadly demon- products to pregnant women in order to pre-
strated that some consumers were vent the degeneration caused by syphilis, on
underage girls. Nor was there want for the the other hand it was observed that some
account of a poor woman who turned up women used these drugs excessively for pur-
at the door of the physician’s office plead- poses other than treatment.
ing for a permit to purchase cocaine, In the early 1920s, restricting women’s
which she could no longer access freely place in society to the role of mother was a
once the prohibition was in effect. (Expo- point of agreement between secular and Cath-
sition of motives, June 10, 1920).(5) olic sectors: while the former saw this in terms
of providing the workforce necessary for the
References to women and girls reflected law- future of the Nation, the latter considered it
makers’ attempts to highlight the damage part of the perpetuation of Catholic moral val-
caused by the legality of certain practices, ues.(53) This was a time in which analyses of
even when the available statistics did not jus- the role of women, from the standpoint of ex-
tify cause for such alarm. This was not a lineal pert discourses, were guided by eugenic the-
process, however, given that the introduction ories that considered their reproductive and
of the type of prohibition desired involved maternal functions as central.(38,69)Argentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930) 11
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
Even though political processes that took interest in alcohol, morphine, or
sought to debate, redefine, and question the other toxins. (Bard, 1923)(3)
role of women in Argentinian society had
existed for several decades, for the majority According to the documentation, this was
of women the ideal of feminine normality an upper-middle class couple, and the wom-
was circumscribed to the private sphere and an’s morphine addiction could be explained
strongly linked to the role of mother. This by her husband’s diagnosis as a “superior
ideal entered into tension with their increas- degenerate.” According to Magnan’s classi-
ing presence in the labor market, as well as fication,(57) this was one of the four types of
calls for civil rights and access to education. degeneracy. Among the distinctive features
(71)
The medical establishment – dominated of this subtype was a “normal and intelligent
by men – called attention to behaviors such appearance,” where a neurophysiological
as habits and clothing as an issue of moral imbalance triggered a lack of will. The wom-
control. The visibility of women in public an’s husband “was not only a physician, but
spaces, and particularly in relation to certain rose to the rank of chief of medicine;” his
practices, were indicators of their dangerous- intelligence was unquestionable, but due to
ness and degeneracy.(53,68,72) a hereditary degeneracy and certain events
The cases presented by Leopoldo Bard in that worsened his condition, he succumbed
order to defend the idea of prohibition out- to degenerate behaviors such as the inability
lined two profiles of female drug users, differ- to control his morphine use.(57)
entiated by social class: on one hand, women The relevance of this case had to do
from eminent families who were turned to with articulating the figure of the physician
drug addiction, victims of degenerate hus- who had strayed from his role as “the savior
bands; on the other, women from subaltern of humanity”(71) with that of the “despicable
groups, prostitutes, thought of as “born crim- physician” who used his power dishonestly.
inals” who would lure “weak spirited” elite (7)
In consonance with this idea, part of Bard’s
men into consuming. reforms had to do with regulating commerce
and introducing more control over the medi-
The case of the superior degenerate and the cal and pharmaceutical professions.
degradation of a cultivated spirit Despite the fact that this case culminated
in the woman’s death, it is worth noting how
This case was described in an article titled different experts who referenced it – both
“Morphine addiction in criminal law” pub- lawmakers in Congress and legal medicine
lished in the Journal of Criminology, Psychi- experts writing in academic journals – place
atry, and Legal Medicine in 1918, and was the victim in a passive role. This naturaliza-
cited by Deputy Roydero in the August 31, tion was grounded in the prevalent concep-
1920 session, and taken up by Bard in his tion of women as part of a man’s property,
1923 work The Dangers of Toxicomania. such that free will or autonomy could not
Upon presenting his proposal for the reform explain drug use.
of the criminal code, Bard cites the judicial
decree, which describes the victim as The good-time girl, the lady of the night
…a completely healthy person, diligently Women who led “wicked lives” had several
educated and cultured in spirit, with a characteristics that made them a danger to
generous character, who captivated all health. Habits such as alcoholism and care-
with her moral and physical beauty, evi- free lifestyles were central to understanding
dencing a rare innocence; not only did the origins and spread of a number of pathol-
she not suffer from any physical ailment, ogies, given that they were seen as negative
but she had no vices or customs that behaviors both in men and in women.(53,72)
would make one suspect that she even12
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This notion of the “wicked life” was seen physicians that attempted to dismiss the dan-
as a place where crime and madness over- gers of drug addiction.
lapped,(72) where women associated with
prostitution were linked to alkaloid use. An The case of Juana Rosa
article published on January 3, 1920 in the
newspaper Crítica asserted that “the return of After a frustrated first attempt to prohibit the
coca” included those “good-time girls:” “any use of alkaloids without a prescription in
one of them that does not take drugs lacks the 1920, Leopoldo Bard returned to this project
most sensual and seductive appeal provided in 1923. In an article published in the mag-
by the most complicated and repugnant re- azine Caras y Caretas he decried the grave
finement of the century” (cited by Bard in The error in delaying this endeavor rooted in his
Dangers of Toxicomania in 1923). colleagues’ classism, who thought of drug
Prostitution was the object of analysis addiction as a condition only present in a
both for legal experts as well as physicians. “certain class of women.” At the start of the
(73,74)
In 1908 Eusebio Gómez published The new legislative session he contended that the
Wicked Life in Buenos Aires. There, he de- spread of this condition had become such a
scribed prostitution as a state “equivalent to problem that the only solution was “energeti-
or derivative of criminality,” a sort of moral cally repressive legislation.”(75)
madness with a biological basis. According At the 1st National Sanitary Conference
to his definition, prostitutes were born crim- held in 1923, a session was organized with
inals who were characterized by “a lack of an Order of Speakers that would cover dif-
maternal instincts [...] a passion for drinking ferent aspects related to “Social Hygiene.
bordering on insatiable, and a complete lack Prevention of Syphilis. Regulation of Prosti-
of shame, the greatest of her degeneracies.”(74) tution. Toxic degenerative vices: alcohol, al-
Despite this biologicist bias, the criminal law kaloids, and derivatives of opium, cocaine,
expert pointed out the importance of moral etc.”(76) There, Bard gained the support of il-
education and of attending to the determi- lustrious physicians such as Gregorio Aráoz
nants that created fertile ground for the spread Alfaro and Cabred himself, in addition to rep-
of wickedness. A fundamental distinction in resentatives from other provinces.
his conceptualization must be pointed out: Having been regulated in the last quarter
that between migrant prostitutes and “crio- of the 19th century, prostitution was practiced
llas.” Gómez attributes positive characteris- under the supervision of sanitary authorities
tics to the latter, such as having “noble traits,” as part of social hygiene measures related
“a passion for true love,” and “shortcomings to syphilis. The threat posed by venereal
in their eagerness to accumulate money;” he diseases was not limited to increasing mor-
portrays them as more emotionally unstable, tality rates, but also infecting the dignity of
as quickly falling prey to temptation and as the family. Debates surrounding prostitution
having a taste for alcohol.(74) revealed the mechanisms by which different
This distinction can be observed in the contending social forces legitimized the so-
two types of stories cited by Bard: on the cially acceptable characteristics of women:
one hand, cases of women for whom pros- “worthy of being seen in public,” mother to
titution was part of their degenerate nature, the sons and daughters of the nation.(77) As
who clearly had a desire to corrupt the weak was the case with the dangers of syphilis,
spirited not only with drug addiction but also contact with “women of the night” and the
with syphilis; on the other hand, cases that fit toxic weakness of “well-bred boys” threat-
the description of “acquired degeneracy,” in ened to infect the institution of the family.
which a woman’s transgressions against her On November 25, 1922 an article appeared
father’s rule corrupted her spirit and led to in the local periodical Nueva Época in the
drug use. Both made it possible to neutral- province of Santa Fe that reported the case
ize the arguments of other lawmakers and of two young men of distinguished socialArgentinian women and the uses of drugs: A sociohistorical analysis of female drug use in Argentina (1860-1930) 13
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446
background who had “succumbed to the information found in the newspapers, Bard
terrible action of morphine use [...] dragging used this case to link prostitution to crime,
their distinguished name down to the crimi- along with the idea that prostitutes recruited
nal block.”(3) The journalist – who was later new drug users, which would explain how
cited by Bard – reflects: weak spirited young men could fall prey to
such degenerate behavior.
…what can be expected of young ladies
and girls who take morphine behind The Butterfly: from dignified virtue to a
closed doors? That question alone is master of the art of suicide
enough to make one tremble. The most
traditional virtues of the Argentinian Along with literary figures such as the “little
woman are in danger; and with them, seamstress who took a misstep” and the mi-
those of our whole people, as it is impos- longuita (cabaret woman),(78,79) certain ideas
sible to ignore that a society is only as regarding the dangers of rebellious behavior
good as its mothers. And mothers who are circulated in the social imaginary. These fig-
preparing themselves for morphine-fu- ures highlighted the consequences suffered
eled spinsterhood will engender noth- by a virtuous and innocent girl from a poor
ing more than hereditary libertines. The barrio as she embarked on a “journey to the
advancement of this cursed drug among city center.” Her adventure invariably led
young men and women make it neces- to a life of nightlife and prostitution. This
sary to dedicate all of the resources we journey is associated with the figure of the
can to preventing it from being as freely criolla prostitute described by Gómez and
available as it is today.” (Nueva Época, which appeared repeatedly in different cul-
November 25, 1922, cited by Bard)(23) tural expressions of the day.(80) Thus, criolla
prostitutes were thought of as ingenuous and
In Bard’s collection of journalistic articles, docile, which although it did not explain
which served as evidence for his prohibition- their tendency to vice, it at least justified it.
ist crusade, it is possible to find descriptions One example of this metaphoric “jour-
of “irresponsible” men who frequent cabarets, ney to the city center” was the case of The
gathering places of “women of the festive life Butterfly (La Mariposa). On June 7, 1923
among whom the vice of alkaloids is much the newspaper La Montaña reported that
more common.” They were the offspring of 25-year-old Argentinian woman María Do-
the “accommodated classes,” lured into vice lores Burgell had been found dead in a
“by those same women, thereby falling prey “brothel house” due to a cocaine overdose.
to the most humiliating moral and physical According to the journalist’s account, she
depravation” (La Argentina, August 26, 1922, had fled her parents’ home at the age of 18,
cited by Bard).(3) flouting the “obstinate and violent opposition
The case of Juana Rosa – which took of her parents” that she would marry a young
place in Buenos Aires and was recounted in man. One and a half years after marrying,
the Uruguayan newspaper El Diario del Plata she was widowed. The pain of this loss led
on December 27, 1922 – was that of a 23- her to become closer to a female friend who
year-old single woman who held a license was “already initiated in the vice,” and who
to practice prostitution. According to po- suggested that she “search for excitement and
lice, she had consumed a “large dose of co- artificial comforts.” At age 21, she was “like
caine that caused her death.” Police reports many others, stumbling down a fatal path [...]
stated that she “was accused of being one of her virginal beauty and the vices of a satanic
those poor women who had succumbed to and irredeemable sinner. [She was known] in
alkaloid abuse, and on numerous occasions the underworld as The Butterfly.”(3)
was brought in because she was suspected In contrast to the other cases, María Do-
of their commerce.”(3) Armed only with the lores represented the figure of a virtuous young14
SALUD COLECTIVA. 2020;16:e2446. doi: 10.18294/sc.2020.2446 Sánchez Antelo V.
woman who, disobeying the rule of her father, not exclusive to Argentina, but rather a trend
condemned herself to fateful defeat. In his fer- common to Western countries.(10,52) In the
vor for enlisting people into support of prohi- mid-20th century, this trend became evident
bitionist reforms, Bard sought to show that the in the consolidation of the availability of
dangers of drug addiction were not limited to psychotropic drugs, making way for a “pre-
marginal classes and children of the elite. This scribed tranquility” centered on women.(81,82)
danger was also very real for the burgeoning The female body was an object to dissect,
urban middle and proletarian classes. Char- to examine both physically and morally, and
acterized by their moral virtues, the working to a site to enact a process of intervention that
classes saw themselves as vulnerable to this allowed for the perfection of techniques and
threat. The idea of the “weakness of youth” – technologies. Drugs and substances with psy-
especially in the case of women – evidenced choactive effects became indispensable tools
the urgent necessity of repressive reforms. in the medical endeavor of domesticating
bodies that presented themselves as indomi-
nable. Their flesh contained a spirit pursued
CONCLUSIONS by the dangers of unabashed passions, that
was at the same time the source of maternal
love. This period also witnessed the consoli-
The purpose of this article was to describe dation of policy that conceived of women as
cases of women who used psychoactive sub- the “reproductive receptacle” of the race.(38,83)
stances in the late 19th century and first three When the “appetite for alkaloids” be-
decades of the 20th century. These cases were came evident in men and also in some
presented by experts in the legislative and women, this issue again began to draw the
medical-legal fields in Argentina, as well as attention of lawmakers and specialists. Prac-
in the press. First, during the Viceroyalty, ex- tices associated with self-medication were
pert knowledge advanced while discrediting analyzed, such as the use of drugs indicated
subaltern knowledge related to the produc- for the treatment of syphilis, but also their use
tion and administration of medicinal prepa- in inducing abortions. Unauthorized uses of
rations. In these discourses, the relationship different drugs became a topic of debate.
between women and drug use was not lim- The common element was not their psycho-
ited to their role as consumers, but also to the active effects, but rather their use without
production and administration of drugs in the medical supervision and for purposes ques-
home and in the community. The modern- tioned by lawmakers for being immoral and
ization process surrounding the art of healing punishable.
was centered on questioning this relationship In their presentations before Congress,
between women and the uses of drugs. This lawmakers characterized women in a diffuse
involved the crystallization of a classification, manner, both as victims and as perpetrators.
differentiation, and hierarchization of knowl- On one hand, the virtuous woman who had
edge, practices, and subjectivities. fallen prey to a disturbed man who put drugs
A second shift related to this modern- at her disposal; on the other, the perverse
ization process was produced in relation to “woman of the life,” innately criminal, perpe-
advancements in medical interventions on trator of “infanticides,” who had it in her nature
the female body, which were accompanied to debase weak spirited men. Even in accounts
by the increased use of pharmaceuticals. This that only discussed women’s overdoses, there
was a period of increased medicalization of was a clear intention to show the social con-
numerous medical conditions and physio- texts in which dangerous drugs circulated.
logical events of the female body for which According to English-speaking authors,
the prescription of opiates was central. Mit- women had an innate propensity to madness.
igating the ailments associated with wom- Their French colleagues held that women
en’s “congenital weakness” was a process possessed an unstable equilibrium that notYou can also read
