Affection and Reflexive Expectations in the Geographical Indication
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2022-4803-GEO
1 Affection and Reflexive Expectations in the
2 Geographical Indication
3
4 This paper is based on the theoretical discussion of the following analyze
5 categories: Reflexive expectations, affection, agrarian systems, and
6 geographical indication. The reflexive expectations category has its
7 proposition based on the notion, the concepts of expectations and
8 reflexivity, supporting etymologically. This concept is explicitly analyzed
9 when the agrarian system formation is considered and recognizes the
10 geographical indications of a product, culturally linked to a territory and
11 region. It is not about a specific study of a product, a region, contemplated
12 with a geographical indication, and Indication of Origin and Denomination
13 of Origin or a specific agrarian system. The aim is to comprehend how the
14 knowledge is disseminated, appears, and signifies itself in the agrarian
15 systems formation and its products in its regions linked to a public policy of
16 the geographical indication. The thesis is that social formation happens
17 through two affection-cognitive processes: knowledge transmission by
18 affection and reflexive expectations.
19
20 Keywords: affection, reflexive expectations, geographical indication
21
22
23 Introduction
24
25 This paper is based on the theoretical discussion of the following analyze
26 categories: Reflexive expectations, affection, agrarian systems, and
27 geographical indication. The reflexive expectations category has its proposition
28 based on the notion, the concepts of expectations and reflexivity, supporting
29 etymologically. This concept is explicitly analyzed when the agrarian system
30 formation is considered and the recognition of the geographical indications of a
31 product, culturally linked to a territory and region. It is not about a specific
32 study of a product, a region, contemplated with a geographical indication, and
33 Indication of Origin and Denomination of Origin or a specific agrarian system.
34 The aim is to comprehend how the knowledge is disseminated, appears,
35 and means itself in the agrarian systems formation and its products in its
36 regions linked to a public policy of the geographical indication. The thesis is
37 that social formation happens through at least two affection-cognitive
38 processes: knowledge transmission by affection and knowledge transmission
39 by reflexive expectations.
40 Thus, in an explanatory and descriptive way, based on examples that show
41 what it is affirmed: examples based on the studies and research from other
42 researchers and our own experiences as a researcher in the empirical activity
43 together with the rural communities of agricultural farmers, using the Analyse-
44 diagnostic of Agrarian Systems Method.
45
46
12022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 Methodological procedures to establish the connection among affection,
2 reflexive expectations, and knowledge transmission
3
4 It is about establishing the scientific procedures to perceive and register
5 knowledge transmission, techniques, and technologies in the family and
6 collective community scope. The procedures are the following:
7
8 - emphasis on the family cores through qualified interviews;
9 - prevalence of the principle of information orality;
10 - identification of the agricultural and activity production system of the
11 family core, as well as the products, techniques, and using technologies;
12 - observance of the facts in the family life history in the social context;
13 - identification of the provided information as the knowledge content;
14 - historical periods of this knowledge, establishing a chronology of the facts
15 (technique, technological, tangible and intangible, and immaterial) to
16 characterize knowledge of transmission through affection;
17 - to confront the information of family cores to obtain a relative scientific
18 truth that can characterize the diffusion of knowledge in communities
19 through reflexive expectations in the time;
20 - to analyze the impulse events of knowledge diffusion in history.
21
22 There are periods when the knowledge is diffused with more intensity in
23 the social collective, conforming to an agrarian social system or a potential
24 geographical indication that presents its own identity, therefore, plural and
25 more or less diversified. The agrarian system changed during history, at
26 different speeds, with more extended permanence states or in a dynamic and
27 intense transformation. The geographical indication preserves the product's
28 characteristics to keep itself but always is susceptible to innovations that
29 achieve the production processes by introducing new technologies.
30
31
32 The Theoretical Approach
33
34 In the principles, a regional product is certified with a geographical
35 indication because there is a reference to this region, which comprises the
36 social collective communities, when the people as producer economic agents
37 are related themselves, interacting with each other. A product identity or
38 collective mark is consolidated, and a knowledge, socially constructed, is
39 diffused in a regional space whose product is recognized as a geographical
40 indication or an agrarian system.
41
42 If there is a collective product, this condition, in process, is done
43 concretely through the existence of social knowledge that expands through
44 reflexive expectations among the economic agents individually in these inter-
45 relations. Historically, this product condition depends on the individual action
22022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 of the goods producers or regional goods, which only do it in social inter-
2 relation with the other farmers, emerging the regional product.
3 Social interaction occurs through reflexive expectations among the
4 farmers. Expectations as state-power-action, wait, observation, demonstration,
5 action, and reflexive, by the social interaction with each other, an imitation
6 with the adaptations related to what the other does.
7 The regional product is a historical condition that identifies itself and
8 diffuses through knowledge transmission through affection among generations,
9 descendants of a family, and social interaction with other farmer families.
10 The collective condition is social and historically formed. Product
11 recognition as a geographical indication is a state declaratory act with the own
12 juridical effects on this condition. What kinds of knowledge are diffused? All
13 of them guide the farmer's know-how, as the concept and history of the
14 product, the way to make it, the use of the production techniques, the access to
15 new techniques and technologies, the handling, the transformation techniques,
16 the marketing in the more elaborated products in national and international
17 scale, among others. Many of these techniques are not revealed.
18 Given the indisputable domination exercised by the financial and
19 commercial capital in the world changes and the indisputable role that plays in
20 the actual organization of the world economy, we do not extend this thesis to
21 all phenomena of our economic life. It will be impossible to continue an
22 economic reflection based on capitalist categories because a sector much large
23 in economic life (the best sphere of agricultural production) is based in a
24 capitalist way, a completely different way: family exploitation without
25 employees (CHAYANOV, 2014).
26
27
28 Products from territoriality (terroir) and affection
29
30 The Parmigiano cheese of Emilia-Romanha, Liguria, and Piemonte in
31 Italy consists of a historical monument of regional gastronomy with a great
32 wealth of the milk products of these regions in Italy. The grana of a part,
33 known by the size and consistency grainy of the pasta, and the portions of pasta
34 in fillets of another part correspond to an original way of treatment according
35 to Bérard and Marchenay (2004).
36 The inventivity of spices opens to an organoleptic universe. The large and
37 sophisticated techniques elaborate Modena's balsamic vinegar (aceto
38 balsamico) from a wine that implies a rare, wanted, and costly product. The
39 rose spices (conserva di rosa), watermelon (marmellata di cocomero), rose
40 creme (crema di rosa canina), pumpkin and lemon peel (marmellata di zucca),
41 are sold in the local candy stories. The anchovy fingerlings are prepared with
42 salt, rolled in flour, fried, and after put in vinegar. The Emilia-Romanha region
43 is in the heart of Italian gastronomy, according to Bérard and Marchenay
44 (2004).
45 According to Bérard and Marchenay (2004), local diversity is ubiquitous.
46 It is reflected by a set of meat sausages, cheeses, oils, candles, pastries, fruits,
32022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 or vegetables: in biological diversity, scales of manufacture, ways of trade,
2 place of the product in the community, historical heritage, with a set of records
3 that feed the family complexity of local products.
4 Local agricultural and food productions belong, with rare exceptions, to
5 the animal or plant world. Processed products such as sausages, cheeses, and
6 fermented products undergo through biological processes. This living being is
7 subjected to different types of human intervention in the course of its
8 elaboration – culture, cattle breeding, and fermentation. Knowledge and
9 technical practices are the most visible factors, as they are observable, that
10 influence this biological diversity (BÉRARD and MARCHENAY, 2004).
11 La botifarra dolça de Figueres in Catalonia, originally, is distinguished
12 from that of the neighboring villages by a large amount of sugar and less
13 amount of lemon peel, and the absence of cinnamon. In Emilia-Romagna, a
14 region of Italy, Salama de sugo has two different types: sugo and taglio. One is
15 served with a spoon, the other with a knife. La raschera exists in the form of a
16 round or square.
17 The nature of the link maintained with the local society creates another
18 form of diversity because these productions do not occupy the same place in
19 the communities where they are born. It is the wealth of a culture that emerges
20 behind a product. Verifying variability is imperative in the face of production
21 volumes and zones. Although there are significant disparities, the qualities
22 produced are limited by this category of products.
23 Parma ham from Emilia Romagna is marketed in Italian export markets.
24 Charlie's pork tripe chorizo is prepared in this community, and its distribution
25 is not widespread. The white cheese or cooked salami extension zone
26 comprises a good part of the Rhône-Alpes region, parmigiano, reggiano, and
27 the raschera is far ahead in the economic development of their regions,
28 according to Bérard and Marchenay (2004).
29 Shared know-how forms another component that participates in the
30 definition of local and traditional agricultural and food production. Outside the
31 manufacturing zone, which is the consumption zone, they are not available,
32 according to Bérard and Marchenay (2004). According to the position that
33 production occupies in the social group, these collective practices are
34 considered in the organization of the whole society, as for certain cheeses or
35 fruit productions. Domestic practices are based on a solid collective structure
36 that is at the origin of today's artisanal and industrial adaptations. Domestic
37 preparation is still very much present, as in the cases of botifarra dolça, salama
38 de sugo, rosette, or alheira that continue to be manufactured on the property
39 and even in the city.
40 Food production continues to have a particular relationship with space. Its
41 inscription in a place is based on the precedence of collective practices. They
42 expand in space in time and are part of the shared know-how, which constitutes
43 the guiding thread of practices that link to historical roots and the relationship
44 with the place. The collective dimension inserts them into the local culture and
45 allows sharing from the origin, coming from a place. Cultural criteria associate
42022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 a place with a history and a social group, helping to organize and think about
2 diversity.
3 Numerous local productions are designated by their place of origin and by
4 the geographical name where they are produced. This association translates
5 into the link established between quality, origin, and notoriety. Beaufort, comté
6 or poulet de Bresse are cited. This naming practice is related to the ancestor
7 and has extended.
8 The protection of the geographical name of a product in connection with
9 the identification of a link with a specific territory and know-how has existed
10 for a long time in France. It was validated on a European scale in 1992. This
11 regulation finds the culture register with all the questions that imply contact
12 with two worlds. Carrots from the Ouadane Oasis in Mauritania, red pepper or
13 paprika in the Kalocsa region of Hungary, and English stilton in Leicestershire
14 are mentioned, according to Bérard and Marchenay (2004). In classical
15 antiquity, the origin of certain foodstuffs gave them particular qualities.
16 According to these authors, the protection of the geographical name of a
17 product concerning the identification of a place in the territory and specific
18 know-how has existed for a long time in France and was extended in Europe in
19 1992. The Law of 6 July 1996 defines the appellation of origin: an appellation
20 of origin is the denomination of a country, region, or locality that serves to
21 designate a product originating from them and in which the quality and
22 characteristics are due to the geographical environment, comprising the natural
23 factors and the humans' factors. This regulation mainly protects products and
24 the regional economy from global and unfair competition.
25 From the moment that farmers engage in a protection process, they must
26 prepare together a cargo book, specifying, in detail, the different stages of
27 elaboration of their product. According to Bérard and Marchenay (2004), this
28 collective enterprise explains practices, knowledge, and definitions in the light
29 of all the difficulties inherent to a codification of the local technical culture in
30 the face of diversity, local knowledge, the evolution of the tradition where they
31 are found. Local breeds and varieties. Actions to protect geographical origins
32 imply the reaffirmation of cultural biodiversity.
33 Terroir productions reveal the social construction by men who form a
34 heritage in the activity that continues to be shaped, revealing a specific ability
35 to build together, protect collectively in the future, and recognize each other by
36 sharing an identity (BÉRARD and MARCHENAY, 2004).
37 The world of local and food production presents itself as a place of
38 articulation between the biological and the social. An animal breed, a
39 cultivated plant, a product from cold stores, or a cheese stems from a process of
40 accumulating knowledge, practices, observations, and adjustments. The living
41 being evolves and interferes with different factors, authorizing manipulations
42 of all orders, natures, and scales. Reproduction modalities are not the same for
43 vegetables, animals, or cheese. Within the plant world, different relationships
44 between plants are observed due to the plant's longevity and, more or less,
45 rapid renewal (BÉRARD and MARCHENAY, 2004).
52022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 According to Bérard and Marchenay (2004), beans from Castellfollit in
2 Catalonia are reserved for self-consumption, expanding production, and taking
3 the place of cereal crops in crisis. This legume asserts a link to a place: its
4 production and consumption zone are well defined, and its organoleptic
5 qualities are recognized and appreciated locally.
6 From common beans to Castellfollit beans, known today, and their recent
7 development allows us to follow the process of building the name and the
8 typicality and input of clarified data on the construction of a produit du terroir.
9 It is accompanied by a profound and rapid transformation of its culture, both
10 from the point of view of production with an effort of mechanization, which
11 follows the organization of work. The creation of an association of producers
12 and a cooperative, the purchase of machinery, and the promotion and
13 marketing of beans were implemented.
14 Bean producers reflected on supply diversification, proposing a pre-
15 cooked bean supported by fairs and restaurants. All actions were carried out in
16 a short time and under the impulse of a small group of individuals. This legume
17 benefited from help from the local administration in charge of promoting the
18 products. This glance led to a total reconsideration of the techniques of the
19 commercialization methods for a product that was valued as terroir, and that has a
20 local reputation for its organoleptic qualities (BÉRARD and MARCHENAY,
21 2004).
22 The first appeal of origin in the milk and derivatives sector is Roquefort,
23 from 1925. The appeals prior to 1990 appear as the result of poorly regulated
24 local power relations, while the files instructed from that date onwards imply a
25 more significant space for identifying the content from place to terroir.
26 The examples of the production of beans, corn, and other vegetables from
27 Creole seeds, natives of indigenous origin, support, in examples, the entire
28 analysis regarding affectivity and transmission of knowledge. It is based on this
29 work and, above all, on recent European and Brazilian examples, in addition to
30 the indigenous heritage in South American countries.
31
32
33 The Geographical Indication: Method and Public Policy for valuing Local
34 Know-how
35
36 A geographical indication is one method; it is a public policy. It stems
37 from recognizing local know-how by the state, which aims to protect it. It is
38 worth considering the analysis of scholars on the subject, considering our
39 purpose in relating the local know-how that is spread by affectivity and
40 reflexive expectations. The geographical indication, understood as a public
41 policy, facilitates, by demarcating the limits of the culturally and regionally
42 protected product or service, the analysis of the transmission of knowledge for
43 the formation of know-how (savoir-faire). Like the agrarian system, the
44 geographical indication presents itself as a method.
45 For Wilkinson (2013), geographical indications represent the most
46 significant challenge for traditional economic actors and traditional economic
62022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 theory. Organic and fair trade markets developed as initiatives of social
2 movements and the private sector, with geographical indications depending on
3 public protection for their consolidation and development.
4 Reputation protection requires agreements on the production conditions of
5 the geographical indication. As it is a collective activity that needs to be
6 recognized to be protected, the geographical indication is consolidated when it
7 manages to be supported by an organization accepted as a representative of the
8 relevant producers of the place (WILKINSON, 2013). The fact that it is a
9 collective good implies that all actors in the place, as long as they accept
10 production agreements, should be able to benefit from the reputation signals of
11 this product.
12 For Nierdele (2013), geographical indications are paradigmatic examples
13 of a new model of production and consumption and give rise to the
14 appreciation of traditions, knowledge, and practices associated with a territorial
15 identity. They act as catalysts of technical and organizational innovations
16 indispensable for producers to survive in competitive global value chains. In
17 the case of geographical indications, there is a massive range of values
18 identifiable by consumers who require some degree of knowledge of the
19 attributes of the product's territory of origin: traditions, customs, landscape,
20 climate, and know-how. The geographical indication does not guarantee a
21 climate of trust and cooperative behavior (NIERDELE, 2013).
22 In the economic literature, geographical indications have been considered
23 a form of competitive strategy of social collectives organized for economic
24 purposes. According to Nierdele (2013), the first registered geographical
25 indication in the world comes from the Port Wine Region, demarcated in 1756
26 by a decree of the Marquês de Pombal. This decree ensured that wines
27 marketed under this designation were effectively produced within the
28 demarcated region.
29 It is necessary to understand geographical indications, and the formation
30 of agrarian systems, as a social identity resulting from the links of affection in
31 the family and community, and from reflective expectations in social
32 collectives, as processes of social transmission of knowledge.
33 The link with the place would make the geographical indication (GI) an
34 instrument of defense against the misappropriation of the territory's name and
35 reputation, opposition to the processes of product relocation, and valorization
36 of traditional know-how and collective identity. The conflict between the
37 domestic and industrial worlds is widely pronounced when a technological
38 innovation emerges that increases efficiency, putting traditional know-how at
39 risk (NIERDELE, 2013).
40 For traditional products to benefit from protection in the European Union,
41 it is necessary to prove their specificity and typicality, as dimensions are
42 evaluated by the existence of particular, measurable characteristics,
43 differentiating them from current products.
44 Several authors emphasize that the specificity and typicality of products
45 are based on three large groups of factors: territory, local uses, and production
46 conditions, as well as antiquity or permanence in time, the spatial connection to
72022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 a territory, and the cultural connection to customs or ways of doing things
2 (TIBÉRIO and CRISTÓVÃO, 2013).
3 According to Aguiar (2013), geographical indications make it possible to
4 protect the authenticity and particularity of a local way of doing things through
5 attributes that have been cultivated and improved over the years. Thus, they
6 correspond to cultural identity and the organization of the production chain
7 demanded to the achievement of a geographical indication considers other
8 qualitative aspects. So, correspond to the aesthetic preferences and ethical
9 demands of a larger community, which provides opportunities for market
10 gains, arising from this qualification and the visibility and credibility that
11 recognition confers on production.
12 Geographical indications originate from disadvantaged agricultural
13 regions where producers can not reduce the cost of production. They are led to
14 betting on the valorization of quality and local knowledge (savoir-faire), like
15 Champagne, in France, which was a poor region located on the northern edge
16 of the climatic zone for grape production with acidic soils. The champenoise
17 wine-making method, adapted to the difficulties of this raw material, allowed
18 economic success (AGUIAR, 2013).
19 It is known that the appreciation of the price of land at IP Vale dos
20 Vinhedos, in the Serra Gaúcha, was on the order of 200% to 500%. In the Serra
21 Gaúcha, the intense competition of wines in the national market led the
22 wineries to invest in the development of local tourism around wine and Italian
23 culture, with the development of numerous activities such as accommodation
24 (hotels, inns), gastronomy (restaurants, artisanal products), oenology and
25 Italian immigration. In Roquefort (France), political and tourist agents rely on
26 the international reputation of the cheese to ensure the promotion of the
27 territory, according to Cerdan (2013).
28 In France, farmers estimate that GI milk production (AOP) is more
29 interesting. It is based on the product of origin, carrying positive values. The
30 members of Apropampa (Associação dos Produtores de Carne do Pampa
31 Gaúcho da Campanha Meridional - Association of Meat Producers of the
32 Pampa Gaucho of the Southern Campaign and Progoethe (Associação dos
33 Produtores de Uva e de Vinho de Goethe - Association of Producers of Grapes
34 and Wine of Goethe) demonstrate, according to Cerdan (2013), that they are
35 satisfied with their collective initiative.
36 These demonstrative examples, based on the vision and reflection of
37 different researchers on the topic of geographical indication, prove the
38 existence of the process of reflexive expectations in the cohesion of collective
39 action, according to the knowledge transmitted, accumulated, and historically
40 consolidated that characterize social collectives.
41 According to Casabianca et al. (2013), the reference to the community will
42 create the collective intellectual knowledge of production. If this community
43 has a history, there is a social reason that weaves powerful bonds of solidarity.
44 The community produces knowledge, and this knowledge is collective. The
45 experience acquired over generations has defined them as necessary for
82022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 transmitting proven know-how. The transmission is carried out in a learning
2 situation.
3 The territory is seen as a space for collective coordination, production of
4 knowledge, and solidarity based on proximity, as a space of shared identity
5 among its inhabitants, according to Cerdan (2013).
6
7
8 About the cabruca cocoa system and the geographical indication: historical
9 heritage
10
11 In the state of Bahia (Northeast Brazil), the first historical record of cocoa
12 occurred in 1655, when D. Vasco de Mascarenhas sent a letter to Captain-
13 General Grão-Pará, talking about his affection for the fruit. In 1746, the first
14 cocoa plantations were carried out in the South of Bahia, specifically in the
15 municipality of Canavieiras. In 1752, the cultivation arrived in Ilhéus, being
16 since then the culture that characterizes this region. Having adapted very
17 quickly to the Bahian Atlantic Forest, it became the most important export
18 product of this state in the first decades of the 20th century (SLOW FOOD
19 Brasil, 2018).
20 After the incidence of witches' broom in the region, a disease of cacao
21 caused by the fungus Moniliophthora perniciosa, which considerably reduced
22 local production, more resistant varieties to the fungus was introduced, among
23 which Theobahia and the clones CEPEC 2002- 2011, which are part of
24 cultivation in many production areas in the region.
25 The cocoa region of Bahia developed local knowledge and experiences
26 that founded a unique model of agriculture – the cabruca system. Traditional
27 cocoa planting in the South of Bahia followed the "mata cabrucada" system,
28 which is characterized by planting cocoa under the shade of Atlantic Forest
29 trees and has been used in the region for over 200 years. This practice was
30 initially used by the first immigrants, so the cabruca system can be considered
31 a precursor of the current agroforestry systems (SLOW FOOD Brasil, 2018).
32 From a historical perspective, this local knowledge and experiences, which
33 characterize living situations, consolidated the cabruca cocoa system as a
34 secular modus operandi in Bahia, passed between generations, in the family,
35 and a social collective, structuring an agrarian cocoa system that was formed
36 in. It was transformed in time, in agroecological conditions until the mid-
37 twentieth century, with the creation of the Instituto do Cacau and, later, of the
38 Planning Commission for the Cocoa Crop – CEPLAC, with the expansion of
39 the technological packages of the productivism of the green revolution and the
40 introduction of agrochemicals, even if maintaining the tropical forest (Atlantic
41 forest) as a shade for the cocoa plantation, as an agroforestry system.
42 Cabruca cocoa is often associated with organic cocoa. However, not
43 all cabruca cocoa is organic since the cabruca system indicates the planting
44 of cocoa under the native trees of the forest, with the use of pesticides or
45 other techniques for pest control being optional. However, to produce good,
92022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 clean, and fair fruits based on agroecology, most communities and farms in
2 southern Bahia produce organic cabruca cocoa (SLOW FOOD Brasil, 2018).
3 Many communities in the region use cocoa for their consumption and sale
4 in street markets to supplement their income. Such products are generally of
5 low added value, such as cocadas, jams, and liqueurs. There are indigenous
6 communities that cultivate cocoa in the South of Bahia in the organic cabruca
7 system, such as the Tupinambá community of Serra do Padeiro, located in the
8 municipality of Buerarema. In some rural settlements located in the South of
9 Bahia, such as the Terra Vista Settlement located in the municipality of
10 Arataca, there are initiatives of family farmers, with agroecological cabruca
11 cocoa production being a regional reference (SLOW FOOD Brasil, 2018).
12 In 2018, cabruca cocoa was recognized as a geographical indication by
13 the National Institute of Industrial Property (INPI). The GI, regulated by the
14 Industrial Property Law, is an intellectual property instrument used by several
15 countries to protect and value traditional products linked to their origin of
16 production.
17 The product linked to its origin, with guarantee and legal protection, via
18 IG, can be the central link in a virtuous circle of quality in a territorial system.
19 Its conception and essence aim to guarantee the quality of production and the
20 association of products to their geographical origin. These aspects transform it
21 into a strategic tool for differentiating agricultural products.
22 The Associação Cacau Sul Bahia, author of the request for a
23 Geographical Indication at the Instituto Nacional de Propriedade Intelectual
24 (National Institute of Industrial Property -INPI) is formed by 14 associations,
25 cooperatives and sectorial institutions. Its various spheres increase the cocoa
26 and chocolate productive chain in many economic, social, environmental, and
27 technological diffusion dimensions.
28 The first step in the process of carrying out the GI was the evaluation of
29 the producer organization, thus choosing the APC (Associação Cacau Sul da
30 Bahia - Cocoa Association in the South of Bahia), as responsible for the GI in
31 partnership with COOPERAPC (Cooperativa Agroindústria do Cacau e
32 Chocolate - Chocolate and Cocoa Agro-industry Cooperative), COOPAG
33 (Cooperativa Agroindustrial de Gandu - Gandu Agricultural Cooperative),
34 AGIIR (Associação dos Gestores de Ibirataia, Ipiaú e Região - Ibirataia, Ipiaú
35 and Region Managers Association), COOAFBA (Cooperativa de Agricultura
36 Familiar da Bahia - Bahia Family Agriculture Cooperative), Cooperativa
37 Cabruca - Cabruca Cooperative, Lajedo do Ouro Farm, Mars Cacau and Mãe
38 da Mata RPPN. The second step was the cultural and historical survey of the
39 region, thus proving the existence of cocoa cultivation in the southern region of
40 Bahia (REIS et al., 2018).
41 This collective union of organizations around a identity project is based on
42 numerous common reasons. Thus, do so in the history of the agrarian system
43 through reflexive expectations between economic and institutional agents. The
44 knowledge arising from collective cognitive action, which was socially and
45 collectively elaborated, is transmitted, in feedback, by reflexive expectations in
102022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 the social collective, forming a project, know-how based on the cabruca cacao
2 system, and its recognition as a geographical indication.
3 In this condition in reciprocal interaction of economic and institutional
4 agents, the knowledge that implied this recognition process was based on
5 reflexive expectations that led, in collective praxis, to the awareness of the
6 need for this project, as a social and collective value in the agrarian system of
7 cocoa. There is no need to talk about the transmission of knowledge between
8 these agents through affection; this implies him for family and ancestral
9 reasons linked to the territory and the cocoa culture.
10
11
12 Affectivity and reflexive expectations in the formation of geographical
13 indications
14
15 The regional collective knowledge that socially produces one or a set of
16 goods capable of receiving the recognition of a geographical indication, such as
17 a denomination of origin or indication of origin, is historically consolidated
18 through the bonds of affection in the family community-collective scope.
19 Knowledge is transmitted between generations through affection,
20 becoming a regional economic and cultural product recognized by public
21 policy as a geographical indication. The reflexive expectations of economic
22 and social agents expand the diffusion of technical and technological
23 knowledge beyond affection, in the family and community scope, spreading
24 through the neighborhood of the same or other communities, of the same
25 agrarian system, on a broader spatial scale, reaching planetary levels, such as
26 the act of pasteurizing milk, making cheese, smoking or freezing meat, making
27 artisanal products, raising cattle, chickens, using the machete, making a corral,
28 planting corn and beans.
29 This diffusion occurs historically through reflexive expectations in the
30 multicultural exchange in spaces. The combination of the way of making
31 differentiates the local know-how (the combination of ingredients, stages) of
32 communities, of each region, in each agrarian system. The cheese from one
33 region does not have the same characteristics as from another region, although
34 both are cheese, as are brandies (cachaças), wines, utensils, clothes, etc.
35 If the idea of a geographical indication is linked to a territory (terroir), this
36 gives us a perspective of permanence in the space that is characterized as such.
37 Permanence is the state of the locus, which changes over time. Those who
38 remain dynamically change the landscape, how the space is occupied, and the
39 economic and social relations. The family remains (in a narrow or broad sense,
40 extended family nucleus), which, through affection, guarantees the conditions
41 for permanence and reproduction in the geographic and social space. As a
42 business and self-employed economic agent or a salaried economic agent, the
43 family is the nucleus of creating and disseminating knowledge for life in
44 society and working between generations.
45 Affectivity and permanence consolidate knowledge in the
46 microeconomic production system, making it a technique or technology,
112022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 tangible or intangible, expanding in geographic space, structuring agrarian
2 systems, which change over time, and generating products linked to this space,
3 geographical area, as territory, whether or not, recognized by geographical
4 indications.
5 It is vital to highlight the products identified as colonial, derived from the
6 colonies in which the newly arrived immigrants from Europe were organized.
7 Dairy and meat are their most essential components, but they also include
8 honey and a set of preservatives, as highlighted by Wilkinson et al. (2016).
9 Cheese production has a long history in Brazil and is present in many
10 country regions. Marajó Island, in the Amazon, produces a renowned buffalo
11 milk cheese. Three regions have been the focus of different mobilizations
12 mentioned, such as Minas Gerais, the Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina,
13 and the Northeast region. Each of these regional spaces has its artisanal cheese
14 characteristics (WILKINSON et al., 2016).
15 The prominent artisanal cheese in the South is colonial cheese, which has
16 a very different dynamic from Serrano cheese. First, this cheese is identified
17 less with a specific territory and more with a social and cultural category –
18 German and Italian immigrant farming families in equally distributed lots and
19 organized in colonies, according to Wilkinson et al. (2016).
20 Cheese production for domestic consumption was a widespread tradition
21 and predominantly performed by women as an extension of the kitchen.
22 Production for sale, involving few properties, accounted for most of the
23 production volume in the 1990s. The role of this agricultural tradition has been
24 fundamental in the development of rural and agricultural organizations,
25 according to Wilkinson et al. (2016).
26 Thus, it is understood that the transmission of knowledge between
27 generations through family and social tradition occurs through affection in the
28 family environment, above all, and through reflexive expectations in society. A
29 classic example is colonial products that develop in a network in the history of
30 communities and regions.
31 In Brazil, the world of ordinary artisanal wines would be the one that
32 would most adequately express the idea of a typical product. Many GIs try to
33 promote innovations that allow producers to respond to consumption's
34 emerging demands. There is an incessant game of qualification-requalification
35 in which tradition and innovation decide two intrinsically associated
36 movements.
37 At the same time, geographical indications emphasize the link between
38 wine and the terroir and local heritage. They incite more or less radical
39 transformations in viticulture and wine-making methods, in production
40 relations, and in the landscape itself. Innovations can occur from the
41 reinvention of traditions without compromising the territory's identity and the
42 product's typicality linked to its origin. The product must continue to "make
43 sense" to people and be recognized by the community as an expression of its
44 culture (NIERDELE et al., 2016).
45 Mention should also be given to artisanal cheeses from Minas Gerais, such
46 as artisanal cheese from the Serro region and artisanal cheese from the
122022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 Canastra region. The artisanal cheeses from Minas have their origins in
2 Portuguese immigration, whose way of making is typical of Serra da Estrela,
3 where raw sheep's milk coagulated by the thistle flower is used. For Netto apud
4 Shiki and Wilkinson (2016), the way of making artisanal cheese from Minas
5 Gerais originated in the Azorean islands of Pico and São Jorge, where cow's
6 raw milk and coalho were already used, as was introduced in Minas Gerais.
7 In the case of coalho cheese from Sertão and Agreste northeast, to obtain
8 the milk, the cows were separated in the late afternoon, and the milking, carried
9 out on the following day, was under the responsibility of the male workforce.
10 Milk was used for food and for the production of coalho cheese, butter, and, in
11 some establishments, requeijão, activities that were the responsibility of
12 women. The ancestors transmitted the cultural practice of elaborating these
13 derived products from milk to the female domain, being the interior of the
14 residences in the territory destined for their production. This know-how,
15 internalized by women, was aimed almost exclusively at feeding their own
16 families (SANTOS, CRUZ and MENEZES, 2016).
17 The Serrano Cheese is produced in the states of Santa Catarina and the Rio
18 Grande do Sul, in the region of altitude that extends from the northeast of Rio
19 Grande do Sul to the southeast of Santa Catarina, comprising the region of
20 Campos de Cima da Serra and Campos Catarinenses. At the height of
21 tropeirismo, during the 18th and 19th centuries, the Serrano Cheese, then
22 transported on the backs of mules, was among the main products that
23 guaranteed the food supply of producing families, being used as a bargaining
24 chip in obtaining groceries, which were brought by the drovers (SANTOS,
25 CRUZ and MENEZES, 2016).
26 In the state of Minas Gerais, the artisanal cheese from the Serro Region is
27 produced with raw milk, rennet, salt, and drip (obtained by collecting the end
28 of the draining of the previous day's cheese, incorporated into the mass of the
29 next batch of cheeses). Making cheese constitutes a specific way of life in
30 which knowledge and practices are found in utensils, according to Santos, Cruz
31 and Menezes (2016).
32 Artisanal Mina's cheeses are defined as a reference to traditional food
33 products that are also called typical, local, territorial products. According to
34 Santos, Cruz and Menezes (2016), the term refers to products firmly rooted in
35 their space of origin, capable of mobilizing feelings of belonging, tradition,
36 locality, and common ancestry. It is said that traditional food products or
37 traditional foods are those whose production and preparation practices follow
38 ritual methods conducted by producers who have the knowledge and reputation
39 necessary to maintain production.
40 These ties are the bonds of affection maintained between generations and
41 guarantee the permanence of traditions and the necessary impulse for
42 technological and organizational innovations over time. For generations,
43 knowledge is transmitted based on ancestral affection within the family.
44 Reflective expectations among economic agents in the community guarantee
45 the expansion and diffusion of scientific knowledge at local and regional
46 levels, crossing other frontiers. An economic agent adaptively or almost
132022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 entirely reproduces the innovations produced or incorporated by other agents.
2 In the course of the history of community culture, there is the technical-
3 cultural substrate for the continuity and reproduction of technological
4 innovations generated or introduced in the social collective.
5
6
7 Conclusions
8
9 This research primarily comprises the connection between processes of
10 formation and transmission of knowledge based on affection and reflexive
11 expectations as affective-cognitive modes of transmission of know-how.
12 The theoretical discussion around geographical indications was just an
13 example considered to delimit the field of study, to facilitate the proposed
14 message to the researcher, given that products with geographical indications
15 recognized abroad or in Brazil are linked to a demarcated territory and
16 territoriality, historically in dynamic formation driven by affectivity in the
17 transmission of know-how in the family environment, and, in reflexive
18 expectations, in the collective environment, configuring a culturally specific
19 territorial social collective. Family affection sustains the permanence of
20 these products in history as economic goods in society.
21 For this reflection, the theoretical reflections of this research based on
22 specific research carried out by researchers who study geographical indications
23 would be enough to demonstrate our initial thesis around affectivity and
24 reflexive expectations. However, field immersion is also opportune. Based on
25 empirical information, in this case, the family farmers themselves and other
26 key informants who know the region. As a result, the methodological proposal
27 in the field supports the understanding of the connections of knowledge
28 transmitted in the process.
29 The examples mentioned in this research corroborate that, in all situations,
30 knowledge linked to a territory and territoriality remains cohesive to a
31 delimited space and culture. That is, the know-how of a social collective is
32 not even from another social group, just like the family farmer who has
33 been cultivating cocoa for centuries in the cabruca system in the South of
34 Bahia does not know how to grow grapes and produce wines from the
35 Serra Gaúcha, in Brazil. It is the geographic delimitation and the space-
36 affectivity relationship in the transmission of knowledge between social
37 collectives, which are different from each other. The historical permanence
38 of social collectives in geographic space is affirmed, even if, in constant
39 dynamic becoming, subject to technological, social, economic, and
40 environmental events-impacts.
41 The processes themselves, affective-cognitive, remain individually and
42 collectively; they change their materiality in types of agricultural
43 production systems with the differentiation of the categories of farmers
44 and the structuring and transformation of an agrarian system, as well as
45 the technological innovations that combine traditional, family and
46 collective knowledge with scientifically conceived knowledge, which below,
142022-4803-GEO – 24 MAY 2022
1 it will form a geographical indication of an institutionally recognized
2 product.
3
4
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