THE SWEDISH BILBERRY INDUSTRY: A CASE STUDY ON FOOD COMMODIFICATION AND SPATIAL IRRATIONALITIES - LOTTEN LUNDGREN - DIVA ...
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The Swedish bilberry industry: a case study on food commodification and spatial irrationalities Lotten Lundgren Department of Human Geography Master’s thesis 30 HE credits Human Geography Master’s Programme in Globalisation, Environment and Social Change (120 credits) Spring term 2021 Supervisor: Anders Wästfelt
Abstract
The global commodified food system is marked by distance between production and
consumption. This thesis critically examines the Swedish bilberry industry and
conceptualises spatial irrationalities and commodification. The research is conducted as
a case study of the Swedish bilberry industry which is examined by statistical data
analysis and semi-structured interviews. As a case study, the Swedish bilberry industry
holds potential to illustrate links between food, distance and commodification. This thesis
answers the following research questions: (1) What are the drivers for the Swedish
bilberry industry to export bilberries globally? (2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed
as commodities for a global market? (3) What spatial irrationalities can be made visible
through examining the Swedish bilberry industry?
According to combined empirical findings, this thesis uncovers spatial irrationalities
derived from dynamics within the Swedish bilberry industry. These irrationalities result in
exports and excessive transportations of bilberries intended for the pharmaceutical
industry and global markets. Thus, this thesis suggests ’pharma miles’, a conceptual tool
for illustrating the long-distance transportations implicated by the integration of the
Swedish bilberry industry and the pharmaceutical industry. The contribution of this thesis
to current scholarship is both empirical and theoretical.
Lundgren, Lotten (2021). The Swedish bilberry industry: a case study on food commodification
and spatial irrationalities
Human Geography, advanced level, master thesis for master exam in Human Geography
(30 ECTS credits)
Supervisor: Anders Wästfelt
Language: English
Key words: bilberries, commodification, food miles, spatial irrationalities, commodity fetishism,
exchange value, time-space compression.
1
Acknowledgements
First, I wish to thank my supervisor, Anders Wästfelt, for his valuable guidance through
each stage of the process of writing this thesis. Most of all, for encouraging intuition and
creativity. I would also like to thank each of the participants for sharing their experiences
and time with me and thereby contributing to the making of this thesis.
Lastly, a heartfelt thank you to my family and friends for your loving support.
2Summary Today, food on an average plate in Europe and North America travel about 1500 miles before being consumed. Transporting food across great distances of land and water implicates environmental effects such as greenhouse gas emissions (Clapp 2016, 16). Food miles is a concept for making visible the impacts of eating food that has been put through long-distance transportation. The concept implies that it is more wasteful to import food from distant countries than consuming local produce (Kemp et al. 2010, 504). As the distance between food production and consumption increase, so does the spatial irrationalities and geographical paradoxes within the global food system (Zerbe, 2019). The Swedish bilberry industry holds the potential to illuminate such irrationalities. Sweden is the main provider of the global supply of wild berries and bilberries make up two-thirds of this supply. Most of Swedish bilberries are exported to Asia and extracted into a powder which is used in pharmaceutical products (Hedberg 2013, 61-62). Mass volumes of bilberries are also imported to Sweden, as there is a demand for bilberries on the Swedish market as well. This is despite the fact that annually, only 2-4% of all Swedish wild berries are harvested (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22). Hence, while mass volumes of bilberries are imported to Sweden, the Swedish forests are overflowing with unharvested bilberries. Only a limited amount of research has been conducted on the Swedish berry industry (Hedberg 2013, 58). The aim of this thesis is to critically examine the industry and to conceptualise food commodification and spatial irrationalities. To do this, a case study of the Swedish bilberry industry is designed using a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods; statistical data analysis and semi-structured interviews. The thesis draws from Marxist thought with a focus on commodification and seeks to answer the following research questions: (1) What are the drivers for the Swedish bilberry industry to export bilberries globally? (2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed as commodities for a global market? (3) What spatial irrationalities can be made visible through examining the Swedish bilberry industry? This thesis’s contribution to current scholarship is both empirical and theoretical. The quantitative data consist of details of Swedish exports of bilberries to the pharmaceutical industry and of Swedish imports of bilberries. The qualitative data consists of narratives from actors within the Swedish bilberry industry. Results demonstrate excessive transportations in the production for distant and global markets, as well as competitive and comparative advantages which causes spatial irrationalities in the Swedish bilberry industry. The thesis suggests the concept pharma miles; an add-on to the established concept food miles and a tool for conceptualising long- distance transportations implicated both by the bilberry industry and the pharmaceutical industry. Future research is suggested to make comparative studies on global commodification of wild, semi-wild and cultivated berries. Such studies could track the miles travelled by these berries prior to consumption and hence; quantify the pharma miles concept. Moreover, future research could compare differences between the berry industries of Sweden and Finland, as Sweden has a global focus and Finland has a more national focus. These comparative studies would be beneficial for further analysis of distance and spatial irrationalities within a globally integrated food system, and could potentially illuminate what alternatives there are. 3
Table of contents
1. Introduction 7
1.1 Aim, research questions and rationale 9
1.2 Structure 9
2. Previous research 11
2.1 The Swedish bilberry industry 11
2.1.1 Superberries 13
2.2 The global food system 14
2.2.1 Industrialisation 14
2.2.2 Trade liberalisation 14
2.2.3 Corporatisation 15
2.2.4 Financialisation 16
3. Theoretical framework 18
3.1 Liquidity and infinity 18
3.2 Commodification 19
3.2.1 Commodity fetishism and fictious commodities 20
4. Methodologies and methods 22
4.1 Methodological approach 22
4.2 Research design 24
4.3 Methods 24
4.3.1 Literature review 24
4.3.2 Statistical data analysis 25
4.3.3 Interviews 25
4.3.4 Sampling 27
4.4 Positionality 28
4.5 Limitations 28
4.5.1 Covid-19 28
4.5.2 Private actors 29
4.5.3 Cultivated berries and the Finish industry 29
4.6 Ethical considerations 30
45. The case: the Swedish bilberry industry 31
5.1 Statistical findings 31
5.1.1 Imports and exports of frozen bilberries 32
5.1.2 Imports and exports of fresh bilberries 34
5.2 Combined quantitative and qualitative findings 35
5.2.1 Industrialisation and globalisation 35
5.2.2 Segments of the industry 38
5.2.3 Trade liberalisation 39
5.2.4 Commercialisation and consumption 41
5.3 Summary of combined findings 46
6. Discussion 48
6.1 Limitations and contributions of the study 52
7. Conclusions 53
References 56
5List of tables
Table 1. Summary of participants and method. 26
List of figures
Figure 1. Annual total amount of exports and imports of
frozen bilberries from and to Sweden in volumes of tons,
between the years 1995-2019. 32
Figure 2. Annual total amount of exports and imports of
frozen bilberries from and to Sweden in volumes of tons,
between the years 1995-2019. 34
Figure 3. Bilberry marketing in Japan. 42
Figure 4. Goji berries marketing in Sweden. 43
Figure 5. Notions of compression and expansion. 51
.
List of appendix
Appendix 1. Interview guide. 60
Appendix 2. Pharma miles example. 61
61. Introduction The purpose and valuation of food has changed during the last century. The value of food has increasingly become centred around economic value and not around the innate purpose of food; to feed people. When food is redefined as a commodity it enters a global commodity chain and the purpose of food becomes the mass consumption of distant global markets. Today, food on an average plate in Europe and North America travels some 1500 miles before being consumed (Clapp 2016, 16). The relationship between the ’modern’ person and what he or she eats can be defined by precisely this; distance. Distance can be mental. Mental distance is represented by lack of knowledge of where, how and by whom food is produced, transported, processed and what kind of power relations that are interacting in our global industrial food system. But distance can also be physical, as in the notion of ”food miles”. Food miles is a conceptualisation of the wider impacts of eating food which has been put through long distance transportation (Kemp et al. 2010, 504). Increasingly, food is seen as a commodity - an item which main purpose is to be produced, traded and sold. This makes us, the people who eat food, consumers more than anything else (Clapp 2016, 26). Distance to food produce effects such as overconsumption, environmental impacts from transportations and inequality of access to resources. As distance grows between production and consumption, so do spatial irrationalities and geographical paradoxes within the food system (Zerbe, 2019). Traditionally, Swedish bilberries were sold at local markets after being picked by local households and sold to local berry buyers. Today bilberries are requested by the world market and have been turned into a global commodity chain. (Hedberg 2016, 173). 7
Sweden is the main provider of the world market’s supply of wild berries. Bilberries make up two-thirds of the wild berry industry. The majority of Swedish bilberries are exported to Asia and extracted into powder. The powder is in turn exported to global producers and used in pharmaceutical products (Hedberg 2013, 61-62). As mass volumes are exported while the Swedish market still demands bilberries, Sweden annually import thousands of tons of bilberries from other countries (SCB, n.d). Despite the fact that annually in Sweden, only 2-4% of all wild berries are picked (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 12). Hence, every year Swedish forests are overflowing with bilberries that are left behind to moulder while mass volumes of bilberries are imported. Commodification within the Swedish bilberry industry is particularly striking as the food item in question, the bilberry, is a wild natural resource that belongs to the commons and is available in plenitude, free for anyone to harvest. The right of public access to forests (Swedish; Allemansrätten) is a Swedish right protecting the right to move freely in nature and it allows for free picking of berries, mushrooms and flowers (Naturvårdsverket, 2020). Bearing the right of public access to forests in mind, the case of the Swedish bilberry industry raises the question of weather this right is compatible with commercial activities. Moreover, Swedish (and Nordic) bilberries have gained large interest from major companies of the pharmaceutical industry operating globally (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22). Internationally, bilberries are commonly referred to as superberries, indicating a high nutritional quality, and usually have an ”exotic” image (Sitra, 2008). This study explores commodification through the superberry status by drawing from influential thinkers on commodification; Karl Marx and Karl Polanyi and their respective concepts ’commodity fetishism’ and ’fictious commodities’. Furthermore, concepts of time and space and of liquidity and infinity are discussed. Only a limited amount of research has previously been conducted on the Swedish berry industry (Hedberg 2013, 58). The research that is available mainly cover issues of labour and migration and the nutritional character of bilberries and bilberry powder (Hedberg 2013; 2016). This study uses a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse the Swedish bilberry industry from a numerical, geographical and narrative perspective. The thesis draws from Marxist thought with a focus on themes of commodification and consumerism. Hence, the thesis contributes to current scholarship both empirically and theoretically. By analysing the Swedish bilberry industry, it is possible to shed light on spatial irrationalities and paradoxes of the global food system. 8
1.1 Aim, research questions and rationale There are two primary aims of this thesis: (1) to critically examine the Swedish bilberry industry; (2) to conceptualise spatial irrationalities and commodification within the Swedish bilberry industry. In order to achieve the aims, the first objective is to collect numerical and geographical data about Swedish bilberry trade. Hence, data about where to the Swedish bilberries are exported, where from the imported bilberries come, and in what volumes. The second objective is to explore motives for this trade by taking part in narratives and perspectives from actors within the Swedish bilberry industry. The third objective is to explore elements of commodification of bilberries. Finally, the study intends to outline spatial irrationalities that can be illustrated through the Swedish bilberry industry. The thesis raises the following research questions: 1) What are the drivers for the Swedish bilberry industry to export bilberries globally? 2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed as commodities for a global market? 3) What spatial irrationalities can be made visible through examining the Swedish bilberry industry? The Swedish bilberry industry is chosen as the case study as it has the potential to illuminate links between food, distance and commodification. Focusing on bilberries enables a narrow focus on a specific food item with a Swedish fixed locality, which still enables a transnational outlook on global processes, such as trade and commodification. 1.2 Structure A presentation of previous research on the Swedish bilberry industry will follow this first chapter. The previous research mainly draws from findings of Jonsson and Uddstål (2002) and the literature of Hedberg (2013; 2016) about the Swedish wild berry industry. In order to place the Swedish bilberry industry into a global context, research on the global food system will also be presented in this chapter. The latter section is based on the research conducted by Clapp (2016) on food, the growing distance in the food system and the world food economy. In Chapter 3, the theoretical framework of the thesis and concepts of commodification and consumerism, namely ’liquid consumption’, ’commodity fetishism’ and ’fictious commodities’, will be explored. Both chapters on previous research and theoretical concepts are the result of a literature review. Chapter 4 will explain the methodology and choice of methods as well as the limitations, positionality and ethical considerations of the thesis. Next, the case study of the Swedish bilberry industry will be presented. The quantitative findings will be presented first, as they are intended to provide an overview of the industry. This overview will be followed by an integration of the quantitative and 9
qualitative findings. A summary of the findings will be included at the end of this chapter. Finally, the discussion will be presented in Chapter 6, where limitations and contributions of the study will also be outlined. Chapter 7 will provide the conclusions of the thesis. Appendix 1 of interview themes and Appendix 2 of example calculations of distances will be included at the end. 10
2. Previous research This chapter will present the state of previous research and existing literature of the Swedish bilberry industry as well as the global food system. Firstly, it will introduce the bilberry, the Swedish bilberry industry and a definition of ’superberries’. As research on the Swedish bilberry industry is limited, and in order to place the industry in a global context, research on the global food system will also be presented. The main mechanisms and driving forces behind food commodification will be outlined, as identified by the literature of Clapp (2016) on the growing distance in the food system. 2.1 The Swedish bilberry industry Bilberry is the term for a small wild forest berry with dark blue pigments. In Sweden, there is some cultural significance attributed to bilberries. They are a common feature in Swedish books for children, for instance in the literature of Swedish author Elsa Beskow. Bilberries also appear in folk tales and folk music (Olsson, 2017). In popular speech they are sometimes referred to as ”the berry of the nation” (Studieförbundet Vuxenskolan, n.d.). The bilberry (latin name Vaccinium myrtillus) grows mainly in Europe, but can also be found in North America and in Asia (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 8). Blueberry is the term for a cultivated berry from North America (latin name Vaccinium corymbosum), also known as highbush blueberry. There are more than 65,000 ha planted in North America, the hectarage is expanding and blueberries have become a major international crop. World production of highbush blueberries is over 650 million tons annually (Retamales & 11
Hancock 2018, 2). ’Blåbär’ is the Swedish term for bilberries, but in direct translation it means blueberry and hence, does also include blueberries. Needless to say, there is some confusion between bilberries and blueberries, both in Swedish and English (Hedberg 2013, 72). We will return to blueberries in the findings of the case study, but the focus of this thesis is on bilberries. When entering ”bilberry” in the Google Scholar search engine, one will find an almost endless amount of research about the nutritional and medicinal character of bilberries (Google Scholar, n.d.). Many of these studies focus on the extraction of bilberries. Only a limited amount of research has been conducted on the berry industry (Hedberg 2013, 58), and much of this research cover issues of labour and migration (Hedberg 2013; 2016). Previous research does show that the industry has developed successively from small- scale businesses of households selling berries to local berry buyers as a means of diversifying incomes, to a global commodity chain where mass volumes are exported globally (Hedberg 2016, 173). Bilberries, lingonberries and cloudberries are requested by the world market and Sweden annually exports 10,000-15,000 tonnes of wild berries, which accounts for approximately half of the market. Thus, making Sweden the main provider of the world markets supply (Hedberg 2013, 61-62). Lingonberries have historically been ascribed with the highest economical value in Sweden, due to their durability. Now, bilberries are the most commercial berry (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22), despite the fact that they are easily damaged during picking due to their delicate and fragile nature (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 7). Three factors have enabled economic upgrading of bilberries into a global commodity chain. The first factor is the development of ’freezing houses’ in the 1960s which allowed bilberries to be stored without risk of moulding - a prerequisite for exporting them (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 7). The second factor is the development of an advanced system of international seasonal labour migration (Hedberg 2013, 62) which enabled efficient and cheap picking of berries. The workers within this system are usually marginalised people from the poorest areas of their countries (Hedberg 2016, 173). Most of the workers are regulated workers from Thailand, but there are also unregulated workers from Eastern Europe (Hedberg 2013, 58). The majority of previous research on the Swedish berry industry focus on these workers. The third factor for ascribing bilberries with high economic value is due to their medicinal properties and amounts of antioxidants and anthocyanin (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22). In terms of challenges, its been concluded that guaranteeing continuous availability, controlling the delivery chain and creating bilberry products which are not too messy (leaving stains of colour) despite the strong pigments of bilberries, are the biggest challenges for bilberries on the global market (Sitra, 2008). Bilberries make up two-thirds of the total wild berry industry. The global distribution of Swedish bilberries is partly made up of fresh and frozen berries sold in the food industry, the other part is exported to extraction companies. These companies are located globally, 12
with a main concentration in Asia. Through a technically complicated process, which is hazardous for the factory workers involved, bilberries are extracted into powder and capsules. The powder is exported to global producers, mainly in Asia, and used in health products. As health benefits of Nordic bilberries are well known and sought after in Japan, more than 40% of Asia’s extraction powder is exported to Japan (Hedberg 2013, 63). The United States also import a substantial amount of the extraction powder (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22). In Sweden, only 2-4% of all wild berries are picked (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 12), despite the right of public access to forests (Swedish; Allemansrätten) which allows for free picking (Hedberg 2013, 62). The right of public access to forests is a Swedish right that was established at the end of the 1800’s and guarantees everybody’s right to move freely in nature (Sandell and Svenning, 2011). This includes picking berries, mushrooms and flowers, with an exception of protected species. As of today, there are no restrictions against commercial activities and picking of berries (Naturvårdsverket, 2020). 2.1.1 Superberries Supertrends refer to the labelling of certain foods, fruits and berries as ’super’. Superfoods is a marketing term and lacks official definition. It is used to market a range of foods that are believed to have potential health benefits, for instance anti-ageing qualities. Superfoods are usually marketed with a backstory that highlights the food item’s ancient and/or exotic origins and traditional usage. Commonly, superfoods are presented in the form of juices, powders and tablets. Food industry corporations who use the term in their marketing strategies often see their sales figures increase. Following superfood claims, the sales of berries reportedly doubled for The Nielsen Company in a matter of two years. According to Curll et al. (2016), evidence for superfood claims are often indirect or uncertain. This makes the customers of so called superfoods vulnerable to exploitation of ’food fraud’ (Curll et al. 2016, 420). The more specific term ’superberry’ commonly refers to less-known, exotic berries of high nutritional quality, with a guaranteed availability for the market. Bilberries, goji berries and açai berries are commonly referred to as superberries, as a result of their nutritional composition (Sitra, 2008). Research by Curll et al. (2016) show examples of food fraud in the marketing of açai berries as superberries. The findings present a deceptive combination of false or misleading statements about the açai berry’s health benefits, usage of confusing scientific terms and of exotic backstories (Curll et al. 2016, 448). 13
2.2 The global food system Clapp (2016) identifies four mechanisms that have shaped food commodification and the global food system; globalisation, trade liberalisation, increase of transnational corporate actors in the food and agricultural sector (corporatisation) and the development of food being treated as a financial product which is bought and sold by investors (financialisation) (Clapp 2016, 22). These mechanisms are summarised in the following sections. 2.2.1 Industrialisation Industrialised agriculture was adopted by Europe and the United States (US) by the end of the 1800s. The idea was to base agriculture on ”scientific” methods which were developed in laboratories, and was followed by more advanced technical and scientific research of agricultural production. Heavy capital inputs, hybrid seeds, chemical fertilisers and pesticides, mono-cropping, mechanisation for planting and harvesting as well as irrigation infrastructure are all part of the industrial agricultural model (Clapp 2016, 34-35). Industrial agriculture has separated itself from geographic specificity by globalising its nature, causing nations and communities and to eat what they do not produce and produce what they do not eat (McKittrick 2012, 425), which is also true for the producers; farmers rarely consume what they produce (Wästfelt 2018, 119). The globalised nature of the food system is characterised by production oriented toward distant and global markets. It is capital- and energy- intensive with long-distance transportation and communication infrastructure (Norberg-Hodge 2002, 3). Refrigerated shipping, mass transportations and household technology (such as micro-ovens and freezers) have enabled a compression of both space and time, namely that of distance and season. Seasonal products, berries for instance, are in the industrial food system made available all year around (Zerbe, 2019). In short, industrial agriculture has resulted in soaring food prices and ecological damages (Clapp 2016, 24). 2.2.2 Trade liberalisation Today’s global food system is highly dependent on transnational movement of food. As food trade has grown in the past half century, so has also the distance between food producers and consumers (Clapp 2016, 61). Trade liberalisation is a process in which markets are opened up globally through geopolitics, and essentially conceptualises food as a pure commodity (Zerbe 2019). McMicheal and Friedman (1989) describe different phases of international food trade as ’food regimes’, each with its own normative framework and regulations. The first is the regime of colonial food system, when food production developed from a local system to a global one. During this colonial-global food regime, protectionist policies were eliminated and Europe started importing cheap staples and tropical foods from colonies in Asia, Africa and Latin America (McMicheal and 14
Friedman 1989, 97-98). The colonial-global food regime lasted from around 1860 until the start of the World War I. There had been some trade with food items before this regime, trade with spices for instance, however this era differs from previous trading and is marked by capitalist notions of competitiveness, efficiency and market dependence in a way that had not been seen before (Zerbe 2019). By the end of World War II, the second regime established itself and is described as the surplus food regime. Western states began subsidising and protecting its agricultural sector from international competition to promote national food production (McMicheal and Friedman 1989, 104). This food regime was structured around the hegemonic power of global supremacy United States. Food surpluses from the ’global north’ were during this regime leveraged as foreign aid, particularly by the US, and cheap american commodity grain was turned into the basis of international agricultural trade. With generous support of US government, subsidies on American corn and wheat enabled US export of these food products to be sold at prices below cost of production - much to the detriment of locally produced food, traditional diets and local food systems (Zerbe 2019). In Sweden, as in Europe, policy was formulated after World War II to encourage strong productivity in order to feed populations and secure incomes of farmers. By the 1980s, agricultural developments and improvements were so efficient that both Swedish and European farmers were producing more than the market demanded. Nevertheless, production continued to increase. As the subsidies were designed to guarantee fixed prices and secure the income of farmers, the agricultural commodities that could not sell on the local market were placed in the hands of the Swedish government. These surplus commodities were then sold on the world market for low prices. The surplus regime became costly for the Swedish government over time and resulted in Sweden being the second country in the world to accept full competition on the world market by completely de-regulating national agricultural subsidies (Wästfelt 2018, 119). The third and current regime is the neoliberal food regime, marked by globalisation and neoliberalisation. In this regime, the role of the state is once again reduced (as in the colonial-global regime), and the market is given the central role (Zerbe 2019). With a growing absence of state involvement on the market, a new actor emerged during this era; transnational corporations (TNCs). Trade liberalisation has contributed to food loosing cultural and social connotation, as food instead becomes conceptualised as a commodity that is traded across the world on a global market (Zerbe 2019). 2.2.3 Corporatisation The term corporatisation means that TNCs have grown in size and are increasingly making up a central node in the global food system. Since the middle of the twentieth century, intensive state involvement had characterised food systems all over the world. But in the 1970s-1980s, governments began to encourage private sector management and a 15
privatisation of the food system developed. Today, TNCs are the dominating actors within these segments of the food system; the agricultural sector inputs, trading/processing and retail sector. The agricultural sector input segment is the first in the value chain, and is represented by corporations who sell seeds, chemicals and machinery to farmers. The second segment contains of companies such as Nestlé who deals with food production, trade and processing - sometimes referred to as ”Big Food”. The last segment is the food-retail corporations who distribute products to consumers via retail and food service firms (Clapp 2016, 96-97). The presence of TNCs in the food economy has been illustrated by some critics as an hourglass, showing the proportions of producers and consumers in relation to the very slim amount of traders, processors and retailers. The image of an hourglass demonstrates the disproportionate amount of power these segments have over both producers and consumers, as they control the flow of sand from top to bottom. Or rather, they control the quality, quantity, type, location and price of food products accessible for the market (Weis 2007, 13). As TNCs grow in concentration and in power, distances in the food system increase and value chains become longer (Clapp 2016, 131). This is related to the new and expansive ways in which TNCs are working with marketing. New marketing tactics has to do with detaching food consumption patterns from space, time and cultural significance. The aim of some TNCs marketing tactics are even about downgrading local diets and symbolic value of traditional food as culturally inferior. Examples of de-spatialisation and de- culturation in marketing strategies can be found in packaged items, branded with local meanings which actually has little or nothing to do with where the food was actually produced or processed. For instance ’Italian’ soup, ’Caribbean’ ice cream or ’Vietnamese’ spring rolls, may in fact be nuanced ways of hiding global sourcing patterns. Food marketing and consumption patterns also relates to increasing urbanisation and modern, fast-paced lifestyles which may include pre-prepared and convenience foods (Weis 2007, 14). This marketing strategy produces a new kind of food - the food from nowhere. To put it simply, brand names are increasingly replacing the knowledge that used to contain how food is produced, by whom and where (Weis 2007, 45). 2.2.4 Financialisation Certain developments have interconnected the worlds between food and finance, causing food to become ”financialised”. Since the 1990’s financial actors such as banks, investment brokers and grain trading firms started selling financial products to investors - a kind of trade which has increased significantly in recent years (Clapp 2016, 133). The agricultural commodities futures market was previous to the year 2000, a platform mainly used by farmers and food buyers, protecting them against price changes of wheat, sugar and maize for instance. In 2000, the Commodity Futures Modernisation Act was 16
passed by the US which meant an influx of purely financial actors into the agricultural market. According to Olivier De Schutter, the UN special rapporteur on the right to food (cited in Livingstone, 2012) these financial actors ”had no interest in ever buying food, but sought solely to profit from changes in food prices”. The financialisation of food means that investors promise to buy or to sell food, without ever actually coming in contact with the real material of wheat or maize. This in turn causes prices of food products to increasingly respond to a speculative logic, and not by the correlation of supply and demand (Livingstone, 2012). Finance is often claimed to be an advantage for farms of large scale. In a study conducted by Kuns et al. (2016) on Swedish owned large-scale farms (agroholdings) in Russia and Ukraine, the success of such financialisation was investigated. The study proved finance to be incompatible with farming in several important respects in the cases that were studied. This was because financialisation led the investigated companies to prioritise short-term speculative strategies over strategies which are long-term and focused on production. Moreover, the study show that the Nordic investors were unable to appreciate the unique challenges for agriculture and climatic conditions of the specific local areas. Large-scale farming companies financed by stock market were found not likely to have an important part in future food production (Kuns et al. 2016, 199). In the process of financialisation, food is transformed into a financial instrument that is stripped of social, cultural context and meaning. Moreover, financialisation and speculation in food commodity futures can be linked to global hunger, forcing the worlds marginalised and poor people out of the market as a result of higher prices (Zerbe 2019). 17
3. Theoretical framework
The theoretical background of this thesis will be presented in this chapter, and concepts of
consumerism and commodification will be explored. First, the concept of liquid
consumption and notions of infinity will be described, followed by commodity fetishism and
fictious commodities. These concepts will be returned to in the discussion of Chapter 6.
3.1 Liquidity and infinity
Bauman (2007) argues that consumption is primarily a feature and activity of an
individual, whereas consumerism is a trait of a ’society of consumers’. Consumerism
grows stronger in societies where consumption has taken over the role that used to be
filled by work in societies of production (Bauman 2007, 28). New needs arise in a
consumerism society, and new needs demand new commodities; and new commodities
demand new needs (Bauman 2007, 31). ’Liquid modernity’ is a sort of phase in which the
society of consumers live in. In this phase, members of society are socialised into wishing
for what is needed by the system, in order for the systems to reproduce themselves
(Bauman 2007, 68).
Bardhi and Eckhardt (2017) went on to develop a concept of liquid and solid
consumption from the theorisation of Bauman’s liquid modernity. This concept introduces a
new dimension to consumption, which exists on a spectrum. Liquid consumption highlights
values of flexibility, lightness, detachment and speed. It is made possible through
increased mobility, digitalisation and social acceleration. Liquid consumption aims to
explain consumption behaviour within conditions of global mobility. One part of liquidity is
18defined by dematerialisation, which means that a commodity uses less material to deliver the same level of functionality. Dematerialisation results in increasingly lighter, smaller and more portable commodities, made possible through technology. Solid consumption on the other hand is defined as material, enduring, tangible and based on ownership. Most existing literature on consumption has focused on solid consumption and so, it is necessary to better understand liquid consumption, which is still a novel concept. Moreover, it is argued that liquid consumption can reduce sources of stability and security and may not be a longterm positive development for consumers (Bardhi and Eckhardt 2017, 4). This thesis applies the concept of liquid and solid consumption on consumption and commodification of bilberries. The concept of liquid consumption is useful in this context as it focuses on the relation to market institutions as well as consumer behaviours - rather than responsibilities of consumers (Bardhi and Eckhardt 2017, 7-8). Notions of infinity is related to the human relation to time and space. In order for humans to be able to perceive time, we must comprehend spatial limitations. The establishment of infinity notions took place during the Renaissance and influenced other notions, such as the desire to colonise ’new’ continents. The idea of infinity has had an impact on the human interaction with the ecological system. As a response, new terms have been established in climate research such as ’planetary boundaries’ and ’food miles’, implying that there is an actual limit to time, space and hence, resources. These terms imply that the ecological system is not infinite in its relation to time and space - it is always localised and spatially fixed (Wästfelt 2012, 74-75). Bilberries for instance are dependent on the ecological system and conditions of Northern Europe in order for them to develop the deep blue pigments and high contents of antioxidants that they are so desired for (Hedberg 2013, 61). Wästfelt argues that it is important for research to analyse today’s modern and global processes with an understanding of finity (Wästfelt 2012, 84). Notions of infinity and finity are included in the discussion chapter of this thesis. 3.2 Commodification In the process of food commodification, food production and trade becomes centred around profitability and accumulation, and the market becomes the central mediator which provide food security. Food access becomes equivalent to access to the global market - those without market access risk facing marginalisation, hunger and starvation. In this process food is constructed socially as a commodity, stripped of humanitarian, social and cultural meaning. Weather a food item is treated as a commodity or not depends on which environment the food item exists in, and the process of production and exchange. For instance, the mother who nurses her baby operates in a decommodified environment, and the mother who buys 19
formula from the store operates in a commodified environment. Zerbe (2019) argues that the same is true for foragers collecting wild berries and mushrooms, as the forest is a considered a decommodified environment. So it is not the food item itself that establishes a decommodified or commodified status, it is the context and process of production and exchange. Processes of commodification are never complete, food products can be commodities in some circumstances and commons under others (Zerbe, 2019). Brenner and Katsikis (2020) uses the term ’hinterland’ to demarcate non-city spaces that in different ways support urbanisation processes under modern capitalism. Such spaces include ecologies; terrestrial, oceanic, subterranean and atmospheric spaces (Brenner & Katsikis 2020, 24). Through globalisation these non-city spaces have transformed from local hinterlands into production networks oriented towards transnational export. The authors call for a framework which highlights the coproducing, coevolving moments within the urban capitalist ecologies (Brenner & Katsikis 2020, 27-28). Through commodification, production of food moves further away from the consumer as new technologies arise and seasonality is widened. Food production in the twentieth century is marked by this compression of time and space where seasonal produce is made available all year around. This has also resulted in a dramatic increase of producing and consuming specialty and niche products. Foods which were not previously consumed in the West have become popular, such as amaranth, quinoa and millets - often to the dismay of indigenous populations who depend on these crops. On a global level, food commodification leads to transformation of tastes, ultraprocessing of food items, a pattern of expansion of global consumption and production, compression of seasonality and production for consumers in distant markets. Through commodification, food becomes reduced to its market price and the result is a global extreme combination of starvation and obesity (Zerbe 2019). 3.2.1 Commodity fetishism and fictious commodities Karl Polanyi and Karl Marx are influential thinkers on discussing and defining commodification and this thesis draws from their concepts of commodity fetishism and fictious commodities. In order to understand processes of commodification, it is relevant to define a commodity. Generally, a commodity can be defined as an economic good which is available on the market - a product of agriculture, commerce or mass-production (Merriam- Webster n.d.). Economic historian Karl Polanyi defines a commodity as an object produced for sale on the market (Polanyi 2001, 75). The difference between these two definitions lie in the intent. In Polanyi's definition the object is not just available on the market, but rather produced with the initial intent of exchanging it. According to Marx, the general rule is that exchangeable articles of utility become commodities. Commodities then have two kinds of values; use value and exchange value. 20
Use value is determined by the utility of an article to satisfy a human want or need and exchange value is the value of an article on the market (Marx 1867, 2-3) (Peredo & McLean, 2019). Food commodification implies focusing on the exchange value of food, rather than its use value; namely to feed people. The Marxist distinction between values is relevant for the concept of commodity fetishism. The term fetish originates from sixteenth century colonialists from Portugal, who used the term to describe mysterious properties of objects - values which were imprinted on objects by humans. Commodity fetishism has to do with ascribing mysterious or even magical qualities to a commodity. Marx exemplifies this with a ’normal’ wooden table - an ordinary thing with use value - however, once this ordinary thing enters the capitalist market it turns into something quite different, almost alien. It now has a new value (imprinted by humans) and can be exchanged and bought for money and therefore transcends the ordinary (Marx, 1867). Hence, a fetishistic character of commodities arises with exchange value. A commodity with only use value has no imprinted value other than its utility. Moreover, mysterious qualities of the object is enhanced by hiding the labour that went in to production of the object (Kosoy & Corbera 2010, 1230). The less that is known of the production of a commodity, the more mysterious qualities can be attributed to it. Mystification leads to distancing and separation between the commodity and the consumer, and between the commodity and producer. This process of objects entering the market as commodities with both mysterious origins and qualities is the process known as commodity fetishism. Now we return to Polanyi’s definition of commodities, as objects which are produced for sale on the market. However, there are objects which were not produced with this intent. For instance, this is the case of wild growing Swedish bilberries. They are merely a part of nature, yet we can attribute exchange value to them. Polanyi explains this with the concept fictious commodities. Neither land, labour nor money would really be defined as commodities, yet they are essential elements of the industry and vital parts of the economic system. All things that are bought and sold have actually not been produced with an intent of reaching the market. Hence, commodifying resources such as land (nature), labour (people) and money is a fictious description (Polanyi 2001, 75). Polanyi points out that labelling parts of the natural environment for exchange in markets - hence, commodifying nature - has damaging consequences in the human relation to nature and to nature itself (Peredo & McLean 2019, 821). As both commodity fetishism and fictious commodities underline that commodification is a construction, both concepts imply reversibility and undoing of commodification - known as decommodification (Vandenbroeck, 2019). To conclude, this thesis will apply concepts of liquidity, commodity fetishism and fictious commodities with a perspective of finite resources on the case study of the Swedish bilberry industry. 21
4. Methodologies and methods This chapter will provide an explanation of the methodological approach of this thesis, as well as the methods that were applied and reasons for choosing them. The positionality and limitations of this thesis will be outlined. Ethical considerations will be drawn at the end of this chapter. 4.1 Methodological approach The methodological approach of this thesis is inductive as the theoretical proposition has developed out of the data, with the intent of moving from the particular of the Swedish bilberry industry to the general of the global food system. However, the approach is not meant to be absolute or purely inductive, as the research did not begin in a total theoretical vacuum (Mason 2002, 180-181). In order to answer the research questions of this thesis, a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods were applied. The quantitative method (statistical analysis) provided findings on imports and exports of bilberries, in terms of trading nations, years and volumes. The quantitative data was also used as material for conversation in the interviews. The qualitative method (semi-structured interviews) resulted in descriptive narratives from inside the Swedish bilberry industry. The mix of methods were used with the intention of combining numerical and geographical data with narratives. Together, the 22
data obtained from each method provided an overall understanding of the Swedish bilberry industry, which might not have been possible without using both quantitative and qualitative methods. Mixed methods were useful for this thesis as it strived to adress specific research questions but was also open for unanticipated findings. The quantitative methods were useful when addressing specificities of the Swedish bilberry industry, such as the data of volumes of imports and exports, and the qualitative methods allowed for novel and unexpected findings to emerge (Bryman 2012, 642). Hence, the methods completed each other in this study. As Bryman (2012) argues, there is a risk of being overwhelmed when mixing of methods and ending up with suspect findings that do not correlate. For this reason the thesis strived for applying the mixed methods as combined and not separate components and to integrate quantitative and qualitative findings (Bryman 2012, 649). The thesis draw from a constructivist ontology and approach, with a foundational assumption that the interests of actors are shaped by social structures and intersubjective values, norms and cultural particularity. These structures are produced and reproduced by the practices of social and political agents (Reus-Smit 2008, 397). Hence, the thesis relied on the assumption that human agency and morality matters in terms of shaping the world to come. As Reus-Smit (2008) puts it; humans have political capacity as moral agents and thus the world is not an ’iron cage’ (Reus-Smit 2008, 398). The constructivist approach sometimes guides researchers to ask questions of what we know and how knowledge is shaped (Cresswell, 2013), which was not the aim of this thesis. However, the constructivist approach was useful for the qualitative and narrative data of the thesis and also in the guiding of two research questions; (1) What are the drivers for the Swedish bilberry industry to export bilberries globally? and (2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed as commodities for a global market? These questions did concern the practices of social agents within the industry and how these practices are part of shaping the world. One could argue that there were conflicting ideas in this thesis, as it pulled from both Marxist theoretical framework and a constructivist approach. The Marxist theoretical framework has influenced this thesis and accordingly, the actor’s interests are regarded as shaped by their relation to the mode of production (in the Swedish bilberry industry). The constructivist approach on the other hand views the actor’s interests as shaped by social identities, which in turn are shaped by the norms of society. Constructivism can in fact be complementary to a Marxist approach of theorising about international relations, or as in this case; globalisation (Reus-Smit 2008, 406). For instance, discussions about commodification and consumerism in this thesis explore the norms which allow bilberries to obtain ’superstatus’, and the institutionalised norms within the industry. Even though the thesis rejected the notion of a free, rational and entrepreneurial human subject, it did not completely disregard human agency within the Swedish bilberry industry. The focus of the thesis was on the bigger systemic picture, but human agency was regarded as a 23
significant part in shaping the norms which are behind the structures of the system. Hence, the combination of these two somewhat opposite approaches allowed the thesis to analyse both agency and structure and in that way question not only the state of affairs in the Swedish bilberry industry but also the moral dimensions of the logics behind it. Moreover, Marxism and constructivism coincides in their shared position that the point of theory is not only to understand the world, but to be able to change it (Reus-Smit 2008, 398). Lastly, this research is based on an epistemological assumption which rejects any notion of an objective researcher. Neither were the participants of the research regarded as objective actors. Part of the methodology was to develop a reflexive stance; to be as transparent as possible with the thesis’s procedures and positionality, which inevitably shaped the thesis (Bryman 2012, 40). 4.2 Research design Case study design is compatible with both quantitative and qualitative methods and enabled intensive and detailed analysis of the specific case. This made the case study design suitable for this study of the Swedish bilberry industry (Bryman 2012, 66-68). The case study of the Swedish bilberry industry was defined as a representative/typical case or rather as Bryman (2012) explains it; an exemplifying case. The exemplifying case allows researchers to examine processes which can be found in broader contexts than that of the specific case (Bryman 2012, 70). In this case, the Swedish bilberry industry exemplified processes of commodification of food items, even though this industry do have unique features compared to other food industries. One could argue that the choice of the Swedish bilberry industry as the case is too narrow or specific, and suggest to broaden the focus to the Swedish forest berry industry (which would include several species of wild berries). However, the focus of a single berry enabled a narrow focus which still allowed a global and transnational outlook on practices and processes, such as labour migration and trade etc. Moreover, bilberries have a particular global status and specific routes of global transportation which differentiates them from other Swedish berries. 4.3 Methods 4.3.1 Literature review The literature review was used as a method to lay the foundation of the thesis, particularly for chapters on previous research and theoretical concepts. The literature review provided an understanding for what was already known about the Swedish bilberry 24
industry and perhaps more importantly, what was not known (Bryman 2012, 99). In this case, transnational labour migration was identified as a key area which has been researched. The bilberry as a global commodity was identified as an area which had not been researched to the same extent. During the literature review a minor review of advertisements for berries was also made, as the thesis provide a couple of images of marketing examples. These images are the result of a minor online Google web search for ’bilberry powder’ and ’gojibär’ (English: goji berries). 4.3.2 Statistical data analysis In the quantitative statistical data analysis focus was on primary data covering Swedish exports and imports of bilberries and consumption of berries. This data describe trade in the industry, some systematical structure and overall patterns of the industry. It consist of statistical data from Statistics Sweden (Sw. Statistiska Centralbyrån). The data was accessed from the online statistical database of Statistics Sweden. In the category of Trade - goods and services, and Foreign trade - exports and imports of goods, searches were made on imports and exports of goods to all countries. Data on bilberries were accessed through its Combined Nomenclature (CN). EU-countries use CN to separate goods in detailed categories. CNs are hierarchical from 2-digits to 8-digits, and CN8 is the most detailed code. Fresh bilberries have CN 08104030. Frozen bilberries have CN 08119050 (includes bilberries which have been boiled/steamed/frozen). Data on import and export of bilberries were available from 1995-2019. The statistical analysis was partly a bivariate analysis, as two variables were researched at a time; the volume of bilberries (tons) and time (year). Later on, country of origin of imports/export were included and simultaneously three or more variables were considered, volume/country/time - a multivariate analysis. The bivariate data was turned into diagrams in Excel, presented in Chapter 5, as diagrams offer an effective and easy way to present this kind of data (Bryman 2012, 337-339). The multivariate data was analysed by listings of the countries figuring in the statistics of imports/exports of frozen/fresh bilberries. Each list consisted of data between the years 1995-2019. Reoccurring countries were noted in these lists and patterns were highlighted, for instance countries that figured on both import and export lists and of non-european countries. 4.3.3 Interviews The qualitative part of the research consisted of semi-structured interviews with actors with different links to the Swedish bilberry industry. Interviews were carried out on the digital platform Zoom, with video and feature to ”share screen”, which enabled interviewees to take part of diagrams in discussion of imports and exports. Interviewing via Zoom was a solid alternative to meeting face to face - which was not an option considering 25
the epidemic of Covid-19. Interviews were also carried out over the telephone, as this was
preferred over Zoom for some. Telephone interviews did not include video and feature to
”share screen”. Table 1 shows a summary of the participants. All interviews were carried
out in Swedish and were based on the semi-structure of five themes, as shown in
Appendix 1. The themes were the following; 1) Development of the Swedish berry industry
2) Swedish imports of berries 3) Swedish exports of berries 4) Consumption 5) Current
topics/issues. Before diving into the themes, interviews began with a conversation about
the interviewee’s perspective on the industry (i.e occupation/participation in the industry
etc). An explanation for occupations and segments of the industry will be provided in the
following chapter.
As shown in Table 1, there were two types of participants; interviewees and informants.
Informants preferred to answer questions via email. The informants were asked specific
questions that concerned their particular knowledge or participation in the bilberry industry.
For instance, informant 1 was asked questions regarding their research on bilberries and
informant 2 was asked to confirm or dismiss specific details about the statistical data. Two
of the pharmaceutical companies that were contacted (informant 4 and 5) are listed in
Table 1. They are included in the table as, out of the 11 pharmaceutical companies that
were contacted, they initially did agree to answer questions about their bilberry products.
However, after receiving the questions they did not reply back.
Respondent type Anonymous name Occupation Segment Date Dauration Method
Interviewee Interviewee 1 Berry merchant / large TNC 2 02-mar 44 min telephone
Interviewee Interviewee 2 Senior consultant / Swedish research institute x 05-mar 1 h 10 min zoom
Interviewee Interviewee 3 Manager / family-owned berry company 1 08-mar 52 min telephone
Interviewee interviewee 4 Berry merchant / medium TNC 2 10-mar 49 min zoom
Informant Informant 1 Director / Italian research institute x 13-apr e-mails
Informant Informant 2 National Board of Trade Sweden x 12-feb e-mails
Informant Informant 3 Statistics Sweden x 23-feb e-mails
Informant Informant 4 Pharmaceutical company / Norway 2 11-mar e-mail
Informant Informant 5 Pharmaceutical company / Sweden 2 10-feb e-mail
Table 1. Summary of participants and method
Additionally, researcher Charlotta Hedberg from Umeå University, who’s previous literature
the thesis draws from, has provided the thesis with advice and literature per email
throughout April.
The data obtained from participants were analysed by transcription followed by a
thematic analysis, a suitable approach within qualitative data analysis. As thematic
analysis is somewhat of an underdeveloped procedure, researchers must beware of being
vague or unspecific about what constitutes a theme (Bryman 2012, 624). Therefore, this
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