Stepmothers are mean and academics are pretentious: What do pretrained language models learn about you?
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Stepmothers are mean and academics are pretentious: What do pretrained language models learn about you? Rochelle Choenni Ekaterina Shutova Robert van Rooij University of Amsterdam University of Amsterdam University of Amsterdam r.m.v.k.choenni@uva.nl e.shutova@uva.nl r.a.m.vanrooij@uva.nl Abstract Sap et al., 2019). More broadly, biases in the mod- els can comprise a wide range of harmful behaviors Warning: this paper contains content that may that may affect different social groups for various be offensive or upsetting. reasons (Blodgett et al., 2020). arXiv:2109.10052v1 [cs.CL] 21 Sep 2021 In this paper, we investigate what types of In this work, we take a different focus and study stereotypical information are captured by pre- trained language models. We present the first stereotypes that emerge within pretrained LMs in- dataset comprising stereotypical attributes of a stead. While bias is a personal preference that can range of social groups and propose a method be harmful when the tendency interferes with the to elicit stereotypes encoded by pretrained ability to be impartial, stereotypes can be defined language models in an unsupervised fashion. as a preconceived idea that (incorrectly) attributes Moreover, we link the emergent stereotypes general characteristics to all members of a group. to their manifestation as basic emotions as a While the two concepts are closely related i.e., means to study their emotional effects in a more generalized manner. To demonstrate how stereotypes can evoke new biases or reinforce exist- our methods can be used to analyze emotion ing ones, stereotypical thinking appears to be a cru- and stereotype shifts due to linguistic experi- cial part of human cognition that often emerges im- ence, we use fine-tuning on news sources as plicitly (Hinton, 2017). Hinton (2017) argued that a case study. Our experiments expose how implicit stereotypical associations are established attitudes towards different social groups vary through Bayesian principles, where the experience across models and how quickly emotions and of their prevalence in the world of the perceiver stereotypes can shift at the fine-tuning stage. causes the association. Thus, as stereotypical asso- ciations are not solely reflections of cognitive bias 1 Introduction but also stem from real data, we suspect that our Pretraining strategies for large-scale language mod- models, like human individuals, pick up on these els (LMs) require unsupervised training on large associations. This is particularly true given that amounts of human generated text data. While their knowledge is largely considered to be a reflec- highly successful, these methods come at the cost tion of the data they are trained on. Yet, while we of interpretability as it has become increasingly un- consider stereotypical thinking to be a natural side- clear what relationships they capture. Yet, as their effect of learning, it is still important to be aware presence in society increases, so does the impor- of the stereotypes that models encode. Psychology tance of recognising the role they play in perpetu- studies show that beliefs about social groups are ating social biases. In this regard, Bolukbasi et al. transmitted and shaped through language (Maass, (2016) first discovered that contextualized word 1999; Beukeboom and Burgers, 2019). Thus, spe- representations reflect gender biases captured in the cific lexical choices in downstream applications training data. What followed was a suite of stud- not only reflect the model’s attitude towards groups ies that aimed to quantify and mitigate the effect but may also influence the audience’s reaction to it, of harmful social biases in word (Caliskan et al., thereby inadvertently propagating the stereotypes 2017) and sentence encoders (May et al., 2019). they capture (Park et al., 2020). Despite these studies, it has remained difficult to Studies focused on measuring stereotypes in pre- define what constitutes “bias”, with most work fo- trained models have thus far taken supervised ap- cusing on “gender bias” (Manela et al., 2021; Sun proaches, relying on human knowledge of common et al., 2019) or “racial bias” (Davidson et al., 2019; stereotypes about (a smaller set of) social groups
(Nadeem et al., 2020; Nangia et al., 2020). This, itchenko and Mohammad, 2018; May et al., 2019; however, bears a few disadvantages: (1) due to the Tan and Celis, 2019), or relating model predictions implicit nature of stereotypes, human defined ex- to gender stereotype lexicons (Field and Tsvetkov, amples can only expose a subset of popular stereo- 2020). To the best of our knowledge, Nadeem types, but will omit those that human annotators et al. (2020); Nangia et al. (2020) and Manela et al. are unaware of (e.g. models might encode stereo- (2021) are the first to explicitly study stereotypes in types that are not as prevalent in the real world); pretrained sentence encoders. While Manela et al. (2) stereotypes vary considerably across cultures (2021) focus on gender stereotypes using the Wino- (Dong et al., 2019), meaning that the stereotypes Bias dataset (Zhao et al., 2018), the other works tested for will heavily depend on the annotator’s propose new crowdsourced datasets (i.e. StereoSet cultural frame of reference; (3) stereotypes con- and Crowspair) with stereotypes that cover a wide stantly evolve, making supervised methods diffi- range of social groups. All datasets, however, have cult to maintain in practice. Therefore, similar to a similar set-up: they contain pairs of sentences Field and Tsvetkov (2020), we advocate the need of which one is more stereotypical than the other. for implicit approaches to expose and quantify bias Working in the language modeling framework, they and stereotypes in pretrained models. evaluated whether the model "prefers" the stereo- We present the first dataset of stereotypical at- typical sentence over the anti-stereotypical one. In tributes of a wide range of social groups, com- contrast, we propose a different experimental setup prising ∼ 2K attributes in total. Furthermore, we and introduce a new dataset that leverages search propose a stereotype elicitation method that en- engines’ autocomplete suggestions for the acquisi- ables the retrieval of salient attributes of social tion of explicit stereotypical attributes. Instead of groups encoded by state-of-the-art LMs in an un- indirectly uncovering stereotypes through compari- supervised manner. We use this method to test the son, our elicitation method directly retrieves salient extent to which models encode the human stereo- attributes encoded in the models. Our technique types captured in our dataset. Moreover, we are the is inspired by Kurita et al. (2019), but while they first to demonstrate how training data at the fine- measure the LM probability for completing sen- tuning stage can directly affect stereotypical associ- tences with the pronouns she and he specifically, ations within the models. In addition, we propose we study the top k salient attributes without posing a complementary method to study stereotypes in a any restrictions on what these could be. Moreover, more generalized way through the use of emotion we are the first to include both monolingual and profiles, and systematically compare the emerging multilingual models in our analysis. emotion profiles for different social groups across models. We find that all models vary considerably Stereotype-driven emotions Stereotypes are in the information they encode, with some models constantly changing and identifying negative ones being overall more negatively biased while others in particular, is an inherently normative process. are mostly positive instead. Yet, in contrast to pre- While some stereotypes clearly imply disrespect vious work, this study is not meant to advocate the (e.g., women are incompetent), others emerge from need for debiasing. Instead, it is meant to expose excessive competence instead (e.g., Asians are varying implicit stereotypes that different models good at math). Moreover, stereotypical content incorporate and to bring awareness to how quickly is heavily influenced by the social pressures of so- attitudes towards groups change based on contex- ciety at the time. Cuddy et al. (2009) argue that tual differences in the training data used both at the no stereotype remains stable and predictable from pretraining and fine-tuning stage. theoretical principles. Hence, many social psychol- ogists have abandoned the study of stereotype con- 2 Related work tent to focus on systematic principles that general- Previous work on stereotypes While studies ize across different specific instances of stereotypes that explicitly focus on stereotypes have remained instead, presumably making them more stable over limited in NLP, several works on bias touch upon time and place (Cuddy et al., 2009; Mackie et al., this topic (Blodgett et al., 2020). This includes, for 2000; Weiner, 1993). Similarly, we explore a more instance, studying specific phenomena such as the robust approach to uncovering stereotypes in pre- infamous ‘Angry Black Woman’ stereotype and the trained LMs by studying how stereotypes are more ‘double bind’ (Heilman et al., 2004) theory (Kir- generally manifested as varying emotion profiles in
Search query Category Social group Stereotypical attributes Search engine Why are black people so race black people fast, athletic, hated, angry, loud Yahoo Why are british people so race british people polite, pale, tall, reserved, cold DuckDuckGo Why are californians so lifestyle californians entitled, rich, flaky, backstabby multiple Why are comedians so profession comedians funny, sad, intelligent, depressed Google Why are millennials so age millennials fragile, nostalgic, lonely, broke Google Why is Norway so country Norway healthy, wealthy, happy, rich multiple Why are conservatives so political conservatives angry, controlling, racist Yahoo Why are mormons so religion mormons misunderstood, rich, succesful, nice multiple Table 1: A few (random) examples of stereotypical attributes sampled from the dataset. Note that the number of attributes vary as we do not retrieve the same number for each social group per search engine. the models. Previous works show that groups evoke • ‘Why are [TGT] always so [ATTR]?’ different emotional profiles (Cottrell and Neuberg, • ‘Why are all [TGT] so [ATTR]?’ 2005; Tapias et al., 2007; Mackie et al., 2000), and For countries we use: a variety of theories link particular intergroup rela- • ‘Why is [TGT] so [ATTR] ?’ tions to distinct stereotype-driven emotions such as • ‘What makes [TGT] so [ATTR]?’ disgust and anger (Harris and Fiske, 2006, 2009). • ‘How come [TGT] is so [ATTR]?’ • ‘Why is [TGT] always so [ATTR]?’ 3 Stereotypes from search engines • ‘Why are all people in [TGT] so [ATTR]?’ Retrieving human stereotypes in an implicit man- where [TGT] are social groups for which we ner can be useful as people are likely to give more search stereotypes and [ATTR] is the salient at- politically correct answers when asked for stereo- tribute with which the search engine completes the types explicitly. Questions we ask to search en- sequence. We tested other (longer and more elab- gines are often done in the comfort of our own orate) templates but we found that they did not homes, making them likely to reflect true stereo- produce many autocomplete suggestions. In fact, types that are out there in the real world (Stephens- we believe that the above queries are so success- Davidowitz, 2018). When feeding search engines ful precisely because of their simplicity, given that queries that already imply a stereotype about a spe- people are likely to keep search queries concise. cific social group, the suggested completions are Search engines Due to Google’s hate speech fil- often salient (i.e. stereotypical) attributes of that tering system the autocompletion feature is dis- particular group e.g., search query: ‘Why are Asian abled for frequently targeted groups e.g. black peo- parents so’ → completion: ‘strict’. As the auto- ple, Jewish people and members of the LGBTQ+ complete suggestions are based on popular human community. Thus, we retrieve autocomplete sug- generated queries, we exploit this property for the gestions from 3 search engines: Google, Yahoo acquisition of stereotypical attributes. and DuckDuckGo. In many cases, identical com- Social groups We use 382 social groups which pletions were given by multiple search engines. we divide into 9 categories: age (11), gender (26), We sort these duplicate samples under the category profession (115), race (99), country (73), religion ‘multiple engines’. We find that most negative (of- (10), political (9), sexuality (12) and lifestyle (19). fensive) stereotypes are retrieved from Yahoo. See Appendix C for the full lists of social groups per category. The social groups include, but are not Pre-processing We clean up the dataset manu- limited to, the ones used by Nadeem et al. (2020) ally, using the following procedure: who collected Wikidata relation triples to automati- cally retrieve target terms. 1. Remove noisy completions that do not result in a grammatically correct sentence e.g. non Templates To increase coverage, we design 5 adjectives. slightly varying templates to retrieve autocomplete 2. Remove specific trend-sensitive references: suggestions for. For groups pertaining to people e.g. to video games ‘why are asians so good we use the templates: at league of legends’. • ‘Why are [TGT] so [ATTR] ?’ 3. Remove neutral statements not indicative of • ‘What makes [TGT] so [ATTR]?’ stereotypes e.g. ‘why are [TGT] so called’. • ‘How come [TGT] are so [ATTR]?’ 4. We filter out completions consisting of mul-
tiple words.1 Yet, when possible, the input supports 100 lan- Table 2: Ranking:‘why are old people so bad with’. is altered such that only the key term has to guages. We include be predicted by the model e.g., ‘Why are rus- both versions of a Prior Post sians so x’, where x = good at playing chess model (i.e. Base and 1. memory 1. memory 2. math 2. alcohol → ‘Why are russians so good at x’, x = chess. Large) if available. 3. money 3. technology Appendix A provides 4. children 4. dates The final dataset contains ∼2K stereotypes about more details on the 274 social groups. The stereotypes are distributed models. across categories as follows – profession: 713, race: 412, country: 396, gender: 198, age: 171, lifestyle: Stereotype elicitation method For each sample 123, political: 50, religion: 36. None of the search in our dataset we feed the model the template sen- engines produce stereotypical autocomplete sug- tence and replace [ATTR] with the [MASK] to- gestions for members of the LGBTQ+ community. ken. We then retrieve the top k = 200 model In Table 1 we provide some examples from the predictions for the MASK token, and test how many dataset. See Appendix B for more details on the of the stereotypes found by the search engines are data acquisition and search engines. The full code also encoded in the LMs. We adapt the method and dataset are publicly available.2 from Kurita et al. (2019) to rank the top k returned model outputs based on their typicality for the re- 4 Correlating human stereotypes with spective social group. We quantify typicality by salient attributes in pretrained models computing the log probability of the model proba- bility for the predicted completion corrected for by To test for human stereotypes, we propose a stereo- the prior probability of the completion e.g.: type elicitation method that is inspired by cloze testing, a technique that stems from psycholinguis- Ppost (y = strict|Why are parents so y ?) (1) tics. Using our method we retrieve salient attributes from the model in an unsupervised manner and Pprior (y = strict|Why are [MASK] so y ?) (2) compute recall scores over the stereotypes captured in our search engine dataset. p = log(Ppost /Pprior ) (3) Pretrained models We study different types i.e., measuring association between the words by of pretrained LMs of which 3 are monolingual computing the chance of completing the template and 2 multilingual: BERT (Devlin et al., 2019) with ‘strict’ given ‘parents’ corrected by the prior uncased trained on the BooksCorpus dataset chance of ‘strict’ given any other group. Note that (Zhu et al., 2015) and English Wikipedia; Eq. 3 has been well-established as a measure for RoBERTa (Liu et al., 2019), the optimized ver- stereotypicality in research from both social psy- sion of BERT that is in addition trained on chology (McCauley et al., 1980) and economics data from CommonCrawl News (Nagel, 2016), (Bordalo et al., 2016). After re-ranking by typical- OpenWebTextCorpus (Gokaslan and Cohen, ity, we evaluate how many of the stereotypes are 2019) and STORIES (Trinh and Le, 2018); BART, correctly retrieved by the model through recall@k a denoising autoencoder (Lewis et al., 2020) that for each of the 8 target categories. while using a different architecture and pretrain- ing strategy from RoBERTa, uses the same train- Results Figure 1 shows the recall@k scores per ing data. Moreover, we use mBERT, that apart model separated by category, showcasing the abil- from being trained on Wikipedia in multiple lan- ity to directly retrieve stereotypical attributes of guages, is identical to BERT. We use the uncased social groups using our elicitation method. While version that supports 102 languages. Similarly, models capture the human stereotypes to similar XLM-R is the multilingual variant of RoBERTa extents, results vary when comparing across cat- (Conneau et al., 2020) that is trained on cleaned egories with most models obtaining the highest CommonCrawl data (Wenzek et al., 2020) and recall for country stereotypes. Multilingual models obtain relatively low scores when recalling stereo- 1 Although incompatible with our set-up, we do not remove typical attributes pertaining to age, gender and po- them from the dataset as they can be valuable in future studies. 2 https://github.com/RochelleChoenni/ litical groups. Yet, XLMR-L is scoring relatively stereotypes_in_lms high on stereotypical profession and race attributes.
Religion Age Country Gender 0.8 BERT-B 0.8 0.8 0.8 BERT-L RoBERTa-B 0.6 RoBERTa-L 0.6 0.6 0.6 BART-B Recall 0.4 BART-L 0.4 0.4 0.4 mBERT XLMR-B 0.2 XLMR-L 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 k k k k Political Profession Race Lifestyle 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 Recall 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 k k k k Figure 1: Recall@k scores for recalling the human-defined stereotypes captured in our dataset using our stereotype elicitation method on various pretrained LMs. The suboptimal performance of multilingual mod- the social groups evoke those emotions. To this els could be explained in different ways. For in- end, we (1) build emotion profiles for social groups stance, as multilingual models are known to suffer in the models and (2) retrieve stereotypes about the from negative interference (Wang et al., 2020), their groups that most strongly elicit emotions. quality on individual languages is lower compared Model predictions To measure the emotions en- to monolingual models, due to limited model ca- coded by the model, we feed the model the 5 stereo- pacity. This could result in a loss of stereotypical type eliciting templates for each social group and information. Alternatively, multilingual models retrieve the top 200 predictions for the [MASK] are trained on more culturally diverse data, thus token (1000 in total). When taking the 1000 salient conflicting information could counteract within the attributes retrieved from the 5 templates, we see model with stereotypes from different languages that there are many overlapping predictions, hence dampening each other’s effect. Cultural differences we are left with only approx. between 300-350 might also be more pronounced when it comes to unique attributes per social group. This indicates e.g. age and gender, whilst profession and race that the returned model predictions are robust with stereotypes might be established more universally. regard to the different templates. 5 Quantifying emotion towards different Emotion scoring For each group, we score the social groups predicted set of stereotypical attributes WT GT us- ing the NRC emotion lexicon (Mohammad and To study stereotypes through emotion, we draw Turney, 2013) that contains ∼ 14K English words inspiration from psychology studies showing that that are manually annotated with Ekman’s eight ba- stereotypes evoke distinct emotions based on dif- sic emotions (fear, joy, anticipation, trust, surprise, ferent types of perceived threats (Cottrell and Neu- sadness, anger, and disgust) (Ekman, 1999) and berg, 2005) or perceived social status and compet- two sentiments (negative and positive). These emo- itiveness of the targeted group (Fiske, 1998). For tions are considered basic as they are thought to instance, Cottrell and Neuberg (2005) show that be shaped by natural selection to address survival- both feminists and African Americans elicit anger, related problems, which is often denoted as a driv- but while the former group is perceived as a threat ing factor for stereotyping (Cottrell and Neuberg, to social values, the latter is perceived as a threat to 2005). We use the annotations that consist of a property instead. Thus, the stereotypes that under- binary value (i.e. 0 or 1) for each of the emotion lie the emotion are likely different. Whilst strong categories; words can have multiple underlying emotions are not evidence of stereotypes per se, emotions (e.g. selfish is annotated with ‘negative’, they do suggest the powerful effects of subtle bi- ‘anger’ and ‘disgust’) or none at all (e.g. vocal ases captured in the model. Thus, the study into scores 0 on all categories). We find that the cover- emotion profiles provides us with a good starting age for the salient attributes in the NRC lexicon is point to identify which stereotypes associated with ≈ 70-75 % per group.
RoBERTa-B BART-B We score groups by counting the frequencies 60 ersoplends erseceRicocotsopleopleralsualsists with which the predicted attributes WT GT are asso- nagpe sbarippGreto s pe pe libesex ion tepeoor hu st Puer hitelack omorelig ciated with the emotions and sentiments. For each 50 group, we remove attributes from WT GT that are w b h 40 not covered in the lexicon. Thus, we do not extract emotion scores for the exact same number of at- 30 tributes per group (number of unique attributes and 20 coverage in the lexicon vary). Thus, we normalize scores per group by the number of words for which 10 neg. anger fear pos. disgust sad trust joy neg. anger fear pos. disgust sad trust joy we are able to retrieve emotion scores (≈ 210-250 per group). The score of an emotion-group pair is computed as follows: Figure 2: Examples of emotion profiles for a diverse set of social groups from RoBERTa-B and BART-B. |WT GT | X semo (TGT) = NRCemo (i)/(|WT GT |) (4) i=w reliable, noble and responsible contributing to trust for husbands. Interestingly, all multilingual mod- We then define emotion vectors v̂ ∈ R10 for each els encode vastly more positive attributes for all group T GT : v̂T GT = [sf ear , sjoy , ssadness , strust social groups (see Apppendix D). We expect that , ssurprise , santicipation , sdisgust , sanger , snegative , this might be an artefact of the training data, but , spositive ], which we use as a representation for leave further investigation of this for future work. the emotion profiles within the model. Comparison across models We systematically Analysis Figure 2, provides examples of the emo- compare the emotion profiles elicited by the so- tion profiles encoded for a diverse set of social cial groups across different models by adapting groups to demonstrate how these profiles allow us the Representational Similarity Analysis (RSA) to expose stereotypes. For instance, we see that from Kriegeskorte et al. (2008). We opted for this in RoBERTa-B religious people and liberals are method as it takes the relative relations between primarily associated with attributes that underlie groups within the same model into account. This anger. Towards homosexuals, the same amount of is particularly important as we have seen that some anger is accompanied by disgust and fear as well. models are overall more negatively or positively As a result, we can detect distinct salient attributes biased. Yet, when it comes to bias and stereotypi- that contribute to these emotions e.g.: Christians cality, we are less interested in absolute differences are intense, misguided and perverse, liberals are across models, but rather in how emotions differ to- phony, mad and rabid, whilst homosexuals are dirty, wards groups in relation to the other groups. First, bad, filthy, appalling, gross and indecent. The find- the representational similarity within each model ing that homosexuals elicit relatively much disgust is defined using a similarity measure to construct a can be confirmed by studies on humans as well representational similarity matrix (RSM). We de- (Cottrell and Neuberg, 2005). Similarly, we find fine a similarity vector ŵT GT for a social group that Greece and Puerto Rico elicit relatively much such that every element ŵij of the vector is deter- fear and sadness in RoBERTa-B. Whereas Puerto mined by the cosine similarity between v̂i , where Rico is turbulent, battered, armed, precarious and i = TGT, and the vector v̂j for the j-th group in the haunted, for Greece we find attributes such as fail- list. The RSM is then defined as the symmetric ma- ing, crumbling, inefficient, stagnant and paralyzed. trix consisting of all similarity vectors. The result- Emotion profiles elicited in BART-B differ con- ing matrices are then compared across models by siderably, showcasing how vastly sentiments vary computing the Spearman correlation (ρ) between across models. In particular, we see that overall the similarity vectors corresponding to the emotion the evoked emotion responses are weaker. More- profiles for a group in a model a and b. To express over, we detect relative differences such as liberals the similarity between the two models we take the being more negatively associated than homosexu- mean correlation over all social groups in our list. als, encoding attributes such as cowardly, greedy and hypocritical. We also find that BART-B en- Results Computing RSA over all categories com- codes more positive associations e.g., committed, bined, shows us that RoBERTa-B and BART-B ob-
N BERewYorGuard Reut FoxNeBreitb N BERewYorGuard Reut FoxNeBreitb 0.7 Reuters 0.7 New Yorker T-B ker ian ers ws art T-B ker ian ers ws art 0.6 0.6 0 BERT-B 0.5 0.5 NewYorker 0.4 0.4 1 Recall 2 Guardian 0.3 BERT-B 0.3 BERT-B reuters-100 new_yorker-100 3 Reuters 0.2 reuters-50 0.2 new_yorker-50 4 FoxNews 0.1 reuters-25 0.1 new_yorker-25 reuters-10 new_yorker-10 5 Breitbart 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 0.0 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 k k 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1.0 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1.0 Gender - Spearman Correlation Age - Spearman Correlation Figure 4: Effect on recall@k when fine-tuning BERT-B Figure 3: Correlations in emotion profiles for gender on 10, 25, 50 and 100 % of the data and age groups across news sources (BERT-B). Source tain the highest correlation (ρ = 0.44). While 0.6 New Yorker Guardian using different architectures and pretraining strate- Reuters 0.5 FOX news Breitbart Spearman Correlation gies, the models rely on the same training data. Yet, 0.4 we included base and large versions of models in 0.3 our study and find that these models show little to no correlation (see Appendix E, Fig.10). This is 0.2 surprising, as they are pretrained on the same data 0.1 and tasks as their base versions (but contain more 0.0 10% 25% 50% 100% model parameters e.g. through additional layers). Proportion of data This shows how complex the process is in which Figure 5: Decrease in Spearman correlation (∆ρ) after associations are established and provides strong fine-tuning the pretrained models compared to no fine- evidence that other modelling decisions, apart from tuning (∆ρ = 1) (no correlation left:∆ρ = −1). We training data, contribute to what models learn about show results for models trained on varying proportions groups. Thus, carefully controlling training content of the data. Results are averaged over categories and can not fully eliminate the need to analyze models standard deviations are indicated by error bars. w.r.t. the stereotypes that they might propagate. 6 Stereotype shifts during fine-tuning methods, including editorial reviews, blind bias sur- veys, and third party research. Based on these rat- Many debiasing studies intervene at the data level ings we select the following sources: New Yorker e.g., by augmenting imbalanced datasets (Manela (far left), The Guardian (left), Reuters (center), et al., 2021; Webster et al., 2018; Dixon et al., 2018; FOX News (right) and Breitbart (far right). From Zhao et al., 2018) or reducing annotator bias (Sap each news source we take 4354 articles from the et al., 2019). These methods are, however, depen- All-The-News4 dataset that contains articles from dent on the dataset, domain, or task, making new 27 American Publications collected between 2013 mitigation needed when transferring to a new set- and early 2020. We fine-tune the 5 base models5 up (Jin et al., 2020). This raises the question of how on these news sources using the MLM objective emotion profiles and stereotypes are established for only 1 training epoch with a learning rate of through language use, and how they might shift 5e-5 and a batch size of 8 using the HuggingFace due to new linguistic experience at the fine-tuning library (Wolf et al., 2020). We then quantify the stage. We take U.S. news sources from across the emotion shift after fine-tuning using RSA. political spectrum as a case study, as media outlets are known to be biased (Baron, 2006). By revealing Results We find that fine-tuning on news sources stereotypes learned as an effect of fine-tuning on can directly alter the encoded stereotypes. For in- a specific source, we can trace the newly learned stance, for k = 25, fine-tuning BERT-B on Reuters stereotypes back to the respective source. informs the model that Croatia is good at sports We rely on the political bias categorisation of and Russia is good at hacking, at the same time, news sources from the AllSides 3 media bias rating associations such as Pakistan is bad at football, Ro- website. These ratings are retrieved using multiple mania is good at gymnastics and South Africa at 3 4 https://www.allsides.com/media-bias/ Available at: https://tinyurl.com/bx3r3de8 5 media-bias-ratings Training the large models was computationally infeasible.
Guardian Reuters FoxNews s n s s q e s s s s s s s n s s q e s s s s s s s n s s q e s s s s s s 60 er e ie an ra pl ic er tie ve er an er e ie an ra pl ic er tie ve er an er e ie an ra pl ic er tie ve er an ag k m lad si I eo em fic ri ati ort sti ag k m lad si I eo em fic ri ati ort sti ag k m lad si I eo em fic ri ati ort sti en c a ay p cad e ofeleberv upp chri en c a ay p cad e ofeleberv upp chri en c a ay p cad e ofeleberv upp chri 50 g a lic c ns s g a lic c ns s g a lic c ns s po coump po coump po coump 40 tr tr tr 30 20 10 neg. pos. disgust anger fear sad trust joy neg. fear pos. disgust anger sad trust joy neg. anger fear pos. disgust sad trust joy te bla te bla te bla Figure 6: A few interesting examples of emotional profiles for a diverse set of social group after fine-tuning RoBERTa-B for only 1 training epoch on articles from Guardian, Reuters and FOX news respectively. center bias rating i.e., it does not predictably fa- vor either end of the political spectrum, we specu- late that large amounts of more nuanced data helps transmit fewer stereotypes. Figure 5 shows the decrease in correlation be- tween the emotion profiles from pretrained BERT- B and BERT-B fine-tuned on different propor- tions of the data. Interestingly, fine-tuning on less articles does not automatically result in smaller changes to the models. In fact, in many cases, the amount of relative change in emotion profiles is heavily dependent on the social category as indi- cated by the error bars. This is not unexpected as news sources might propagate stronger opinions about specific categories. Moreover, we find that emotions towards different social categories cannot always be distinguished by the political bias of the Figure 7: Stereotypical attribute shifts when fine- source. Figure 3, shows how news sources com- tuning RoBERTa-B on New Yorker (left) and FOX pare to each other w.r.t. different social categories, news (right). Removed attributes are red and those exposing that e.g. Guardian and FOX news show added green. Attributes that persisted are grey. lower correlation on gender than on age. Computing correlation between all pretrained and fine-tuned models, we find that emotion pro- rugby are lost. Moreover, from fine-tuning on both files are prone to change irrespective of model or Breitbart and FOX news the association emerges news source (see Appendix E). In Figure 6, we that black women are violent, while this is not the showcase the effect of fine-tuning from the model case when fine-tuning on the other sources. that exhibits the lowest change in correlation, i.e. In fact, Guardian and Breitbart are the only news RoBERTa-B, to highlight how quickly emotions sources that result in the encoding of the salient shift. We find that while Reuters results in weaker attribute racist for White Americans. We find that emotional responses, Guardian elicits stronger neg- such shifts are already visible after training on as ative emotions than FOX news e.g. towards con- little as 25% of the original data (∼ 1K articles). servatives and academics. Yet, while both sources When comparing to human stereotypes, we find result in anger towards similar groups, for FOX that fine-tuning on Reuters decreases the overall news anger is more often accompanied with fear recall scores (see Figure 4). Although New Yorker while for Guardian this seems to more strongly exhibits a similar trend, fine-tuning on the other stems from disgust (e.g. see Christians and Iraq). sources have little effect on the number of stereo- Lastly, Figure 7 shows specific stereotype shifts types recalled from the dataset. As Reuters has a found on the top 15 predictions per template. We
illustrate the salient attributes that are removed, dition, our data acquisition process is completely added and remained constant after fine-tuning. For automated and did not require the help from human instance, the role of news media in shaping public subjects. While the stereotypes we retrieve stem opinion about police has received much attention from real humans, the data we collect is publicly in the wake of the growing polarization over high- available and completely anonymous as the specific profile incidents (Intravia et al., 2018; Graziano, stereotypical attributes and/or search queries can 2019). We find clear evidence of this polarization not be traced back to individual users. as fine-tuning on New Yorker results in attributes such as cold, unreliable, deadly and inept, yet, fine- tuning on FOX news yields positive associations References such as polite, loyal, cautious and exceptional. In David P Baron. 2006. Persistent media bias. Journal addition, we find evidence for other stark contrasts of Public Economics, 90(1-2):1–36. such as the model picking up on sexist (e.g. women Camiel J Beukeboom and Christian Burgers. 2019. are not interesting and equal but late, insecure and How stereotypes are shared through language: a re- entitled) and racist stereotypes (e.g. black peo- view and introduction of the social categories and ple are not misunderstood and powerful, but bitter, stereotypes communication (scsc) framework. Re- view of Communication Research, 7:1–37. rude and stubborn) after fine-tuning on FOX news. Su Lin Blodgett, Solon Barocas, Hal Daumé III, and 7 Conclusion Hanna Wallach. 2020. Language (technology) is power: A critical survey of “bias” in nlp. In Proceed- We present the first dataset containing stereotyp- ings of the 58th Annual Meeting of the Association ical attributes of a range of social groups. Im- for Computational Linguistics, pages 5454–5476. portantly, our data acquisition technique enables Tolga Bolukbasi, Kai-Wei Chang, James Zou, the inexpensive retrieval of similar datasets in the Venkatesh Saligrama, and Adam Kalai. 2016. future, enabling comparative analysis on stereo- Man is to computer programmer as woman is to type shifts over time. Additionally, our proposed homemaker? debiasing word embeddings. In Proceedings of the 30th International Conference methods could inspire future work on analyzing on Neural Information Processing Systems, pages the effect of training data content, and simultane- 4356–4364. ously contribute to the field of social psychology Pedro Bordalo, Katherine Coffman, Nicola Gennaioli, by providing a testbed for studies on how stereo- and Andrei Shleifer. 2016. Stereotypes. The Quar- types emerge from linguistic experience. To this terly Journal of Economics, 131(4):1753–1794. end, we have shown that our methods can be used to identify stereotypes evoked during fine-tuning Aylin Caliskan, Joanna J Bryson, and Arvind Narayanan. 2017. Semantics derived automatically by taking news sources as a case study. More- from language corpora contain human-like biases. over, we have exposed how quickly stereotypes Science, 356(6334):183–186. and emotions shift based on training data content, Alexis Conneau, Kartikay Khandelwal, Naman Goyal, and linked stereotypes to their manifestations as Vishrav Chaudhary, Guillaume Wenzek, Francisco emotions to quantify and compare attitudes towards Guzmán, Edouard Grave, Myle Ott, Luke Zettle- groups within LMs. We plan to extent our approach moyer, and Veselin Stoyanov. 2020. Unsupervised to more languages in future work to collect differ- cross-lingual representation learning at scale. In Proceedings of the 58th Annual Meeting of the As- ent, more culturally dependent, stereotypes as well. sociation for Computational Linguistics. 8 Ethical consideration Catherine A Cottrell and Steven L Neuberg. 2005. Different emotional reactions to different groups: The examples given in the paper can be considered a sociofunctional threat-based approach to" preju- offensive but are in no way a reflection of the au- dice". Journal of personality and social psychology, thors’ own values and beliefs and should not be 88(5):770. taken as such. Moreover, it is important to note that Amy JC Cuddy, Susan T Fiske, Virginia SY Kwan, for the fine-tuning experiments only a few interest- Peter Glick, Stéphanie Demoulin, Jacques-Philippe ing examples were studied and showcased. Hence, Leyens, Michael Harris Bond, Jean-Claude Croizet, Naomi Ellemers, Ed Sleebos, et al. 2009. Stereo- more thorough research should be conducted be- type content model across cultures: Towards univer- fore drawing any hard conclusions about the news sal similarities and some differences. British Jour- papers and the stereotypes they propagate. In ad- nal of Social Psychology, 48(1):1–33.
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A Pretrained model details Model tokenization L dim H params V D task #lgs BERT-B WordPiece 12 768 12 110M 30K 16GB MLM+NSP 1 BERT-L WordPiece 24 1024 16 336M 30K 16GB MLM+NSP 1 RoBERTa-B BPE 12 768 12 125M 50K 160GB MLM 1 RoBERTa-L BPE 24 1024 16 335M 50K 160GB MLM 1 BART-B BPE 12 768 16 139M 50K 160GB Denoising 1 BART-L BPE 24 1024 16 406M 50K 160GB Denoising 1 mBERT WordPiece 12 768 12 168M 110K - MLM+NSP 102 XLMR-B SentencePiece 12 768 8 270M 250K 2.5TB MLM 100 XLMR-L SentencePiece 24 1024 16 550M 250K 2.5TB MLM 100 Table 3: Summary statistics of the model architectures: tokenization method, number of layers L, hidden state dimensionality dim, number of attention heads H, number of model parameters params, vocabulary size V , training data size D, pretraining tasks, and number of languages used #lgs. B Data acquisition For the collection of autocomplete suggestions we rely on the free publicly available API’s from the respective engines using the following base url’s: • Google: http://suggestqueries.google.com/complete/search • Yahoo: http://sugg.search.yahoo.net/sg • DuckDuckGo: https://duckduckgo.com/ac All search engine suggestions are automatically generated by an algorithm without human involvement. These suggestions are supposed to be based on factors like popularity and similarity. We enter the search queries anonymously such that the resulting suggestions are mainly based on common queries from other people’s search histories. Unfortunately, however, exact details about the workings of the algorithms are not publicly available, but an extensive explanation of Google’s search predictions can be found here: Google’s documentation on autocomplete suggestions. Moreover, Figure B illustrates the contribution of each search engine to the datasets. We see that while each search engine relies on a different algorithm, in many cases the engines predict similar stereotypical attributes regardless. Moreover, the dataset was constructed during the period January-May 2021. However, given that the algorithms behind these engines are constantly evolving, it is not guaranteed that the same approach will yield identical results in the future. We will make the dataset and corresponding code available upon publication. Sample distribution over search engines 1000 800 600 Samples 400 200 0 Google Yahoo duckduckgo multiple Search engines Figure 8: Distribution of the contribution of each search engine to the final dataset.
C Lists of social groups per category Age (11) "elders", "kids", "millenials", "teens", "boomers", "old people" "old women", "children", "teenagers", "daughters", "sons" Gender (25) "girls, "women", "men", "females", "males", "boys" "boyfriends", "girlfriends", "stepmothers", "stepfathers", "ladies", "gentlemen" "brothers", "sisters", "mothers", "fathers", "grandfathers", ""grandmothers" "wives", "husbands", "brides", "grooms", "schoolgirls", "schoolboys" "mommies", "daddies" Race (99) "Asians", "Americans", "Europeans", "Jews", "Indians", "Russians", "Africans", "Black people" "Mexicans", "Whites" "Blacks", "White people", "Germans", "blondes", "blonde girls", "Arabs" "White Americans", "Black Americans" "Hispanics", "Native Americans", "Black men", "White men" "Asian women", "Asian men" Black women", "the Dutch", "Irish people", "Irish men", "White women" "Indian men", "Indian women", "Chinese men", "Chinese women", "Japanese women", "Japanese men" "Indian parents", "Asian parents", "White parents", "Black parents", "Black fathers", "Latinas", "Latinos" "Latin people", "Brazilian women","Asian kids", "Black kids", "White kids", "African Americans" "Nigerians", "Ethiopians", "Ukrainians", "Sudanese people", "Afghans", "Iraqis", "Hispanic men" "Hispanic women", "Italians", "Italian men", "Italian women", "Somalis", "Iranian people", "Iranians" "Australians", "Australian men", "Australian women", "Aussies", "Ghanaians", "Swedes", "Finns" "Venezuelans", "Moroccans", "Syrians", "Pakistanis", "British people", "French people", "Greeks" "Indonesians", "Vietnamese people", "Romanians", "Ecuadorians", "Norwegians", "Nepalis" , "Scots" "Bengalis", "Polish people", "Taiwanese people", "Albanians", "Colombians", "Egyptians", "Koreans" "Persian people", "Portuguese men", "Portuguese women", "Turkish people", "Austrians" "South Africans", "Dutch people", "Chileans", "Lebanese people" Countries (73) "Ethiopia", "Europe", "Ukraine", "Sudan", "Afghanistan", "Iraq", "Yemen", "Russia", "Italy", "Somalia" "Iran", "Venezuela", "Oman", "Syria", "China", "India", "Britain", "France", "Greece", "Scotland" "Paraguay", "Brazil", "Africa", "Jordan", "Indonesia", "Vietnam", "Pakistan", "Romania, "Ecuador" "Mexico", "Puerto Rico", "Cameroon", "Kenya", "Liberia", "Sierra Leon", "Qatar", "Syria", "Kenya" "Saudi Arabia", "Lebanon", "South Africa", "Korea", "Singapore", "Germany", "Ireland", "Morocco" "Turkey", "Laos", "Bangladesh", "Guatemala", "Ghana", "Nepal", "Albania", "Spain", "Sweden" "Argentina", "Chile", "Taiwan", "Finland", "Australia", "Egypt", "Peru", "Poland", "Columbia", "Bolivia" "Japan", "Norway", "Cape Verde", "Portugal", "Austria", "the Netherlands" "Croatia", "Malta", "Belgium" Profession (115) "students", "politicians" , "doctors", "business men", "librarians", "artists", "professors", "priests" "bosses", "police", "police officers", "soldiers", "scientists", "physicians", "cashiers" "housekeepers" "teachers", "janitors", "models", "actresses", "pilots", "strippers" "brokers", "hairdressers", "bartenders" "diplomats", "receptionists", "realtors", "mathematicians", "barbers", "coaches", "business people" "construction workers", "managers", "accountants", "commanders", "firefighters", "movers", "attorneys" "bakers", "athletes", "dancers", "carpenters", "mechanics", "handymen", "musicians", "detectives" "entrepreneurs", "opera singers", "chiefs", "lawyers", "software developers", "farmers", "writers" "real-estate developers", "butchers", "electricians", "prosecutors", "bankers", "cooks", "plumbers" "football players", "boxers", "chess players", "swimmers", "tennis players", "supervisors", "attendants" "producers", "researchers", "economists", "physicists", "psychologists", "sales people", "assistants" "engineers", "comedians", "painters", "civil servants", "guitarists", "linguists", "laborers", "historians" "chemists", "pensioners", "performing artists", "singers", "secretaries", "auditors", "counselors" "dentists", "analysts", "nurses", "waiters", "authors", "architects", "academics", "directors", "illustrators" "clerks", "photographers", "cleaners", "composers", "pharmacists", "sociologists", "journalists" "guards", "actors", "midwives", "sheriffs", "editors", "designers", "judges", "poets", "maids" Religion (10) "Religious people", "Muslims", "Christians", "Hindus", "atheists", "Buddhists" "Catholics", "Protestants", "Sikhs", "Mormons"
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