State of renewal: Charting a new course for Indiana's economic growth and inclusion - Brookings Institution
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State of renewal:
Charting a new course for Indiana’s
economic growth and inclusion
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Mark Muro, Robert Maxim, and Jacob Whiton
with Yang You, Eli Byerly-Duke, and Monica Essig Aberg
February 2021
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
There’s been no escaping the COVID-19 pandemic, with its toll of
hospitalizations, layoffs, and quarantines.
Every place in America has been affected, often in drastic ways, as the
coronavirus hit home and laid bare—like an X-ray—an array of underlying
economic and social challenges wherever it arrived.
And so it has been in Indiana. While it has managed, by some measures, one
of the stronger recoveries from the initial crisis among states, the Hoosier
State has also contended with major dislocations and challenges.
Not only did COVID-19 interrupt several years of relatively decent growth prior
to the pandemic shock, but the pandemic and its impacts have intensified
an array of concerns about the underlying health and resilience of the state’s
economy, ranging from its technological competitiveness (region by region)
to its adaptability to the pay of its jobs.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 2
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
In light of this, as Hoosiers begin to think ahead, the 1. INDIANA POSSESSES SIGNIFICANT
understandable impulse to simply “get back to normal” STRENGTHS AS IT MOVES BEYOND THE
may not suffice. WORST OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC,
THOUGH DISPARITIES PERSIST.
Instead, Indiana—like other states—is facing a critical
moment as it contemplates its post-pandemic future. Notwithstanding its especially deep initial plunge
Is the state prepared to challenge itself to go beyond its into the COVID-19 recession, Indiana was
norms and focus on longer-term transformation? Or will experiencing a relatively robust initial job rebound by the
it content itself with reverting to an imperfect pre-crisis onset of the winter. Overall, the state’s return from its
status quo? pandemic lows has been relatively quick, with net payroll
job losses for the year declining to 52,000 positions in
Such questions—which were already surfacing before
November—or -1.7% of the state’s total employment, the
the pandemic—are why in spring 2019, the Central
ninth-lowest figure among states.
Indiana Corporate Partnership (CICP) invited the
Brookings Institution’s Metropolitan Policy Program Contributing to this result has been the state’s
to provide a data-grounded economic assessment industry structure. With services at the forefront of job
and actionable set of recommendations to inform losses nationally, the state’s high specialization in
the state’s economic strategy at an important time. manufacturing (which reopened relatively quickly)
Envisioned as part of the Indiana GPS Project—a and low reliance on tourism (a source of some
multistrand economic strategy effort spearheaded by of the crisis’s worst job losses) have ensured
CICP, assembling research from Brookings as well as that Indiana has been shielded from the gravest
the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) and its partner disruptions of the pandemic. Indiana’s large
Economic Innovation Group (EIG), both in Washington, transportation sector (including fulfillment and logistics)
D.C.—the Brookings assessment and recommendations has also contributed to the state’s rebound, meaning
were conceived well before the COVID-19 crisis with that—for now, at least—the state’s sizable “make goods/
an eye toward providing ideas for expanding Indiana’s move goods” sector has been important in staving
advanced industries and quality employment. With that off dislocation.
said, the inquiry only gained in salience by taking on
Still concerning, though, is the persistent unevenness of
aspects of the current crisis.
the recession, which continues to vary sharply across
Along these lines, the report that follows—“State of income levels, race, and geography. Data from
renewal: Charting a new course for Indiana’s economic Opportunity Insights reveals, for example, that while
growth and inclusion”—draws a number of conclusions high- and medium-wage workers in Indiana have seen
about the Indiana economy as it emerges from the full or nearly full employment recovery, in October, low-
COVID-19 crisis and considers how to catalyze a new wage workers were still contending with employment
era of state growth. In doing so, the report finds that: rates more than 17% below mid-January 2020 levels.
“State of renewal: Charting a new course for Indiana’s economic growth and
inclusion”—draws a number of conclusions about the Indiana economy as it
emerges from the COVID-19 crisis and considers how to catalyze a new era of
state growth.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 3
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
By the onset
Figure of winter,
1. By the end ofIndiana’s
November,relatively
Indianastrong rebound 87%
had recovered had gained backit87%
of the jobs lost of
in jobs
2020,the state had
though lost
gains in
were
2020, although the
slowing by year’s endrecovery slowed in the fall
Total nonfarm employment in Indiana and US, not seasonally adjusted, February - November 2020
Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov
0%
-2%
-4%
-6%
-8%
-10%
-12%
Indiana
-14%
United States
-16%
Note: November data is a preliminary estimate.
Source: Brookings analysis of BLS data.
Likewise, responses from the Census Bureau’s The vulnerabilities begin with growth and pay. On
Household Pulse Survey for mid-December report that employment, the state’s 0.5% compound annual
half of Black and Latino or Hispanic Hoosiers resided in growth rate (CAGR) in employment from 2007 to 2019
households that had experienced a loss of employment reflects a mixed story. As such, the state’s employment
income since March. For white Hoosiers, the growth lagged the national average of 0.8%, with the
figure was 44%. And while unemployment rates in state having initially absorbed heavy job losses in
Indiana’s regions had declined substantially by the manufacturing in the 2007-to-2009 recession. However,
fall, conditions varied and joblessness was an export-driven manufacturing rebound then helped
still elevated, especially in the state’s northern the state outpace its peer states’ employment growth. In
regions. Even so, the state’s initial rebound has that sense, while employment growth has been slow
been relatively solid. by national standards, it has been above average for a
Midwestern region still struggling with a regionwide loss
2. WITH THAT SAID, INDIANA’S PRE-
of economic vitality.
PANDEMIC EMPLOYMENT AND PAY TRENDS
RAISE QUESTIONS ABOUT THE LIKELY At the same time, though, earnings gains have
SHAPE OF ITS POST-PANDEMIC RECOVERY. underperformed. Nationwide, median annual earnings
increased by just 0.6% a year in real terms from 2007 to
Indiana’s pre-crisis norms on growth and
2019, to reach $36,600 per worker. By contrast,
pay, past recession recoveries, and family well-
Indiana’s gains were half that, with annual earnings
being signal vulnerabilities in the state’s economic
growth registering at just 0.3%, allowing earnings to
makeup, with implications for the nature of its longer-
reach just $34,300. Only in the last pre-pandemic
term recovery.
years did Indiana workers’ earnings begin to grow
in a sustained way, albeit at a slower pace than that
of its peers.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 4
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Indiana
Figure 5.managed respectable
While Indiana added employment growth
jobs faster than in the
its peer pre-pandemic
states in the lastdecade,
decade,but its earnings
it still gains
lagged the nation as a
underperformed
whole
Total nonfarm employment (Dec. 2007 = 100), seasonally adjusted, December 2007 - January 2020
115
110
105
100
95
90
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Indiana Peer States United States
Source: Brookings
Figure 6. Indianaanalysis
earningsof BLS data.
gains underperformed through the pre-pandemic decade
Real median hourly wage (2007 = 100), 2007 - 2019
115
110
105
100
95
90
85
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Indiana Peer States United States
Source: Brookings analysis of BEA and the Economic Policy Institute’s State of Working America Data Library data.
Source: Brookings analysis BLS, BEA and the Economic Policy Institute’s State of Working America Data Library data.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 5
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Also of concern are longer-term trends, including the slow recoveries from these episodes represent a second
state’s experiences with recent recessions—an caution about the future.
important indicator of resilience. Notwithstanding
Finally, the human costs of two decades of
its sustained employment-growth edge compared to
stagnation represent a third source of uncertainty
its regional peers, Indiana found itself knocked onto a
about what comes next. With the onset of the Great
slower growth trajectory after 2000, to the point that
Recession, for example, the number of Hoosiers living in
the state did not recover its May 2000 employment
families that struggled to make ends meet—as indicated
peak until May 2015. The nation as a whole, by contrast,
by a well-regarded “self-sufficiency standard” from
recovered its February 2001 peak employment only four
the University of Washington—rose by over half a
years later.
million people, from 1.4 million in 2007 to 1.93 million in
Even more disturbing, real hourly wage growth in 2011. By 2016, that total had fallen only slightly to 1.82
Indiana has remained depressed since 2001, including million—a figure still nearly 400,000 people higher than
in the wake of the 2007-to-2009 recession. Since 2000, before the recession.
Indiana’s 0.5% per year real median wage growth
Altogether, about 30% of the state’s population has been
trailed the national and peer-state rates and ranked
living in a struggling family since 2010, with only small
46th among states.
declines in recent years—and this was before the onset
Together, the shocks of 2001 and 2007 to 2009 imposed of the COVID-19 pandemic. Less educated workers in
major changes upon Indiana’s economy—especially the the state and racial and ethnic minorities are especially
2001 recession, which corresponded with a surge overrepresented among the now likely swollen ranks of
of cheap imports from China in the wake of its the struggling.
accession to the World Trade Organization. The
Indiana
Figure 7.employment growth deteriorated
Indiana employment in the wake
growth deteriorated in of
thethe recessions
wake of 2001 and
of the recessions 2007 to
of 2001 and2009
2007 to 2009
Total nonfarm employment (Jan 1990 = 100), seasonally adjusted, January 1990 - January 2020
150
140
130
120
110
100
90
1990 1992 1995 1997 2000 2002 2005 2007 2010 2012 2015 2017 2020
Indiana Peer States United States
Source: Brookings analysis of BLS data.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 6
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The upshot is clear: As it anticipates recovery from the These “crown jewel” industries operate in every
COVID-19 recession, Indiana does so having lost ground Indiana region and county and support—both directly
over the last two business cycles on several topline and indirectly—inordinate shares of the state’s best-
indicators of economic resilience. paying, highest-value economic activity. However,
these high-productivity industries have also
3. ‘PREEXISTING CONDITIONS’ AFFECTING
been stagnating. Between 2007 and 2019, advanced-
AT LEAST THREE KEY SUCCESS
industry productivity in Indiana grew at a paltry 0.4%
FACTORS UNDERLIE THE STATE’S
annually, from $285,100 to $298,300 per worker. By
TRENDS AND PRESENT CHALLENGES TO
comparison, real output per worker in advanced
ITS RESILIENCE.
industries across the nation grew 2.7% a year during this
Work at Brookings and elsewhere has explored the period, reaching $375,000 per worker in 2019—implying
special importance to prosperity of a short list of a productivity gap of nearly 20% between the state and
critical economic success factors. These factors the nation. This represents a fall from the state’s slight
include the dynamism of high-value “advanced” advanced-industry sector productivity advantage in 2007
industries, the ability of the economy to “reallocate” of 5%.
jobs and workers from declining pursuits to promising
ones, and the importance of inclusive growth that is Advanced industries support quality employment—albeit
broadly shared by all people and places. Such factors at different concentrations—in all Indiana counties and in
represent not just important takeaways from the every region
resilience literature, but key influences on Indiana’s long- Employment share in advanced industries by region, 2019
run vitality—or lack thereof. They are the state’s
“preexisting conditions” when it comes to recovery 5.3% - 7.5%
and enhancement. 7.6% - 10.0%
Indiana faces challenges on several of 10.1% - 12.5%
these important economic factors. Three
12.6% - 15.0%
findings warrant notice:
15.1% - 22.8%
Advanced-industry sector competitiveness—
reflected in productivity trends—has been
slipping
Industry and firm productivity growth—the efficiency
by which enterprises convert inputs into outputs—
is critical to prosperity, but it has been declining
in Indiana. Economy-wide, efficiency has slumped to
Regional employment share
levels around 15% below the national level. Especially Advanced industries, 2019
concerning are slippages in the performance of the
state’s advanced-industry sector—a collection of 46 5.3% - 7.5%
7.6% - 10%
R&D- and STEM-worker-intensive industries in Indiana 10.1% - 12.5%
highlighted by Brookings and ranging from biopharma 12.6% - 15%
15% - 22.8%
manufacturing and medical devices to automotive, R&D
consulting, and technology.
© 2021 Mapbox © OpenStreetMap
Source: Brookings analysis of Emsi data.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 7
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Indiana’s
Figure 17.advanced
Indiana’sindustries
advanced productivity growth hasgrowth
industries productivity been languishing, falling the
has fallen behind behind the nation’s
nation’s since 2010
since 2010
Advanced industries productivity - Percent change since 2007, 2007-2019
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
-5% 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Indiana United States
Source: Brookings analysis of Emsi and BEA data.
The state has struggled to adapt to recent Analysis in this report suggests the pandemic recession
economic shifts, which have created could portend new reallocation challenges tied to long-
multiple “reallocation” challenges for term structural changes and disruptions, such as more
industries and workers losses in manufacturing or the shift of retail activity
from physical stores toward e-commerce. What’s more,
Indiana’s heavy specialization in manufacturing ensured
research from AEI’s partner, the Economic Innovation
that major changes in that sector—ranging from
Group, places Indiana 39th in the nation when it
globalization and import competition to automation—
comes to the share of its employees working at new
brought significant firm and worker shifts in the last
firms. That raises questions about the state’s ability to
two recessions. For example, between 2001 and 2019—
readily create new jobs to replace those that may have
and especially in the recessions of 2000 to 2001 and
been lost for good.
2007 to 2009—the state lost over 72,000 jobs in the
manufacturing sector, which has long been a source of Indiana’s economy has been providing too few
above-average wages for workers without a four-year good jobs
college degree. At the same time, 228,000 jobs were
Good-paying work is critical in providing workers
created in the lower-paying hospitality, administrative
and families a livelihood and delivering the basic
services, and health care sectors.
consumption that supports prosperous regions and
The result of these shocks: Indiana’s firm mix communities. Accordingly, Brookings suggests—
shifted abruptly toward low-skill service sectors, based on extensive research in Indiana—that “good
while thousands of workers struggled to undergo tough jobs” pay at least a locally adjusted $40,700 a
changes in jobs, industries, and skill demands, with a year and provide employer-sponsored health
long-term depressive effect on wage growth and labor insurance. Under this metric, Indiana’s store of good
force participation. jobs has remained too small and grown too slowly.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 8EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
To be sure, the state’s stock of good jobs Insufficient digital investment
compares favorably to most states, given Indiana’s is limiting advanced-industry sector
manufacturing history. But even so, only 42% of the competitiveness and the state’s broader
state’s workforce possessed a good job between productivity
2014 and 2018, the most recent period for which
Underlying Indiana’s productivity challenge are digital
numbers are available. That means that roughly 58%
challenges. Information technology (IT) adoption is an
of Hoosier workers—nearly three out of five—lacked a
increasingly important influence on productivity patterns
good job then.
given the “digitalization of everything” in the COVID-19
Nor has the share of Hoosier workers in a good economy. And yet, digitalization has been proceeding
job increased appreciably in the last decade. Rather, it too slowly in Indiana, to the detriment of productivity
has remained the same. Also holding steady growth.
is Hoosiers’ uneven access to good jobs: While 50% of
For one thing, Indiana ranks in the bottom third of
male workers in Indiana are employed in a good job,
states on Brookings’s basic measure of economy-
only 33% of female workers are. Similar disparities cut
wide digitalization as reflected by the average digital
across racial lines: Over 44% of white workers in the
intensity of its occupations. In addition, information on
state have a good job, compared to just 30% and 25% of
Indiana firms’ capital expenditures depicts significant
Black and Latino or Hispanic workers, respectively.
underinvestment in IT. Specifically, firm-level data
* from the tech-industry market research company
Harte Hanks shows that in 2016, Indiana ranked
Going deeper into these success factors reveals
just 37th among states for both its advanced-
several underlying dynamics that point to important
industry sector and whole-economy annual per
strategy challenges—and opportunities.
Men,
Figurewhite workers,
37. Men, whiteand prime-age
workers, and or older workers
prime-age have
or older greater
workers access
have to good
greater jobs;
access to women, workers
good jobs; of color,
women,
and young
workers of people have
color, and less access
young people have less access
Share of workers in a good job by demographic group in Indiana, 2014-2018
60%
50.3%
48.6%
50% 46.9%
44.4%
40%
32.9%
29.6%
30% 25.1%
20%
10% 7.5%
0%
Male Female White Black Latino or 18-24 25-54 55+
Hispanic
Note: Asian American, Native American, Native Hawaiian, and those identifying as two or more races cannot be included because
small sample sizes prevent statistically significant estimates.
Source: Brookings analysis of IPUMS USA 2014-18 5-year ACS microdata.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 9EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
employee IT spending. Those levels—$12,300 and Job quality has suffered amid difficult
$7,400, respectively, compared to $25,000 and economic transitions
$11,100 nationally—ranked fifth and sixth among
Indiana’s peer states. Beneath the shortage of good jobs lie massive
economic changes that have challenged state policy’s
Similarly patchy are Indiana’s broadband adoption rates, ability to keep up. For example, the interlinked trends of
which interfere with business, job search, and education globalization and automation have constrained mid-level
in both rural and urban areas. To be sure, Indiana’s wage gains in Indiana more than in most places. Here, it
broadband adoption rate has increased from 60% to bears saying again that trade and technology each bring
65% since 2013. However, the state’s 65% adoption rate substantial benefits. But it is also true that each trend
remains in the fourth quintile of states—a concerning has almost certainly had negative wage effects on
status that has been highlighted by the pandemic middle- and lower-skilled workers, especially given the
recession. state’s manufacturing-heavy industry mix.
Thinner job supplies and various skill- and On trade, Brookings analysis using a method and
job-matching issues could slow worker data from economist David Autor and colleagues
transitions and wider reallocation suggests that, between 1990 and 2007, Hoosier wage
This is a problem because fast declines attributable to Chinese import competition
and favorable readjustments of firms and were the highest in the Midwest, and the ninth-largest
workers to new conditions speed recovery and in the country. On technology, Brookings calculations
maximize productivity and inclusive growth. But using data from the International Federation
particular attributes of Indiana’s reallocation of Robotics and economists Daron Acemoglu and
environment could slow or complicate the state’s job Pascual Restrepo suggest automation-induced wage
creation and labor market matching processes in the declines over the same timespan were likely higher than
coming years. in any other state. Brookings also concludes that nearly
one-third of Indiana jobs are now highly susceptible
On the job creation side, shortages in new-firm to automation employing existing technologies—the
creation and investment in digital and other highest share in the country.
automation technologies could depress the state’s
supply of jobs in certain sectors or places. On the Over time, these trends have helped to “hollow out” the
labor market side, skills disconnects—a problem state’s wage distribution, erasing middle-class jobs
everywhere—could slow job transitions and and forcing displaced workers to compete for lower-
readjustment. For some, matching existing skills to wage service work. The same can be said for related
new firms or industries will require challenging job management paradigms involving outsourcing
searches. For others, the tendency of firms to upskill and the so-called “contingent” or gig economy,
during downturns could complicate reemployment which have complicated workers’ ability to secure
in enterprises replacing workers who performed higher wages and more benefits. In the face of all
“routine” automatable tasks with a mix of technology of this, Indiana policy innovation has simply lagged
and more skilled workers. Even before the crisis, a third behind market changes, leaving many workers to
of Indiana jobs required postsecondary education, but contend with excessively low wages, benefits limits, and
only a quarter of working-age adults had that requisite greater precariousness.
level of education.
Meanwhile, telework—which will likely
increase permanently—poses additional challenges,
particularly for workers who lack digital skills or
broadband access.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 10EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
4. INDIANA SHOULD BUILD RESILIENCE For their part, regional actors and local industry
INTO A RECOVERY THAT PROMOTES TRUE networks can play a critical role in helping the state raise
RENEWAL. digital awareness, deliver digital skills development, and
begin to tackle local broadband challenges.
Indiana has an opportunity to elevate its
trajectory. But to do that, it needs to do more than just Promote favorable job creation and worker
manage a serviceable recovery from the immediate transitions to allow for a beneficial “rewiring” of the
COVID-19 shock and recession. economy. Favorable industry and work reallocations—
from less desirable to more desirable configurations—
Rather, the state needs to begin to address some
are going to be crucial for the economy to change and
of the deeper economic challenges it faced prior to
adapt while helping displaced workers reconnect to
the pandemic that could limit the dimensions of its
sustainable work. Top priority moves would:
recovery. Indiana should shoot for enhancement—not
just repair. • Leverage incremental income tax gains to
fund regional advanced-industry sector growth
Specifically, the state should begin improving its
initiatives, with investments delivered by both the
standing on key resilience factors by taking action
state and regional intermediaries
to accelerate technology adoption, facilitate faster
industry and worker adaptation, and promote economic • Enhance entrepreneurship and small new
inclusion. business development, with a focus on
entrepreneurs of color
Along these lines, the state should consider a number
of linked initiatives and action steps aimed at both • Better leverage unemployment insurance (UI)
mitigating the worst of the crisis and systematically and work-sharing to boost employment
upgrading the state’s growth platform for the next and economic growth
decade. Specifically, the state and its regional, civic, and
• Promote more effective worker adjustment by
business partners should take steps in the coming year
continuing to support the Next Level Jobs program
or two to:
and the Workforce Ready Grant
Accelerate digital adoption to drive economic
In addition, the state should in the next few
dynamism and competitiveness. Promoting faster
years more strongly support workers’ searches for the
and broader digital adoption remains one of the
right job and employer as the economy recovers and the
best ways to rout the state’s productivity slump and
labor market tightens. To do so, the state should:
generate quality jobs and more dynamic prosperity. The
state should pursue three initiatives: • Enhance work connections with a statewide online
matching platform
• Drive digital adoption with a “Digital
Indiana” initiative to deploy an awareness campaign For their part, regional actors and local
and business support offerings to increase IT industry networks can continue to drive growth in
adoption by Indiana firms—especially small and their own advanced sectors while designing, aligning,
medium-sized enterprises—in all industries, as and delivering industry-relevant, worker-supportive
does the state’s EASE program and Manufacturing education, training, and job-matching innovations.
Readiness Grants in that sector
Do more to support workers who aren’t in good
• Encourage digital skills development for Hoosiers jobs so as to promote inclusion and broadly shared
by adding a digital skills requirement to the Indiana prosperity. Neither a broad digital surge nor facilitating
College Core (formerly the Statewide Transfer optimal reallocation of the economy and labor market
General Education Core) will by themselves be sufficient to help the state’s
struggling workers. Large forces—including globalization
• Begin to solve the state’s broadband disconnects
and technology—will continue to pose challenges for the
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 11EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
widespread creation of good jobs, whether in Indiana In addition, the state may want in the coming years
or elsewhere. Therefore, Indiana—like every other state— to examine a number of other recommendations that
will need to accept that it must attend more to the basic would help boost job quality for low-income Hoosiers. In
needs of what will likely be a sizable pool of struggling that spirit, the state could:
workers for the foreseeable future. In that vein, the
• Enact statewide paid sick and family leave
state could:
• Expand access to benefits and protections
• Establish a “Choice Employers” designation
to contingent workers, gig workers, and
and provide such employers with
independent contractors
premium supports to encourage them to
create more good jobs • Enact protections for temporary and on-call workers
• Enlarge the state’s existing Earned Income For their part, regional organizations and local
Tax Credit and pay it quarterly to boost worker business networks can focus on good jobs in their own
income and predictability communities and experiment with new ways to support
good wages and provide both educational pathways and
• Authorize a state panel to explore a Medicaid buy-in
supportive services for working families.
program for able-bodied adults
• Enact a comprehensive child care agenda to
support working families
• Enact a state-sponsored automatic IRA to
encourage greater retirement savings
Indiana has an opportunity to elevate its trajectory. But to do that, it needs to do
more than just manage a serviceable recovery from the immediate COVID-19
shock and recession. Rather, the state needs to begin to address some of the
deeper economic challenges it faced prior to the pandemic that could limit the
dimensions of its recovery. Indiana should shoot for enhancement—not just
repair.
Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 12ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. As such, the conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its authors, and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. The Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program (Brookings Metro) would like to thank the Central Indiana Corporate Partnership (CICP), BioCrossroads, and the Lilly Endowment Inc. (LEI) for their generous support of this analysis and of Brookings’s advanced economy work more broadly. Sincere thanks for ongoing input and counsel go to David Johnson of CICP as well as to Clay Robbins, Robert Smith, and Jaclyn Dowd at LEI; Jason Kloth of Ascend Indiana; Patty Martin at BioCrossroads; and Mark Howell of Conexus Indiana. The Brookings team is also grateful to Ryan Streeter of the American Enterprise Institute for his counsel and good cheer. Additional invaluable input and practical support in Indiana were provided by Lori Leroy, Nathan Ringham, and Melissa Roberts at CICP. More broadly, the Brookings Metro team has relied on a rich flow—even during the pandemic—of both structured and informal consultation with a helpful, thoughtful, and committed array of Indiana stakeholders. The GPS Project Advisory Council provided a helpful sounding board throughout the research process and merits our sincere appreciation: Keira Amstutz, Kevin Brinegar, Jaclyn Dowd, Sue Ellspermann, Tim George, Starla Hart, Teresa Lubbers, Justin McAdam, John Ruckelshaus, Robert Smith, and Ryan Streeter. An outstanding set of regional leaders convened two focus groups in all 11 Indiana regions, read draft material, and merited additional gratitude. These leaders included: Northwest: Heather Ennis, Jená Bellezza, Linda Woloshansky, Denise Dillard North: Regina Emberton, Pete McCown Northeast: John Sampson, Ryan Twiss Wabash Heartland: Pat Corey, Johnny Park Central: Mark Fisher East Central: Delaina Boyd, Tom Kinghorn West Central: Rob Coons Southwest: Jim Ryan Indiana Uplands: Tina Peterson Southeast: John Burnett, Kathy Oren South: Linda Speed Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 13
And the team relied continuously on the expertise of dozens of committed Hoosiers and others, including: R. Scott Appleby, Desmond Amuh, Regina Ashley, John Axelberg, Bob Behning, Jeanna Berdel, Brad Bishop, Luke Bosso, Stephanie Bothun, Kate Broshears, Caitlin Brown, Bryce Carpenter, Angela Carr Klitzsch, Dawn Clark, Matt Crouch, Jackie Cuellar, Wendy Dant Chesser, Scott Davison, Merritt Dilts, David Ebert, Claire Fiddian-Green, Kenan Fikri, Mark Fisher, Scott Ford, Thomas E. Fuja, Roberto Gallardo, Tom Gates, Jodi Golden, Julie Goodman, Robert Goosen, Nathan Hartman, Brock Herr, Michael Hicks, Mackenzie Higgins, Michael Huber, Kathy Huffman, Saru Jayaraman, Leighton Johnson, Drew Klacik, Mitch Landess, Mike Langellier, Chris R. Lowery, Chauncey Lennon, Douglas Mansfield, Molly Martin, Tony Mason, Konnie McCollum, PJ McGrew, Geoffrey S. Mearns, Jamie Merisotis, Steven Meyer, Blair Milo, Kara Monroe, Paul Mitchell, Ian Nicolini, Ray Offenheiser, Margo Olson, Mark Partridge, Umesh Patel, Charles Penquite, Jr., Tim Raper, Aaron Renn, Joshua Richardson, Brad Rhorer, Denise Riedl, Dave Roberts, Carol Rogers, Scott Rudd, Greg Taylor, Stacy Townsley, Yamila Ruiz, Ken Sauer, Paige Shevlin, Jeffrey H. Smulyan, Brian Stemme, David Terrell, Travis Thiex, Bill Turner, Michael Ursem, Lawrence Walter, Mark Wasky, Chris Watts, and Maureen Weber. Closer to home, the authors would also like to thank the following colleagues for substantive input: Alan Berube, Annelies Goger, Tracy Hadden Loh, Amy Liu, Joseph Parilla, and Adie Tomer. In addition, we are grateful for the practical help of Jade Arn, Kim Bright, Michelle Carter, Elizabeth Dang, Anthony Fiano, Alec Friedhoff, Michael Gaynor, Chris Howie, Julia Kraeger, David Lanham, April McWilliams, Erin Raftery, Karen Slachetka, Reda Urmanaviciute, and Luisa Zottis at Brookings. Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 14
MORE INFORMATION About the Indiana GPS Project Coordinated by the Central Indiana Corporate Partnership (CICP), the Indiana GPS Project is a series of multidimensional reports on Indiana’s economy. It is designed to inform public policy and business priorities that will spur economic growth in Indiana, including through recommendations about how to increase the number of good jobs available to Hoosiers. The research project, which began in August 2019, has been spearheaded by CICP and conducted in collaboration with the Brookings Institution’s Metropolitan Policy Program and the American Enterprise Institute. To learn more, visit Indianagpsproject.com. About the Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program The Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program delivers research and solutions to help metropolitan leaders build an advanced economy that works for all. To learn more, visit brookings.edu/metro For more information: Mark Muro Senior Fellow Metropolitan Policy Program at Brookings mmuro@brookings.edu Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 15
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program Page 13
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