RECONFIGURING TRADITION(S) IN EUROPE - An Introduction to the Special Issue - Ethnologia Europaea
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RECONFIGURING TRADITION(S) IN EUROPE
An Introduction to the Special Issue
Cyril Isnart, Aix Marseille Univ., Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique – UMR
IDEMEC Aix-en-Provence
Alessandro Testa, Charles University, Prague
“Tradition” has been a key concept and object of European ethnology from the foundation of
the discipline all the way to intangible cultural heritage policies today. A focus has been given to
the cultural and social circulations and permutations affecting traditional facts and has shown
the plasticity of “traditions” to (ever-)changing social conditions. Understood as “uses of the
past”, these mainly political and sociological understandings of what “tradition” means today
need to be complemented with a view on the emotional aspects of this peculiarly human way of
imagining and experiencing the world. This text introduces three notions which highlight the
experiential dimension of tradition: re-enchantment, ritualization, and heritage-making. We
hope to forge new paths towards the exploration of all things “traditional” and their cultural
dynamics.
Keywords: tradition, ethnology, ritual, heritage, cultural change
How are magic and supernatural powers expressed “Tradition” and the Traditional
through “traditional” practices experienced in the in European Ethnology
public sphere? How can the ritualization of a prac- “Tradition” has been a key concept and object of
tice or a craft interweave with its commodification European ethnology from the foundation of the
or bureaucratization? What place do experiences discipline all the way to intangible cultural heritage
and feelings of individuals have in the construction policies today.1 As a polysemic notion, “tradition” can
and expression of identities and cultural common be associated, and has in fact been associated, with
ground? Such questions are linked to a central and almost everything in the realm of culture: nation,
crucial object of ethnological and anthropologi- identity, material culture, rituals, individual and
cal investigation within European contexts, one family practices, museums, territory and locality,
which has contributed to framing – with more or history and representations of the past, social order,
less success – the scope and epistemologies of our politics, philosophy, and more. European ethno
disciplines: tradition. logy has often, but of course far from exclusively,
Cyril Isnart and Alessandro Testa 2020: Reconfiguring Tradition(s)
in Europe: An Introduction to the Special Issue. 5
Ethnologia Europaea 50(1): 5–19. © Author(s).focused on “popular” traditions, that is those cul relatively small and not densely populated, nor be-
tural manifestations repeatedly transmitted and cause they are surrounded by the countryside. In a
enacted (or thought to have been repeatedly trans- more structural sense, they are provincial because
mitted and enacted) by certain categories or groups although they are not subaltern at the global level
of social agents for a certain time, especially con- (they are after all part of the rich West) – they are
cerning the so-called everyday life (Alltagskultur). A subordinated within the European space, and even
certain focus has been given, in the last few decades, more so within their national contexts. In other
to the cultural circulations, exchanges, permuta- words, they are the peripheries of the knots of the
tions, and mutual influences affecting traditional post-industrial, neoliberal world – these knots being
facts between different social classes, groups, and the wealthy and culturally dynamic metropolises of
even individuals, but also to the sociologically sig- the West. Hence the provincial populations of semi-
nificant differences in the usage of the notion of rural or semi-urban settings are constantly dragged
tradition, according to a variety of factors, such as between two extremes: the attachment and even
social status or other contextual aspects (Bausinger love for the “locality” and, on the other hand, urban
[1961]2005; Dei 2002; Boyer 1990; Ginzburg 2009; ambitions or envy towards the city. They are often
Hutton 2008; Sahlins 1993). However, studies have suspended halfway between the two poles of rurality
also shown the permeability, plasticity, and reactive- and urbanity – not only geographically and socially,
ness of “traditions” to present (ever-)changing social but also symbolically, and, in a manner of speaking,
conditions (Bronner 2000; Clemente & Mugnaini existentially. It is especially in these contexts that,
2001; Lenclud 1977, 1987; Noyes 2009; Pouillon 1975, as Jeremy Boissevain put it, “there seems to have
2007). In other words, tradition’s symbolic richness, been a spurt of celebratory activity in the years im-
adaptability, and volatility manifest themselves in mediately following the [Second World] war. By the
a number of “creative” features in which societal late 1950s this had tapered off, and festivities were
structures, longue durée cultural elements, post- declining. The decline persisted through the 1960s,
modern mediascapes, and new forms of collective but began reversing in the 1970s. In the 1980s the
organizations and actions merge and interact inex- florescence of celebrations […] was widely visible”
tricably. No wonder that these processes have con- (Boissevain 1992: 7).5
cerned different spheres of social life, and perhaps In the academic realm, the years of revivalism
most visibly the connected realms of religion and correspond largely to the reflexive turn and the
politics, which are often grounded, perhaps more emergence of deconstructionism, of which the very
than other spheres of human activity, on usages of notion of “tradition” has been the object, along
a symbolic capital coming from or connected with with its kindred notions of “culture” and “reli-
the past. Hence, this thematic issue of Ethnologia gion”. Rather contrariwise, at a popular level this
Europaea will gather and discuss ethnographic cases revival and renewed interest has been sustained by
of symbolic, political, and religious reconfiguration – and at the same time has triggered – an “institu-
of European phenomena deemed “traditional”. tionalization of the past” (Macdonald 2013: 138) in
The revival of critical scholarly interest in new and different ways, which has actually quickly
“t raditional” things, 2 especially of a festive, ritual, or acquired the traits of a multidirectional process.
ritualesque (Santino 2009) nature, has gone hand in In recent decades, a new wave of musealization of
hand with the popular revival of those very things, local traditions has occurred, along with an un-
especially in rural or semi-urban, peripheral, 3 and precedented “heritage fever”, mainly, but far from
“provincial” areas.4 Some of the “provincial” con- exclusively, for identity purposes. As Frykman and
texts that will be discussed in this issue are not only Niedermüller put it: “cultural heritage, tradition,
provincial because of their being administratively and folklore are just some of the resources that peo-
subordinated to a bigger city, or because they are ple can draw upon in order to negotiate a sense of
6 ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1)self and identity” (2003: 4). These considerations are and rituals in the economic markets in southern
now widely accepted by ethnologists. Europe (Bromberger & Chevallier 2009; Fabre 2000,
Other dimensions are, however, also at work in 2013; Fournier 2005, 2012), whereas Italian studies
the cultural machineries of re-appropriation and have often focused on the process of folklorization
re-elaboration of the past in “traditional” or “tra- and politicization of festive culture (Bravo 1984;
ditionalizing” ways, in the frame of what has been Faeta 2005; Gallini 1971; Testa 2014a, 2014b, 2017a,
named the European “memory-heritage-identity 2017b). Authors have also analysed the way in which
complex” (Macdonald 2013). This introduction is narratives of the past, monuments, or landscapes
of course no place to review all of these dimensions were institutionalized in Europe as cultural goods
or the general sociocultural conditions and reasons in collaborative processes between civil society and
for this revival, its patterns, and the interpretations public cultural administration (Isnart 2012). Anoth-
that have been offered about them – such attempts er critical concept is past-presencing, that is a wide-
have been made in several of the works cited in these spread manner of doing and experiencing the past
pages. Rather, our aim is to shed light on some new in/as/for the present (Macdonald 2013).
or less-visited paradigms and notions, specifically, Most of these notions and ideas deal with new uses
ritualization, re-enchantment, and heritagization, of the past, with reformulations of what European
and to enlighten and substantiate the previous theo- societies consider meaningful and important in their
retical and historical arguments with the help of a present because of its coming from the(ir) past, thus
few carefully chosen, recently carried out ethno- empowering a certain social group or community
graphic case studies across Europe. Prior to going to act to preserve a given “tradition” and transform
more deeply into each of these three notions, we will it into symbolic, social, cultural, or even economic
briefly review some core approaches and concepts capital (Bourdieu 1986). What often underlies these
within the study of tradition. representational as well as practical (and political) re-
Among the concepts that scholars of history, formulations, adaptations, and re-enactments is the
ethnology, or anthropology have implemented
well-established (but also well-deconstructed, among
to understand how European societies transform scholars) dichotomy between “traditional” and
certain social practices into “traditions”, or re-
“modern”, or other binaries. Such an essentialized
functionalize practices once obsolete or exhausted, and Manichean way of looking at the relationship be-
are invention (Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983) and revi- tween the present and the past is, as already suggested,
talization (Boissevain 1992).6 These refer to practices based on imaginaries of time, poetics of authenticity,
that gather together elements from a set of available and the above-mentioned “structural nostalgia”.
symbolic sources, also adding, in the process, the Scholarly interpretations are thus able to account
chrism of the past and therefore, an aura of authen- for the ways in which traditions – or what is labelled
ticity.7 The concept of structural nostalgia, proposed as such – are used for a variety of purposes. In fact,
by Michael Herzfeld in the context of rural Cretan traditions and the traditional are still widely at work
society (Herzfeld 1997) illustrates how an idealized constructing and expressing local or national iden-
past can become a normative and shared reference tities, solidifying or contesting the political order,
for interpreting and regulating the conflicts exist- legitimizing narratives and discourses, acquiring or
ing in the present. The commodification of ethnicity maintaining symbolic positions in the arena of social
(Comaroff & Comaroff 2009) mobilizes traditions and political interactions, accessing or protecting or
as part of cultural identities included both in the exploiting economic resources, or placing a locality,
economic field and the reflexive recognition of the a region, or a country on the map of transregional or
self. With the notion of institution of culture, French transnational relations.
ethnology has highlighted the contemporary mobi- Most of the aforementioned notions and theoreti-
lization of ancient craft productions, monuments cal tools are still valid in understanding reconfigu-
ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1) 7rations of traditions in Europe. They have lost little religion as a guideline for public administration,
or none of their explanatory power. Some of them, the Enlightenment later led European scholars of
however, seem not to address sufficiently the im- the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to stress
portant dimension of experience. Recent investiga- the lack of spirituality in the collective manage-
tions into the “social life” of traditions have begun to ment of social life as the main feature of moder-
include analysis of different, though correlated as- nity. Labelled “disenchantment” (Entzauberung) by
pects of this human activity: cognition and language Max Weber, the more general hypothesis lay in the
(Boyer 1990), knowledge (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004; idea of an inevitable secularization – that is loss of
Tauschek 2011), and feelings and values (Fabre 2013; religiosity – in modern Western societies and of a
Heinich 2009, 2012). In order to get a better under- restructuration of power relations and social hier-
standing of what the term “tradition” means today, archies.8 For their part, members of the so-called
the classic views on political and sociological inter- French D urkheimian school never used the term
pretations need to be complemented with a view on “disenchantment”, though they also highlighted
the emotional aspects of this peculiarly human way the disappearing religious roots of modern collec-
of imagining and experiencing the world. tive life. As socialist activists searching for power-
We have chosen to focus on three notions, which ful social alternatives to industrial and productive
also highlight the experiential dimension of tradi- models (Riley 2010), these scholars often illustrate
tion: re-enchantment, ritualization, and heritage- “primitive” religious customs as the best exam-
making. We hope to broaden the discussion with and ples and elementary forms of social organizations
about them, helping to open up new formulations or (Kurasawa 2003). For instance, Robert Hertz,
hypotheses or forge new paths towards the explora- known for his pre-structuralist essays on death ritu-
tion of social things considered as “traditional” and als ([1907]2009) and on the right hand ([1909]2009),
their cultural dynamics. but also for his pioneering European ethnology
([1913]2009), always used exotic and folk European
Re-enchantment religious rituals as good examples for his contempo-
This concept, as it is used in the contributions to rary peers to build on and create new futures (Isnart
this issue, has a double connotation, which is linked 2006). Thus, with the “disenchantment” of the world
to the longue durée history of European cultures comes the potential for “re-enchantment”, with
and to the more recent transformation of the re- which people can shape new avenues for their lives.
ligious landscape in Europe. One important nar- In a different vein, Alfred Gell used the expression
rative of change begins before the Enlightenment “enchantment” to express all the practices humans
period, as the end of the Middle Ages saw a shift carry out that lead to making a place, an artefact, a
from societies driven by religion to a non-clerical performance, or a person into something mysteri-
and “rational” morality of political and philosophi- ous, appealing, fascinating, or magical – in a word,
cal life. A historian like John Bossy (1985) traces “special” and outside the rational perception of
the passage of political power from the Church to reality (1992). This is not to say that the very tech-
the Monarchy, leading to the conception of a civil niques of enchantment remain unknown to people
and lay society as an independent and autonomous responding to them, or are impossible to describe
body, generating its own values. The Christian and analyse for scholars. On the contrary, Gell’s pro-
principals of charity and the celebration of the ject aims to understand how enchantment is made
Church as a congregation were appropriated by socially possible. Contradicting the Weberian di-
the State, which became its own provider of medi- agnosis, he forces us to look precisely at the modes
cal and social care and which managed its popula- and effects of enchantment techniques in various
tion as a complete and all-encompassing group. domains of collective life. Gell developed his theory
Accompanying a strong criticism of (Christian)
within the field of art, artistry, and aesthetics as one
8 ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1)of the most vivid arenas of enchantment in Western 2006; Borowik & Babinski 1997; Rogers 2005; Creed
societies. He came to the conclusion that any hu- 2011). Catholicism itself has seen a profound diver-
man being is aware of his power and capability to sification of its spiritual and ritual modalities, with
create magic and fascination – this he calls agency multiple sub-movements such as focolare (Bowie
(Gell 1998). But performative arts and traditional 2003), pre-Vatican II Catholicism (Sapitula 2010) or
music may be other enchanting arenas to investigate Taizé communities (Pritchard 2015).
(Stoichiţă 2013), just as traditional festivals, arts and In such a context of massive diversification of
crafts, or narratives could be. experiences, we would like to draw more attention
More intriguingly, the “return” of traditions and to the entanglements of religion, tradition, and en-
the “charm” with which they often fascinate a va- chantment. What do we know about individuals’
riety of social agents (“tradition-holders”, function- experiences and practices of enchantment, about
aries, tourists, ethnologists, and others) sometimes the link between people’s perceptions and collec-
have, though not exclusively, explicit connections to tive identity? What kinds of material changes come
religion or are presented as new forms of religiosity. from (re-)enchantment? How is disenchantment
This point appears in several of the ethnographic expressed in the human daily view, and what does
case studies presented in the articles of this themed enchantment-making imply for the community
section. environment? Besides, the dialectic relationships
In recent decades, a number of clearly observ- between the disenchantment process and the will
able social phenomena have lent empirical support of re-enchantment have not yet been explored in
to the notion of a religious re-enchantment in any real depth and more energy is needed to better
Europe.9 While Protestant and Catholic Churches comprehend the techniques which lead to making
are partly losing ground in Europe as institutions, traditional (not only religious) items a new field of
different forms of “cultural religion” (Demerath identity building.
2000; Hervieu-Léger 2000) or religiosity are emerg-
ing or re-emerging: alternative forms of Christiani- Ritualization
ties (Demerath 2000; Hervieu-Léger 2012; Fedele A reflection on the role of rituality in processes
2015); different religions brought in by migrants of tradition reconfiguration, and therefore in the
(Islam, for instance: Marranci 2012); new religious structuring and articulation of society at large,
movements like New Age, modern witchcraft or neo must include a mention of the importance of the
paganisms (Heelas 1996; Rountree 2015; Ruickbie so-called Manchester School in the history of social
2006); “invented religions” (Cusack 2010); “civil anthropology – namely the theorization undertaken
religion” (Margry 2012); “personalized” or unstruc- by Max Gluckman and Victor Turner. Their work
tured forms of religions, often substantiated in the constitutes the first and perhaps most important
claim of being “spiritual” but without following attempts to challenge, on the basis of ethnographic
any church or being part of any organized religious evidence, the functionalistic assumption of the “ho-
movement (Hervieu-Léger 2012); and crucial for our meostatic” force of rituals, and therefore provokes
focus in this special issue: forms of “vernacular” or a rethinking of the relationship between ritual-
“folk” religion understood as the re-appropriation ity and social order (Gluckman 1963; Turner 1966,
of popular beliefs and practices that had existed, 1967, 1982). Likewise, Clifford Geertz’ conclusions
especially in rural contexts, before modernization on the behavioural codes inscribed in public rituals,
(Testa 2017a). Even in the (apparently) more secu- which, in his opinion, can be read as “texts” about
larized post-socialist countries, which experienced the local cultural (and religious) system, were im-
decades of state atheism, religions and religios- portant (Geertz 1973a, 1973b). More recently, what
ity have experienced a heterogeneous re-emergence we might call the neofunctionalist approach devel-
since the collapse of the communist regimes (Hann oped by Don Handelman regains, develops upon,
ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1) 9and problematizes the preceding anthropological During these years and this methodological and theories on ritual and rituality (Handelman 1999).10 conceptual shift, Michael Houseman developed his Taking these now classical formulations of ritual considerations of rituality in the direction of a greater into account and also expanding on them, we have analytical attention to the cognitive, emotional, and chosen to focus especially on the paradigm of ritu- behavioural dimensions of ritual, ritualizing, and alization, considered as yet another possible way to ritualized practices (Berthomé & Houseman 2010; connect the invention, revitalization, and recon- Houseman 2010).13 A relational cultural dispositive figuration of traditions (whether religious, “re-en- par excellence, rituals, according to Houseman, have chanting”, or not) with the actual dynamics of social the specific purpose of establishing and structuring practices.11 relationships between agents (human as well as non- We are fully aware of the intrinsic problems con- human), whence emerge conclusions about rituals “as nected with working with the notion of ritual (and dynamic interactive contexts” (Houseman 2006: 417). therefore ritualization). The first problem is that, as At times a contested concept, ritualization has Don Handelman put it, “ritual [is] an area defined mostly been associated with the shaping of new mo- much more ‘commonsensically’ than analytically in dalities of action (religious or not), with taxonomic anthropology” (Handelman 1999: XI). The second reordering, and with the production of new social and perhaps most important reservation concerns meanings through symbolization (or rather by mak- the fact that “no single feature of ritual is peculiar ing certain things “more symbolic” than others).14 It to it” (Roy Rappaport quoted in Bell 2009: 152; but is actually the already mentioned Don Handelman see also ibid.: 91–92). In another text, an article himself who reacted rather critically to the concept eloquently titled “Against ‘Ritual’”, Jack Goody put of ritualization. His criticism is sharp and at times forth similar considerations, arguing that cultural provocative, but also convincing: “ritualization may operations like formalization and reiteration of ac- be especially useful in discussing this shift from what tions are processes at the very basis of social life it- can be called ‘non-ritual’ to ‘ritual’ – but once there, self, and therefore not at all characteristic of things within ritual, much of its utility ends” (Handelman only ritual and nothing else (Goody 1977: 28). This 1999: XVII); or is not the place to discuss or resolve these theoreti- cal impasses, and we provisionally content ourselves For Bell […] there is nothing beyond ritualization, with the “commonsensical zone” put forward by except further ritualization. A “ritual” is consti- Handelman and with the pragmatic approach sug- tuted by its ongoing ritualization of practice and gested by Catherine Bell: “rather than impose cat- action. Certain issues – like that of the internal egories of what is or is not ritual, it may be more logic of public events, or how different kinds of useful to look at how human activities establish and events relate to social orders – are of no relevance. manipulate their own differentiation and purposes – […] For these scholars, ritual is a surface phenom- in the very doing of the act within the context of enon […] it has no depth of process nor of desti- other ways of acting” (Bell 2009: 74). In fact, Bell nation (Handelman 1999: XVIII).15 observed the trend towards categories of ritualiza- tion and ritual context (and contextualization) as We tend to agree with his assessment: the term “ritu- early as the 1990s (Bell 2009: 88–93, 197–238), when alization” is particularly accurate and useful when she theorized ritualization “proper”, often explicitly assessing the shift from non-ritual to ritual or the preferring this notion to that of “ritual”. A few years re-establishment of a formerly “unritualized” ritual later, Handelman noted how “over the years there (re-ritualization, as discussed in Testa’s article in have been attempts to use the idea of ‘ritualization’ this themed issue); however, “once there, within to expand on or to replace ‘ritual’” (Handelman ritual”, other interpretative tools and concepts are 1999: XVII).12 more helpful. 10 ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1)
Taking this criticism into consideration, as well as emergence of symbolization therein. This cannot
the different theoretical and methodological angles but entail the inclusion, and therefore also exclusion,
from which it has been addressed, and the various of certain symbols, actions, and representations: as
historical or ethnographic materials constituting Valerio Valeri observed, “ritual produces sense by
its empirical foundations, in this issue we have for- creating contrasts in the continuum of experience.
mulated our own operational definition of “ritual- This implies suppressing certain elements of experi-
ization”. With this term, we basically refer to that ence in order to give relevance to others. Thus, the
process by means of which a given practice acquires creation of conceptual order is also, constitutively,
new forms, social meanings, and/or functions on the the suppression of aspects of reality” (Valerio Valeri
basis of performative actions resulting in its struc- quoted in Wolf 2001: 395). Or, as Catherine Bell
turing and formalization, but also in the entangle- worded it: “this view suggests that the significance of
ment with the emotional sphere of the social agents ritual behavior lies not in being an entirely separate
involved.16 In turn, processes which can either de- way of acting, but in how such activities constitute
termine the re-enactment of a former ritual act or themselves as different and in contrast with other
trigger the creation of a new one (or of something activities. […] At a basic level, ritualization is the
similar to what is normally considered a rite), is cor- production of this differentiation” (Bell 2009: 90).
related to, and actually itself often fosters, broader Such separation, suppression and differentiation
societal transformations and structural changes.17 (such as that between the traditional and the mod-
Ritualization can also be – and actually very often ern) are necessary for establishing the ritual context
is – associated with a reference to previous similar and, metonymically, the ritual itself: in a manner of
(“traditional”) practices, causing the distinction be- speaking, it is the ritual itself that is ritualized.
tween ritualization and ritual revitalization – as well The transformative patterns previously described
as a distinction between (re)invention and reconfig- usually involve (or rather trigger) the emergence of
uration of tradition – to be often blurred. Referring new behavioural configurations and new social rela-
to a traditional framework is a cultural operation of tions or positioning of social agents in and through
paramount importance, for ritualization can only the newly established ritual context. It also triggers
happen if convergent with the establishment (or the (and at the same time is based on) a reorganization
re-establishment) of a ritual context, which is made of the emotional connection with the ritual(ized)
through the synergy of several factors, for example objects and practices, a reorganization that can of
traditional features specifically, environmental as- course be ethnographically observed and recorded,
pects, the local social setting itself, but also author- as is argued and shown in some of the following
ity and social prestige, the mobilization of different a rticles.
“forms of capital” (Bourdieu 1986), etc.18 The crea-
tion of a ritual context is not only instrumental but Heritage-making
necessary, insofar as it is precisely the establishment By the end of the nineteenth century, cultural her-
of such a context that leads the ritualizing force of itage had become a strong political tool for foster-
actions and representations to emerge, as well as to ing national identities in public administration.
their being charged with a higher symbolic value, Monuments, museums, archaeology, costumes, folk
which also determines their being separated from literature, and music entered the realm of cultural
the ordinariness of social life (such as by marking heritage, as exemplar pieces of the past and emblems
them as “traditional”), thus becoming veritably of ancestors’ lives, displaying to a more and more
“ritual”. In fact, as it has already been argued, as- industrial and urban population the roots and es-
pects like formalization, repetition, reiteration, and sential traits of national identity. Obviously, only a
circumscription are not intrinsically ritual: they small selection has been put into the spotlight here,
become ritual only through ritualization and the which shows a division between what political elites
ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1) 11want to value and what they prefer to hide. Adminis- suffer the mechanisms of hegemony and the impo-
tration of culture at that time fostered a certain im- sition of values which are politically and ideologi-
age and a certain imaginary of identity, and tradition cally charged. The heritage practitioners – official or
was one of the modalities used to engage local peo- not – (Harrison 2010; Isnart 2012) mobilize patterns
ple in a holistic and exclusive project of nationhood of certain aesthetic, moral, and class values in their
grounded on a partially fictional past (A nderson daily activities (Heinich 2009, 2011). More generally,
1983). With no surprise, the traditional content this rather wide, much-encompassing new narrative,
included in such processes often vested an official which Smith called the authorized heritage discourse
status always accompanied with a decadent, mourn- (Smith 2006), that is the universalization of the
ing, or survivalist feature, which has been termed by Unesco heritage conception (a “worldwide mental-
some French historians as “the beauty of the dead” ity”, according to Bendix 2009: 257), is largely based
(De Certeau, Julia & Revel [1970]1993). Coming on Western, nationalist, elitist, and upper-class cri-
from the past and at risk of vanishing into the mists teria (Bortolotto 2011; Bendix, Eggert & Peselmann
of history, traditions were easy to manipulate and 2013). The universality claimed by Unesco, and by
malleable enough to fit the political elites’ desires. some of the heritage actors, challenges in fact local
This had been the case until the end of the twentieth definitions of what is important to safeguard, to
century in Europe, when rurality, race, and ethnic conserve or to restore. It provokes a great number of
identity were at stake in conflicts and competition counter-discourses (Bondaz, Isnart & Leblon 2012),
between colonial Empires (Great Britain, France, either merging the Unesco views with regional or re-
Germany) and continental small-scale nation states ligious understandings of heritage, or translating the
(within the Balkans for instance). More recently, tra- international framework into indigenous languages,
ditions throughout Europe have also been used for or even maintaining the local understandings of
boosting tourism industries. A nthropologists and recognition of the past and valuable goods fighting
ethnologists noticed that local traditional cultures against economic dispossession or political margin-
sometimes survived thanks to the coming of for- ality (Bondaz et al. 2014; Hodges 2011; Testa 2017b).
eign visitors for whom inhabitants had to perform In sum, heritage-making is not only a way of
rituals, music or art and crafts (Boissevain 1996). transforming and remodelling traditional content
Similarly, ethnic minorities throughout Europe, per se; it is also an opportunity for people in charge
especially Jews (with local museums, see Trevisan of memory claims and cultural management to
Semi, Miccoli & Parfitt 2013) or Roma (for flamenco think up and build their own concepts, tools, and
music, see Machin-Autenrieth 2016), implemented procedures based on what they see as valuable. In the
cultural heritage programmes in order to fight words of Carneiro da Cunha (2009), heritagization
against the homogeneity built by national policies touches both what social science names Culture (the
and politics of culture or tourism. collective framework that structures and commands
Following this line, many anthropologists, eth- the common life within a group) and what people
nologists, folklorists, and museum professionals are claiming to be their “culture” (the elements
have shown that cultural heritage acts as an interface selected to represent the group and to communicate
of reflexivity and as an operational device to com- with others).
municate narratives of the many collective selves Thus, such heritage reconfigurations of the per-
present on the scene (Adell et al. 2015; Fabre 2000; formances and objects deemed as traditional not
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004; Kockel & Nic Craith only imply a transformation of the rituals, the nar-
2007; Harrison 2013). However, traditions embed- ratives, or the aesthetics. They also touch, more
ded in such processes of heritage-making (a term importantly to us, the very cognitive, sensorial, and
we use as a synonym of “heritagization”), be they representational structures of speaking and thinking
at a local or at an intergovernmental level, always about collective and individual identities. A nalysing
12 ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1)the transfer of a local festival, a piece of music, or are the transformations of the dispositifs when they
handicraft know-how from ordinary life to a herit- come into contact with traditional objects? Could
age environment leads us to consider that the people we witness some looping effects between heritage
engaged in heritage-making are dealing with a more devices and traditions?
profound and more complex reconfiguration of cul- The contributions to this thematic issue will not
ture than simply an economic or political (mis-)use be able to address all of the topics we develop in
of culture, the past, or tradition. this introduction. Nevertheless, our aim is to con-
The research agenda linked to this broader un- tribute to a rethinking of the theoretical scope and
derstanding of the reconfiguration of traditions in significance of these notions of re-enchantment, rit-
Europe calls for a more diverse and multidirectional ualization, and heritage-making vis-à-vis the more
investigation. Binary oppositions such as tourism vs. classical concepts and theories that link culture to
locality, authenticity vs. fake, participation vs. dis- economics, politics, and to other more or less theo-
play, institution vs. folk, official vs. unofficial, and retically circumscribed “spheres” of human activity
heritage vs. daily life seem to be widely at work at the (Terpe 2016). As ethnologists educated in and work-
emic level. Our intention is to understand the rea- ing in and on Europe, and as the editors of this issue,
sons for this conceptual incorporation among social we have continued and amplified the trend of po-
agents, and we are also interested in analysing the litical and sociological analysis in the field of those
polysemic and not necessarily polarized cultural in- social elements deemed “traditional”; however, we
tersections and interactions involved in heritagiza- have also felt it necessary to reevaluate the concepts
tion processes. A first line of inquiry may consist in and the methodology of doing this. Thus, this issue
scrutinizing the way in which individuals are deal- represents both a tribute to previous analytic para-
ing with changes in traditions: what do people think digms and an effort to consolidate the renewal of
of the transformations of their traditions? Are they our field, in an attempt to connect the micro-level
active in the process? What are the arguments they of our empirically oriented ethnographic investiga-
use to legitimate the change? Do they always agree? tions with general societal patterns widely charac-
What are the emotional and material consequences terizing the European cultural space today.
of the reconfiguration for their proper lives? A sec-
ond avenue of interrogation concerns the role of The Articles in this Issue
conflicts and competition within the processes of Such consolidation and rethinking cannot but be
heritagization of tradition. Who are the masters of cultivated on the ground of a theoretical contribu-
the play, what kind of hierarchical system is struc- tion, firmly resting on solid empirical evidence, for
turing the present forces? How do people win or lose ethnology as a discipline was born, has grown, and
control of the situation and with what emotional ef- is now mature as an empirically oriented discipline.
fect? When is victory claimed and contested? Lastly, This is the reason why the contributions forming
but this list is not exhaustive, the transformation of this issue stem – however differently – from ethno-
traditions makes room for an inquiry into the dis- graphically gathered materials or evidence-based
positifs19 employed by actors to deal with traditions: considerations, even though the approaches of the
museums and archives are always the most efficient individual authors vary.
and popular structures to be put in place. But what is Alessandro Testa’s chapter explores the three
the role of more innovative devices, like the Intangi- main concepts and experiential aspects at the centre
ble Cultural Heritage convention or the Faro conven- of this special issue (re-enchantment, ritualization,
tion? What about digital social networks mobilized and heritage-making), on the empirical grounds of
in the dynamics of heritage-making? What kinds of three different ethnographic cases from Italy, the
collaboration – or exclusion – establish themselves, Czech Republic, and Catalonia (Spain), offering
and between which institutions and actors? What fresh evidence as well as a theoretical discussion.
ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1) 13The latter is developed against the backdrop both rather rich series of social dynamics connected with
of the existing secondary literature and the analyses questions of cultural institutionalization, memory,
and suggestions presented in this introduction. The identity, and religiosity.
text also attempts to demonstrate how re-enchant- In Pedro Antunes’ article we encounter the mov-
ment, ritualization, and cultural heritage-making ing, pious examples of Portuguese ritual perfor-
can co-exist and interact within or around the mances for the souls of the dead. The author brings
same traditional facts as complementary (or at least us into the social fabric of religious mourning in a
not mutually exclusive) processes. It examines in context of “southern Catholicism”, and does so by
what sense their correlation and interaction can be means of an insightful, “thick”, but also empathetic
thought of in terms of “tradition reconfiguration”. ethnography. In this article, too, we see at work the
This is also done by discussing the related concepts complex machinery of traditional reconfiguration
of “(re)traditionalization” and “past-presencing”, as and/through ritualization, re-enchantment, and
well as other related themes, such as symbolization, heritage-making. The author engages deeply with
mythopoiesis, popular Frazerism, and (pseudo-)re- the concept of heritage-making, relating it to an evi-
ligious heritage. dent process of re-enchantment in the Portuguese
Grounded on his ethnographic research in the context within which the fieldwork was conducted,
village of Tende (southern France, 2005–2011), seeking to understand the role, the relevance, and
Cyril Isnart shows in which ways heritage-making the transmission of these phenomena, their social
and enchantment frame the dynamics of the iden- conditions, and the cultural factors that allow their
tity of an Alpine community facing the consecutive reproduction.
concealment and renewal of religious practices and Following these articles is a forum gathering a
local associations of worship. In the framework of large panel of anthropologists and ethnologists who
the historical and anthropological literature on lo- have been working in and on Europe for at least two
cal religion, this case helps to better understand decades. Each of them was called upon to react to a
what conditions are necessary in order to recon- simple question: What can we say today about the
figure the ritual groups called confraternita or con- notion of tradition and what can we do with it? From
fréries (brotherhoods) and for a village pilgrimage eastern to southern Europe, from cultural heritage
related to traditions to be safeguarded and valued. to social anthropology, from historical perspectives
Nevertheless, the text also demonstrates that work- to the moral engagement that seems to come with
ing on such remote, small and classical communities our disciplines, the nine contributions to the forum
could provide ethnology and anthropology of reli- depict a diverse landscape of approaches, method-
gion with models to be compared with other social ologies, and epistemologies of tradition, including
or religious contexts, and open new paths to better some lessons on what tradition can reveal about our
grasp how “traditions” are reconfigured within our contemporary world. We invite the readers to read
contemporary societies. and compare the perspectives given in the forum
Eva Löfgren offers a thorough study of an inter- and to add their own views during their classes and
esting and rather peculiar example of “re-enchant- seminars, in order to bring this forum to life outside
ment”: the reconstruction of destroyed churches of these pages.
in Sweden, a society thought to be so thoroughly Altogether this introduction, the four articles,
secularized that it does not seem to be a rational in- and the forum contribute to a new way of framing
vestment of resources. Her profound and detailed and reconfiguring the study of tradition in Europe.
analysis of several interesting case studies from
different Swedish regions illuminates the ways in Notes
which even apparently superfluous acts of material 1 The idea of this special issue originated on the occa-
reconstruction can actually trigger and engender a sion of a panel for the 13th SIEF Congress in Göttingen,
14 ETHNOLOGIA EUROPAEA 50(1)April 2017. We would like to thank the general editors, proaches and declensions of the Weberian paradigm
the anonymous reviewers, and Jonathan Riches for of Entzauberung, see Tschannen 1992. In this study
helping to improve the present article as well as the the notion of re-enchantment is preferred instead
other articles of this themed issue. of those, closely associated, of de-secularization, re-
2 The word “revival” is used for the sake of brevity. sacralization, or re-confessionalization, following a
Theories of “tradition” and traditional “revitalization” terminological, theoretical, and methodological choice
have multiplied ever since the publication of Hobsbawm explained in Testa 2017a: 25–27.
& Ranger 1983; see, for instance, Bronner 2000; 9 The literature on this topic is today very rich and in-
Clemente & Mugnaini 2001; Handler & Linnekin 1984; cludes a significant corpus of studies for rethinking
Glassie 1995; Istenič 2012; Noyes 2009; Pouillon 2007; classical sociological hypotheses about the presumed
Testa 2016a and 2016b; just to quote a few. An interesting inevitable secularization of the industrial world, notably
typology, building on the micro-semantic distinctions Europe and “the West”. In this note as well as in the text
between terms such as “invention”, “ revitalization”, above, only some of the most representative works are
“revivification”, “reanimation”, “restoration”, “resur- cited: Barker & Warburg 1990; Davie & Hervieu-Léger
rection”, “retraditionalization”, and “folklorization” is 1996; Eller 2007: 160–172; Heelas 1996.
in Boissevain 1992. 10 Handelman’s perspective is particularly interesting, in
3 For a recent discussion on the categories of “margin- our case, because he is an anthropologist of the con-
ality” and “periphery” in European anthropology, cf. temporary world, dealing mostly with public rituals in
Martínez 2019. Western nation states, rather than with non-European
4 “Provincial”, a controversial, commonsensical, and ap- contexts. Handelman’s theorization about how – and
parently inaccurate adjective, is used here in the man- why – public rituals work within/for/against/around a
ner Dorothy Noyes uses and theorizes it (Noyes 2003: given sociopolitical order has been very inspiring and
9–12). inform some of the following pages.
5 Roughly the same periodization has been proposed by 11 The ontological, definitional, and methodological
other scholars. In fact, accounts of this revival and re- problems related to the study of ritual and ritualization
emergence in Europe are numerous. One of the first are discussed at length in Testa 2014a: 56–77, 499–510,
(and best) studies into the “revival” of popular religious and passim.
traditions in a European marginal context (Sardinia), 12 European examples of “ritualization process” were ear-
and its going hand in hand with other processes such as ly discussed, with theoretical far-sightedness, by Eric
massification, touristification, commodification, etc. is Hobsbawm (Hobsbawm 1983a, 1983b).
Gallini 1971. Other French and Italian scholars would 13 “Ritual occasions [are] a privileged arena for investi-
soon follow suit: Bravo 1984; Fabre & C amberoque gating emotions” (Berthomé & Houseman 2010: 69).
1977; Valeri 1979 (just to cite three exemplary works). 14 On ritualization as a cultural means by which certain
Boissevain 1992 remains a work of reference; others, social meanings acquire a special relevance, cf. Bell
more recent ones, where the problem is also treated 2009: 90–93; on a theory of ritual symbolic gradua-
generically and/or comparatively are (this list is neces- tion and hierarchy (i.e. on how and why certain things,
sarily very partial): Ariño & Lombardi Satriani 1997; especially ritual things, become “more symbolic”), see
Clemente & Mugnaini 2001; Faeta 2011; Herzfeld 1982; Testa 2014a: 69–75.
Hodges 2011; Macdonald 2013; Testa 2014a; Testa 15 Handelman’s criticism and its merits and limits are
2017a. discussed in Testa 2014a: 65–77.
6 “The revitalisation of traditions all over Europe goes 16 Anthropological definitions, theories, and analyses of
hand in hand with economic globalisation and post- performance can be found in Turner 1982 and Kolan
industrial modernisation. The celebration of newly kiewicz 2008.
invented folk traditions as authentic, the display of 17 A recent sociological definition states that ritualiza-
regional identities and heritages […], the production tion can be conceptualized as a “ubiquitous form of
of legitimacy through languages and practices of con- social behavior in which people engage in regularized
servation and essentialisation and the belief that ‘old’ and repetitious actions which are grounded in actors’
or ‘original’ is an equivalent for ‘good’” (Knecht & cognitive maps or, to use another phrase, symbolic
Niedermüller 2003: 89). frameworks” (Knottnerus 1997: 260).
7 “What is historical and typical is authentic, and it is 18 The notion of ritual context is well defined in Bell
assumed that authenticity is objectively ascertainable” 2009: 69–93 and passim.
(Handler 1988: 200); see also Bendix 1997. 19 Dispositif is used here in Foucault’s understanding of
8 Weber 1919. A classical interpretation of Weber’s para- the term, i.e. as an ensemble of values and procedures
digm can be found in Acquaviva 1966. For other ap- that frame a social domain (Foucault 1980).
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