"Re"Presenting "Gabby": Examining the digital media coverage of Gabrielle Douglas at the 2012 London Olympic Games
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International Journal of Sport Studies. Vol., 4 (9), 1080-1091, 2014
Available online at http: www.ijssjournal.com
ISSN 2251-7502 © 2014; Science Research Publications
“Re”Presenting “Gabby”: Examining the digital media coverage of
Gabrielle Douglas at the 2012 London Olympic Games
Akilah R. Carter-Francique (Ph.D)
Assistant Professor in Sport Management Department of Health and Kinesiology Texas A&M University
4243TAMU, College Station, TX 77843-4243,USA
Corresponding Author, Email: arfrancique@hlkn.tamu.edu
Abstract
Employing Black Feminist Thought (Collins, 2000a), electronic and digital
media were examined to discern patterns of racialized and/or gendered
framing. Constant comparative analysis revealed that the electronic and digital
media coverage of Douglas did present racialized and gendered framing
consisting of “nickname as a site of exploitation”, “sacrifice as a journey of
empowerment”, and “hair as a standard of beauty”. Thus, positive and negative
themes were then situated in the broader context of African American women
in sport and society that often render these women to experience multiple
oppressions based on their race, gender, and social class. Thus, discussion
elucidated that racialized and gendered framing still resonate within media, to
include new media (e.g., social media), and can problematize how African
American women are viewed within sport and the broader social context.
Keywords: African American female, Black feminist thought, media framing,
media sport cultural complex, sport
Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the media coverage and commentary of Gabrielle Douglas
during the 2012 London Games. More specifically, to examine the positive and negative ways that she was
portrayed by the White and Black digital media outlets. Historically, there is limited literature (i.e., books,
newspapers) that captures the participation of African American female athletes (Bruening, 2005; Gissendanner,
1996) despite their historic tradition of participation in sports like tennis, basketball, track and field, golf,
bowling, softball and badminton (Cahn, 1994; Gissendanner, 1996; Smith, 2000; Williams, 1994). The coverage
of African American females has historically highlighted their successes but often in a manner that did not
reflect their actual experiences and triumphs. Thus, African American female athletes personal narratives were
often different from their “re”presentations in the White media and the African American media (Williams,
1994).
In Women, Media, and Culture, Williams (1994) explicated the historic juxtaposition of the White media
and the African American media. Williams (1994) suggests:
The inattention to and disregard of the black female athlete by white culture has resulted in a distorted
picture, which suggests that the black sportswoman’s experience in sport paralleled that of her white sisters.
This distortion is compounded by the fact that existing literature on the black female in sports is both limited
and contradictory (Williams, 1994, p: 47).
As a result, there was limited literature produced by the dominant (e.g., White) culture, to include books and
newspaper articles that document the sport accolades of African American females (Bruening, 2005).
Conversely, African American media outlets such as the Philadelphia Courier and the Chicago Defender not
1080Intl. j. Sport Std. Vol., 4 (9), 1080-1091, 2014
only documented African American female sport involvement and successes; they were also the sponsors and
underwriters for some of the African American female sporting events (see Williams, 1994).
Therefore, in the White media African American women were framed based on their race and gender. For
example, in 2001 Lansbury examined the media coverage of Alice Coachman and Althea Gibson and found that
the White media outlets (e.g., newspapers) minimalized African American females’ sport participation through
systematically omitting their accolades. Moreover, Lansbury (2001) and Corbett and Johnson (1993) found that
the White media often framed African American women with masculine descriptors; and, “ . . . or, perhaps
worse, perpetuated [as] the negative stereotype of the black ‘mannish’ woman, naturally suited to the role of the
athlete” (Lansbury, 2001, p. 235). And lastly, African American females were “re”presented as animals (e.g.,
Wilma Rudolph likening to a gazelle; see Cahn, 1994). Hence, the media framing and tradition ran counter to
the African American newspaper outlets which did cover the competitions and accomplishments of African
American females (Williams, 1994); however, even in these texts the notion of their gender status was often
used in the framing of their presentation .
Black females’ marginalized racial and gender status, or “double bind”, have contributed to their limited
coverage and/or omission from the respective media outlets. In the United States, the endemic nature of racism
served to support the notion that African American females and males were natural and superior athletes
(Bruening, 2005; Edwards, 1969); and, thus, if African Americans succeeded it was an accepted part of the
natural order and not newsworthy. Concomitantly, media representations of female sport participation
reaffirmed traditional notions of femininity (i.e., delicacy, grace, artistry) exhibited in such sports as figure
skating and gymnastics; and therefore, sports that fell outside of the traditional gender norms received minimal
coverage such as basketball and weightlifting. Moreover, when female athletes received coverage the language
utilized to characterize their participation was often laden with references about their (a) beauty and
attractiveness, (b) partners and children, (c) life outside of their sport, and (d) as “girls” or “ladies” and/or using
their first names (Coakley, 2004; Eastman and Billings, 1999; Weiler and Higgs, 1999).
Nevertheless, present day coverage of African American females consists of individual sports such as tennis,
particularly with Venus and Serena Williams. Scholars that have examined the rise of the Williams sisters
explicate that the once “othered” imagery, or framing, of African American females in sport has been
repackaged in a variety of ways (i.e., assertive personality, femininity) for conspicuous consumption but
remains rooted within a racialized discourse (Douglas, 2005; McKay and Johnson, 2008; Schultz, 2005;
Spencer, 2004). While the discourse for the media coverage of African American females in team sports
revolves around the nature of participant’s sexuality, or rather their heterosexuality. For instance, McPherson
(2000) analyzed the websites for the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) and discovered that
the participant’s (73% African American, 20% White, 9% International, 7% other; Lapchick, Agusta, Kinkopf,
2013) personal biographies focused on domestic identities and detailed family relationships, responsibilities, and
networks rather than their athletic endeavors. Hence, similar to the media framing described within individual
sports, African American females in team sports were also subjected to racialized media coverage.
Recent sport media research continues to document the limited coverage and representations of African
American females, and women of color (see Banet-Wiser, 1999; Cooky, et al., 2013; Cooky et al., 2013;
Douglas and Jamieson, 2006; Eastman & Billings, 2001; Hardin et al., 2004; Leath and Lumpkin, 1992;
Lumpkin and Williams, 1991; McDonald and Birrell, 1999; Rintala and Kane, 1991). Cahn (1994) presents that,
“for the most part Black women athletes were simply ignored by the white male media” (p. 126); thus, limited
coverage and representation of African American females leave limited examples and role models for African
American girls and women in sport. Furthermore, the limited representation as participants and professionals
(e.g., coaches, administrators, journalists) allow dominant ideologies such as racism, sexism, and heterosexism
to shape the re-presentation of African American females within sport by reaffirming stereotypes and negatively
shaping the socialization of African American females (Bruening, 2005) and others throughout society.
Sport Media and New Media
The interaction between sport and media can be characterized as a symbiotic relationship (Lefever, 2012;
Silk, 2004). This symbiotic relationship is known through various iterations such as the ‘sport/media complex’
(Jhally, 1989), the ‘media-sport-production complex’ (Maguire, 1991), and the media-sport-cultural-complex’
(Rowe, 1999) which entails the interdependence of sport organizations, media conglomerates, and advertising
sponsors collective ability to generate revenue and fans (Lefever, 2012). Over time, the relationship between
sport organizations, media conglomerates, and advertising sponsors changed with the advent of digital media.
Thus, the nature of the media-sport-cultural complex would evolve from the traditional media landscape of print
(e.g., newspapers) and electronic (e.g., television, internet), to the current digitalization of electronic media that
allows people to “manipulate, distribute, and reproduce” information “via computer-mediated communication”
(Lefever, 2012, p. 14). While the specifics of digital technology are beyond the scope of this paper,
understanding its interactivity and the role of User Generated Content are necessary to articulate Douglas’s
media coverage.
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User generated content
Digital media emerged in 1990s with the introduction of the World Wide Web. The World Wide Web was
initially developed as a platform for information exchange between people (Kaplan and Haenlien, 2010). This
exchange between people and users, or interactivity, allow for two-way communication that is deemed to “blur”
the boundaries between viewing television and individual computing. Therefore, interactivity created a domain
in which the seemingly passive experience of viewing and reading would evolve into interactive participation of
User Generated Content in the form of social media.
User Generated Content (UGC) is specific and is not defined as such without meeting three criteria. User
Generated Content must (a) be an available and publicly accessible website for a specific group of people, (b)
demonstrate creativity, and (c) be created in a non-professional routine and setting (Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010).
Based on these criteria, there are a number of different types of UGC in the form of what is known today as
“social media” (e.g., Wikipedia, Facebook, Twitter, Secondlife) making it difficult to systematically categorize.
To date, social media is inclusive of six (6) types: collaborative projects, blogs, content communities, social
networking sites, virtual game worlds, and virtual social worlds. Accordingly, social media is defined as “a
group of internet-based applications that build on the ideological and technological foundations of Web 2.0, and
that allow the creation and exchange of User Generated Content” (Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010, p. 61).
Acknowledging this definition of social media and Web 2.0, User Generated Content (or User Generated Media
(UGM)), encompass a number of social media types that people use to construct their own personalized sporting
experience and interact with others (Lefever, 2012).
The addition of digital media to print and electronic media as information exchange modes expands the
proliferation of the media sport cultural complex (Lefever, 2012; Rowe, 1999). Yet, van Sterkenburg and
Knoppers (2004) convey that the media sport cultural complex is “primarily a white male-dominated institution
that often support the dominant (socioeconomic) position of middle to upper class white men” (p. 302). This
practice suggests that realities and narratives for marginalized populations (e.g., people of color, women, people
with disabilities) may not be represented and/or represented with the diverse cultural acumen needed to
explicate the reality of their experiences.
Theoretical Framework
Analyzing the impact of African American females representation in the cultural institutions of media and
sport are important as they can provide a window into how dominant ideologies are formed throughout history;
and, thus, transformed, made anew, and continue to reflect the ideas of those in positions of power (e.g., white,
male, heterosexual). Collins (2000a) explicates race and gender ideologies in the American culture “permeate
the social structure to such a degree that they become hegemonic, namely, seen as natural, normal, and
inevitable” (p. 5). Therefore, for African American females in the America race, gender, and class ideologies are
attached to their historic images and stories and utilized to justify their subordination. So, in an effort to
understand Gabrielle Douglas’s mediated “re”presentation, Black feminist thought was employed in this
research examination.
Black feminist thought as a theoretical framework emerged in the 1970’s, 80’s, and 90’s as an activist
response to African American females’ subjugation and intersecting oppressions (e.g., race, gender, class,
sexuality). Recognized as a critical theory, Black feminist thought is aimed at empowering African American
females, emphasizing the importance of social justice, and illuminating the collective (non-monolithic)
experiences through three themes which: (a) understand the meaning of self-definition and self-valuation; (b)
recognize the interlocking nature of oppression; and (c) acknowledge the importance of Black women’s culture
(Collins, 1986, 2000a). The three themes capture and address the collective experiences of African American
females as the “other”. More pointedly, the three themes are used to contextualize the historical and
contemporary marginalization's experienced by African American females; and marginalization's that are based
on stereotypical caricatures, or controlling images, created by dominant culture.
Stereotypes and controlling images are symbolic representations of how race, gender, and class
categorization marginalize African American females (see Collins, 2000a). The intersecting marginalizations
occur at various levels (i.e., personal, group or community, systemic) within a matrix of domination consisting
of “structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal domains of power” (Collins, 2000a, p. 18). As a result,
the culminating ideological marginalization of African American females also operates in the structural and
hegemonic domain of sport (Bruening, 2005; Corbett and Johnson, 2000; Smith, 2000). Bruening (2005)
contends African American females are silenced, and also stereotyped, in the sport context; and, subsequently,
“African American female athletes view their stereotypical image as inaccurate and misrepresentative”
(Bruening, 2005, p. 341.
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Materials and Methods
Data analysis
In an effort to qualitatively evaluate the “re”presentation of Gabrielle Douglas in the electronic (e.g.,
internet) and digital media (i.e., social media) context, all contents (e.g., articles, blogs, Twitter) between the
dates of July 1, 2012 and September 30, 2012 were subjected to constant comparative analysis. The search
explored the Google database with the following key words: Gabrielle Douglas and (Olympic Games and
Gymnastics). Additionally, the researcher conducted a second search incorporating Gabby Douglas and
(Olympics and hair) in the search criteria. The adopted search strategy was general to include as many texts as
possible and reduce literature oversight.
Acknowledging that most texts are not meant to be analyzed, but “read, interpreted, and understood by
people other than analysts” the author employed the method of content analysis to examine the respective texts.
Following Glaser and Strauss’ (1967) the guidelines for content analysis, the texts were analyzed for categories
and coded into themes. Utilizing inductive and deductive content analysis provided an opportunity to link the
texts with the theoretical framework. For example, inductive analysis allowed the author to immerse in the
articles and blogs to uncover relevant and significant themes. While, deductive analysis allowed the author to
determine the categories with regard to Black feminist thought. Therefore, texts were eligible for inclusion if
they related to the Olympic Games and Douglas was the focal point.
Procedure
For this research, the researcher carefully read to each of the texts within the three-month time frame (July,
August, and September) understanding that the texts are imbedded with meanings that are produced through
power relationships. Therefore, the use of language, the story angle, and the images used are not unbiased.
Through the three months, a total of 39 websites and blogs were analyzed, that pertained specifically to
Gabrielle Douglas. Particularly, the researcher read the texts for how authors presented Douglas and how they
conveyed her historic Olympic achievement. Employing Black feminist thought, the author focused on the
centralization of race and gender to understand her representation.
Results
The analysis of the texts revealed three central themes in line with Black feminist thought framework: (a)
nickname as a site of exploitation; (b) sacrifice as a journey of empowerment; and (c) hair as a standard of
beauty. These themes reflect how African American females can be subjugated at all levels of their being within
the matrix of domination (Collins, 2000a) from the societal level, to the community level, to their personal life.
Nickname as a site of exploitation
The first dominant theme elucidated a range of responses regarding the nickname Douglas acquired upon her
Olympic rise. Douglas’s characterization as the “flying squirrel” was deemed as affectionate, natural, and
normal. Accordingly, Márta Károlyi, the National Team Coordinator and a white female, had been credited with
“naming” Douglas (Olson, 2012). However, Collins (2000) and Tuan (1984) conveyed that dominant culture’s
historic practice of reducing people (e.g., Blacks/African Americans) to animate nature is one method of
exploitation, as well as another way to further dehumanize by treating them as pets. In this instance, Douglas
can be deemed as a pet or an animal. Thus, whether the nickname was intended to exhibit care or to do harm,
Collins (2000a) acknowledges exploitation as a pet is unique because, “Pets are treated as exceptions and live
with the constant threat that they will no longer be ‘perfect in his sight,’ that their owners will tire of them and
relegate them to the unenviable role of victim” (p. 144). Nevertheless, the nickname was viewed in positively
and negatively. In the following texts, the nickname was utilized as a positive sentiment to underscore her
athletic mastery by the dominant media.
•The ‘Flying Squirrel’ as little Gabby Douglas is called by her fans and friends for her expertise on
performing on beam, has seen her graph rise and rise in the last two years. (Northern Voices Online, 2012).
•She showed why she was nicknamed ‘The Flying Squirrel’ on the Uneven Bars as she posted a strong score,
beaten only by her two Russian opponents, Komova and Mustafina. (Official London 2012, 2012).
•Gabby Douglas, the 16-year-old 'Flying Squirrel', has made us all proud by helping the USA women's
gymnastics team win a Gold medal for the first time since 1996 (Marques, 2012).
However, a representative segment of bloggers and media outlets from the African American community
(that self-identified as such through their respective websites) contended the use of this nickname was negative
by aligning her image to that of an animal.
•The name, ‘The Flying Squirrel’ is not cute nor is it endearing . . . How historically demeaning and
racialized it is to be reduced to a furry, disease-infested, buck-toothed critter. (Eco.Soul.Intellectual, 2012).
1083Intl. j. Sport Std. Vol., 4 (9), 1080-1091, 2014
Furthermore, the same media outlet, inferred that the nickname was not representative of an American
gymnastic team member. Rather the nickname was a caricature with racialized undertones and a connection to
the historic institution of slavery.
•There isn’t anything remotely close to . . . Gabby Douglas, being a squirrel-is it flying, scurrying or
smashed like roadkill. Gabby is the quintessential American hero who has … -dark skin, thick lips, broad nose,
coily hair and all. Gabby is not a mascot that you pat in sympathy with white patronizing sentiments like a
Pickanini slave child dancing for watermelon seeds (Eco.Soul.Intellectual, 2012).
Therefore, while some media outlets utilized the nickname as a positive and affectionate descriptor, some
African American media outlets and community members considered the nickname negative, derogatory, and
dehumanizing.
Sacrifice as a journey of empowerment
The second dominant theme illuminated the notion of Douglas’s move from Virginia to Iowa for two years
as a sacrifice. Situating Douglas’s journey as a notion of sacrifice within the framework of Black feminist
thought, Collins (2000a) purports the premise of the journey as a narrative of freedom. The journey of freedom
is experienced by both African American females and African American males; and, for African American
males the “journey” historically entails a quest toward physical relocation and movement from the racial
marginalization (Collins, 2000a). While, African American females’ freedom journey historically entails a
personal quest and psychological movement from racial, gender, and class marginalizations (Collins, 2000a).
The examined texts constructed a narrative around the sacrifices Douglas and her family had to endure for her to
achieve her dream of becoming an Olympic gymnast. The theme reflected Douglas’s age and youth, relocation
and training, dedication and strength, and eventual Olympic achievement.
•Gabby Douglas left her family behind in Virginia Beach, when she was just 14 years old, to move to Iowa
to train with coach Chow (who had coached the Olympic champion Shawn Johnson). And even though that big
move was hard for her and her family, the two gold medals Gabby has earned so far proves that it was all worth
it (GOT Staff, 2012).
• . . .the 16-year-old has wrestled with painful choices and given up a tremendous amount to pursue her
dream . . ., including leaving her family . . . she says that the struggle to perform well and excel in the game has
made her very strong . . . (Northern Voices Online, 2012).
•Her mother, Natalie Hawkins from Virginia Beach, Virginia, also was all smiles -- and said she felt a huge
sense of relief and satisfaction after spending more than $150,000 on Gabby’s training and travel (Gloster,
2012).
It must be noted that many Olympic athletes, of all genders, races, and ages endure some form of sacrifice
(i.e., relocation, finances, separation from family) on their quest towards an Olympic medal; but Douglas’s
personal testimony elucidated her personal sacrifice and experience. Specifically, Douglas reflected on the
social and emotional requirements to achieve her Olympic dream.
•It was a sacrifice, not only on my part, but on everyone's part, and I learned to just mature over the years
and I knew I had a dream and - I wanted to accomplish, so I knew if I had a chance to go to the Olympics - not
only going, just going and doing it big and just having the time of my life (Headlee, 2012).
Hair as a standard of beauty
The third dominant theme illustrated beauty standards based on African American women’s hair. Similar to
sacrifice, the notion of hair as a standard of beauty is not germane to African American women. Woman and
men of all races and ethnicities contend with societal standards of beauty (Cunningham, Roberts, Barbee, Druen,
& Wu, 1995). For African American women, hair as a standard of beauty imposes notions of the devaluation of
African history, people, and aesthetics (Banks, 2000; Collins, 2000a; Robinson, 2011). Scholars explicate that
African American women’s hair, similar to skin color, is rooted in the institution of slavery and the ideological
conceptions of White supremacy (Robinson-Moore, 2008; Taylor, 1999). According to Collins (2000a), hair
texture, skin color, and facial features (i.e., eye color, nose width) are phenotypical attributes and one way that
African American women are “Othered”. Acknowledging the “oppositional difference” (Collins, 1986), or
binary rationale (Collins, 1986, 2000a), dominant society values images of White thin females who have long
blond hair and blue eyes juxtapose to African American females with short kinky hair, full lips, broad nose, and
dark skin with genetic linkage to Africans.
A number of online media newspapers and magazines infused with social media commentary from blog sites
and Twitter converged; and, the focus became on the condition of Douglas’s hair rather than her Olympic
experience and historic athletic achievements. The media outlets recognized Douglas’s hair was “trending”; and
therefore, mainstream media, African American media, and people with blogs and Twitter accounts shared their
perspectives:
•Gabby Douglas became the first African-American woman to ever win a gold medal in the all-around in
gymnastics, but a lot of people seemed to care more about her appearance, from her hair style down to her pink
leotard (Stacy, 2012).
1084Intl. j. Sport Std. Vol., 4 (9), 1080-1091, 2014
•Earlier this month, the pint-sized Team USA gymnast, who's the first African American female to win the
All-Around gold, shed some light on the trivial, tress-related matter. "They have no idea what they're talking
about," she told Us Weekly. "We rotate from event to event so there's no time for them to say 'Representing the
USA, Gabrielle Douglas' and me to say 'Yeah, thanks!' as I'm brushing my hair. It's so disrespectful! I'm not
thinking about that. I'm thinking about bringing a gold medal home" (Finlayson, 2012).
After the completion of her competition, Douglas reflected on the on-going hair discourse with:
•Well, I didn't really focus on the hair thing because I knew I had a job to do in London, so I didn't want to
focus on the negative because there were so many positive things going on around here on this side. So it didn't
even phase me (Headlee, 2012.)
The aforementioned narratives were at the fore of the dominant culture media outlets, likewise African
American media outlets lead with similar storylines. It must be noted that in the U.S. dominant societies (e.g.,
white) historical development of beauty standards is imbedded in the social constructions of race and gender. As
such, people of color (i.e., Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians) adopt said beauty standards as a form of assimilation
and acceptance (Evans & McConnell, 2003). For African Americans, the style and texture of hair have also been
linked to racial politics, racial pride, and racial representation (Dash, 2006; Okazawa-Rey, Robinson, & Ward,
1987). Accordingly, the text on Douglas and the Olympics elucidated the historical and contemporary
significance of African American hair:
•Black women know the perils of maintaining their manes no matter what the style or texture (Wilson,
2012).
•Hair is always a sore spot for black women culturally, but it has often reached a fever pitch when it involves
women of color engaging in sports and other demanding physical activities. . . . The texture of black and
African-American hair varies, and extreme heat and sweat can cause the strands to revert to their natural state.
Natural hair can be difficult to maintain and usually runs in sharp contrast with traditional society’s idea of
beauty (Samuels, 2012a).
•Douglas’ chemically-straightened hair, pulled into a ponytail with barrettes and gel, caused quite a stir --
mostly from within the African American community -- for its appearance and supposed failure to "represent"
her culture (Finlayson and Peros, 2012).
As stated, the notion of whiteness as a standard of beauty is pervasive amongst African American; and, for
African American women hair texture in conjunction with skin color, facial features (i.e., nose width, lip size),
and body size (i.e., larger body frame) are also intertwined (Collins, 2000a; Shaw, 2006). Thus, there are
conflicting views as to the appropriateness of “natural” hair versus “chemically altered”, also known
respectively as “bad” hair and “good” hair (Dash, 2006; Evans & McConnell, 2003; Robinson, 2011;
Thompson, 2009).
Ted Gibson, renowned Hollywood hairstylist that was solicited by Douglas following her Olympic
achievement, commented on the historical relationship between African American women and hair:
•Gibson…notes that the majority of the women lashing out at Douglas and her hair were African-Americans,
many of whom often have a love-hate relationship with their locks. “Women of color spend millions and
millions of dollars on their hair to look good, so we know how seriously we take the issue of hair,” he says.
“Oprah Winfrey told me once…that ‘our hair is our crowning glory…” (Samuels, 2012b).
Understanding the historical relationship between African American women and their hair was significant.
However, determining how this relationship with hair contributed to African American women’s perspective of
Douglas as representation of and African American female versus her representation as an Olympic athlete was
unknown. Nevertheless, Douglas’s coif received negative and positive criticism from African American female
bloggers and those with personal Twitter accounts. One tweet commented negatively on Douglas’s hair
exclaiming:
•C. Renée #: on another note, gabby douglas gotta do something with this hair! These clips and this brown
gel residue aint it (Marques, 2012).
African American females recognizing that Douglas’s hair was negatively “trending” and provided positive
commentary and support for Douglas’s hair and Olympic accomplishments.
•SP#: People busy talking about Gabby Douglas not having her hair done?? She's busy sweating &
WINNING GOLD MEDALS.. You're on TWITTER; Right (Marques, 2012).
The negative and positive commentary towards Douglas’s hair soon raised concerns and words of support
from African American female athletes and Olympians such as Dominique Dawes and Serena Williams.
•Keep God #1, Pursue things she's only passionate about, surround self with positive people, focus on being
you. – Dominique Dawes (Marques, 2012).
“ •It's (hair) gorgeous! People don't know what they're talking about,” Williams told USA TODAY Sports on
Friday. "It's ridiculous. It's so ridiculous. Her hair is gorgeous” (Whiteside, 2012).
The African American female Olympians words of wisdom and reaction to the response and focus of the
media coverage Douglas received illustrate how media narratives can permeate institutions, such as sport, and
have the power to reaffirm hegemonic notions and social inequalities.
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Discussion and Conclusion
The goal of this study was to provide a critical examination of the mediated stories and commentary
produced on Gabrielle Douglas during the Olympic Games in London. The examination revealed that positive
and negative themes permeated White and African American media outlets with regard to how Douglas, an
African American female, was characterized in sport by reinforcing – use of nicknames as natural and normal,
narratives of sacrifice as success, and hair as a standard of beauty. Furthermore, the findings provided insight on
how “intersecting oppressions of race [and] gender . . . could not continue without powerful ideological
justification for their existence” (Collins, 2000a, p. 69). Thus, the media as a social institution had the ability to
utilize dominant ideologies to influence what people thought and maintain power dynamics in sport and society .
Theoretical implications
Employing Black feminist thought provided an opportunity to understand how African American women as
raced, classed, gendered, and sexual beings, are interconnected through their experiences. Furthermore, Black
feminist thought can illuminate new perspectives, knowledge, and meaning for African American women in the
U.S., as well as offer the same for other marginalized (i.e., race, class, nation) communities (Collins, 2000a,
2000b). In this study, the following two themes of Black feminist thought were pertinent to contextualizing the
three emergent themes: (a) the meaning of self-definition and self-valuation and (b) the interlocking nature of
oppression.
The meaning of self-definition and self-valuation. According to Collins (1986) the theoretical theme on the
importance of Black women’s self-definition and self-valuation considers historical and present-day literature
surrounding Black feminist thought. Therefore, self-definition challenges dominant ideologies and the
hegemonic characterizations of African American womanhood (e.g., nurturing, assertive, sexually aggressive);
while, self-valuation replaces the hegemonic characterizations with “authentic” images of African American
women. The emerging themes discussing Douglas’s personhood through the use of the nickname “flying
squirrel” and her “sacrificial” relocation for Olympic gold create ideological challenges for African American
women when trying to achieve their own definitions of identity and success.
Douglas’s reference as the “flying squirrel” illuminates how images and imagery through use of nicknames
can affect a person’s identity and/or sense of self (i.e., racial, gender, social class, sexual orientation) (Collins,
2000a; Kellner, 1995). In sport, Abel and Kruger (2006) purport that nicknames provide a sense of identity and,
whether positive or negative, can be utilized to highlight the status of celebrity. Moreover, scholars state that
nicknames (i.e., positive, negative) can imbue bonding and membership with other elite athletes and athletes
within the sport as well as provide a point of connection with fans (Abel and Kruger, 2006; Gould, 2003;
Skipper, 1992). The use of nicknames and providing players with nicknames is a common practice (Abel and
Kruger, 2006); however, concern arises when nicknames carry inanimate connotations. Hence, many athletes
have been assigned nicknames with reference to animals (e.g., Kobe Bryant – Black Mamba; Michael Gross –
The Albatross; Gregg Maddux – Mad Dog; Glenn Robinson – Big Dog; Dennis Rodman – The Worm);
however, Rada (1996) conveyed that for African American people “with nicknames that carry inanimate
connotations . . . . The animal nicknames presents the player as just that, an animal” (p. 237).
In Kennedy and Zamuner’s (2006) Nicknames and the Lexicon of Sports, they ask the question “What
purpose do nicknames serve?” (p. 387). The authors’ suggested that nicknames are created based on their social
meaning (i.e., positive, negative) and social significance (i.e., social hierarchy, kinship); and for professional
athletes, nicknames garner great attention within the popular media. Hence, inferring the social meaning and
social significance of Douglas from her references as a “flying squirrel” is of interest. The use of animal
nicknames for African Americans, to include African American females, presents a reductive practice and
reflects one example of how social power and dominance are conspicuously represented through dominant
culture (Collins, 2000a; Tuan, 1984). For example, in the 1960 Rome Olympics, a nineteen-year-old Wilma
Rudolph won three gold medals in track and field, and was nicknamed by the Italian media “La Gazzella
Negra”, the Black Gazelle (Roberts, n.d.). It was stated that the nickname was given based on her “speed, beauty
and grace” (Olympic.org). Cahn (1994) acknowledges the “Black Gazelle” nickname, but counter to the
aforementioned rationale explicates that Rudolph was likened to other Black athletes as she “. . . was
represented as a wild beast, albeit a gentle, attractive creature who could be adopted as a pet for the American
public” (p. 137). Cahn’s (1994) interpretation, akin to Collins (2000a) and Tuan’s (1984 ) stance on the pet and
animal reference, supports the negative perspective of Douglas’s nickname for the African American media
outlets and reaffirms its use as a site of exploitation at the hand of the dominant culture.
The nickname as a site of exploitation is also significant as it rejects notions of being the “objectified other”
and resists dominant society’s constructions and institutional dynamics that attempt to eliminate the defining
attributes of African American womanhood. Notwithstanding, “sacrifice as a journey of empowerment” is a
positive and salient theme within the importance of self-definition and self-valuation. Collins (2000a) suggests
African American females’ journey toward self-definition is unique due historically to the limited modes of
mobility (i.e., economic, physical, social). In the context of sport, the freedom journey premise often manifested
1086Intl. j. Sport Std. Vol., 4 (9), 1080-1091, 2014
itself in terms of sacrifice and social mobility. African Americans utilized sport participation and success (e.g.,
scholarship attainment, professional contract) as a mode to increase socioeconomic status and achieve
intergenerational and intergenerational social class mobility (Coakley, 2004; George, 1991).
In the case of Douglas, social mobility may have been a motivator, but according to Collins (2000a) the
freedom journey for African American women is more than the physical relocation and transference of
categorical classification. As presented, African American females’ journey is a psychological quest of self-
definition and freedom from racial, gender, and class marginalization (Collins, 2000a; Yuval-Davis, 1994). The
freedom journey for African American women is thus a collective journey that is co-constructed through the
supportive relationship between the mother, children, and their community (Collins, 2000a). Douglas’s personal
account supports this notion as her freedom journey entailed the “sacrifices” of physical relocation from her
mother and family in the state of Virginia to the state of Iowa; and, the psychological maturity necessary to
endure the physical separation from them to survive the rigors of elite gymnastics training. Both of these
experiences can result in skills of empowerment that could be transferred beyond her life in gymnastics.
Blinde, Taub, and Han (1993) purport that “sport has the potential to empower women athletes on a personal
level” (p. 58). However, some scholars would debate sports ability to empower women due to the pervasive
promotion of masculinity within its various contexts (i.e., aggressiveness, sexism, power, dominance,
competition) (Dunning, 1986; Hargreaves, 1986; Theberge, 1987). Nevertheless, determining if and how a
woman is empowered is dependent on the woman’s personal characteristics such as her race/ethnicity, social
class, age, and sexual orientation (Blinde et al., 1993; Gutierrez, 1990; Yuval-Davis, 1994).
The interlocking nature of oppression. The second theme of Black feminist thought is beneficial in
explicating how intersecting identities, as an African American female gymnast, contribute to Douglas’s
mediated characterization and the nature of the discourse within and throughout the electronic media to include
digital media (e.g., Twitter). The interlocking nature of oppression acknowledges race, gender, and class as
separate constructs that have their own unique oppressive dynamics; but, rather than focusing on the constructs
as units, this theme focuses on how the constructs intersect, or overlap, to marginalize African American
women. The theme of “hair as a standard of beauty” indicated how the systemic residue of racism and sexism
continue to relegate African American women and women of color.
African American women occupy a unique societal space that includes intersecting marginalizations. The
notion of hair as a standard of beauty transcends other racial and gender groups, but for Black/African American
women embodies a reality specific to their intersectionality (Greene, White and Whitten; 2000; Robinson, 2011;
Thompson, 2009). White culture’s racialization of beauty influences many African Americans to alter their very
being, to include hair texture, and thus, conform to Eurocentric standards of beauty (Robinson, 2011).
According to Greene, White, and Whitten (2000), one of the main ways African American females are devalued
is based on their hair. This reality is not only linked to their race, gender, and class identifications; but also to
their physical attractiveness (e.g., skin color/colorism; Badillo, 2001; Banks, 2000; Kerr, 2005; Montalvo, 2004;
Robinson, 2011) and perceived sexuality. For example, in 2007 radio shock jock Don Imus characterized the
Rutgers University women’s basketball team as “nappy-headed hos” (Associated Press, 2007). His commentary
exhibited how ideologies and historical constructions of race, gender, and class pervade and manifest within
sport media. The interlocking nature of oppression coupled with the controlling images demonstrates African
American female athletes’ susceptibility to marginalizations and “otherness” based on dominant culture’s notion
of acceptable hair. Therefore, white beauty standards, which are unattainable are valuations used by white men
and women, African American men, and even African American women themselves.
The interaction of sport and media, or the media sport cultural complex, has created a power dynamic that
affects society at the institutional level, symbolic level, and relational level (see Rowe, 1999). With the
expansion and multi-level pollination of digital media, these three levels, akin to Collins (2000a) notion of the
matrix of domination, demonstrate how the interaction of sport and media have the ability to create culture, by
influencing a person, institution, and/or a society through the narratives produced and their intended meaning.
However, present day challenges occur due to the advent of the digital media’s interactivity. Therefore, a
continual interrogation of sport media practices must be inclusive and responsible while including the use of
social media. Arguably, the inability to control the ever evolving digital media's output of non-professional
journalists, contributes to the creation and perpetuation of narratives. This approach may be beneficial in
promoting the significance of the media’s (i.e., mass, sport) “re”presentations of marginalized groups and that
they do not “indirectly favor the development of stereotypical, prejudiced, or racist interpretive frameworks
among the public at large” (van Dijk, 1988, p. 207).
1087Intl. j. Sport Std. Vol., 4 (9), 1080-1091, 2014
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