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Masaryk University
Faculty of Education
Department of English Language and Literature
Comparative Analysis of an NYC Accent
as Performed by Non-native NYC Actors
Bachelor Thesis
Brno 2020
Supervisor: Author:
Mgr. Irena Headlandová Kalischová, Ph.D. Pavla Spalová
Bibliographical record
Spalová, Pavla. Comparative Analysis of an NYC Accent as Performed by Non-
native NYC Actors: bachelor thesis. Brno: Masaryk University, Faculty of Education,
Department of English Language and Literature, 2020. 48 pages. The supervisor of the
bachelor thesis: Mgr. Irena Headlandová Kalischová, Ph.D.
Bibliografický záznam
Spalová, Pavla. Comparative Analysis of an NYC Accent as Performed by Non-
native NYC Actors: bachelor thesis. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, Pedagogická fakulta,
Katedra anglického jazyka a literatury, 2020. 48 stran. Vedoucí bakalářské práce:
Mgr. Irena Headlandová Kalischová, Ph.D.
Abstract
The title of this thesis is “Comparative Analysis of an NYC Accent as Performed
by Non-native NYC Actors”. This accent is one of the most easily recognizable accents
of American English, so it is interesting to see what it is about and how it is possible
that some actors can imitate an accent that is not natural to them and yet sound natural.
The thesis consists of two parts. The first part provides basic information
about the differences in pronunciation of standard American English and the specifics
of the New York accent. There is also information about accent coaching or mentoring
and basic information on how such coaching works. The second part then presents
the results of data analysis from pre-selected movie scenes, clearly comparing
the selected samples in graphs and tables.
Anotace
Název této práce je Srovnávací analýza newyorského přízvuku herců
nepocházejících z New Yorku. Tento přízvuk je jeden z nejsnadněji rozpoznatelných
přízvuků americké angličtiny, a tak je zajímavé podívat se, co tento přízvuk tvoří
a jak je možné, že někteří herci dokáží napodobit přízvuk, který pro ně není přirozený,
a přitom znít přirozeně.
Práce se skládá ze dvou částí. V první části jsou základní informace o rozdílech
výslovnosti standardní americké angličtiny a specifikách přízvuku angličtiny
v New Yorku. Dále jsou zmíněné informace týkající se koučování či mentoringu
přízvuků u herců a základní informace, jak takový koučink funguje. Druhá část následně
předkládá výstupy analýzy dat z vybraných filmových scén, přehledně v grafech
a tabulkách následně porovnává vybrané vzorky.
Keywords
Accent, New York City, actors, movies, phonology, phonetics, analysis,
comparison, dialect coaching, American English.
Klíčová slova
Přízvuk, město New York, herci, filmy, fonologie, fonetika, analýza, porovnání,
poradenství v oblasti dialektů, americká angličtina.Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Mgr. Irena Headlandová Kalischová, Ph.D. for her helpful
advice and for supervising my bachelor thesis with patience.Declaration
I hereby declare that I have worked on this bachelor thesis on my own
and that the information I used has been fully acknowledged in the text and included
in the reference list.
Prohlášení
Prohlašuji, že jsem bakalářskou práci vypracovala samostatně, s využitím pouze
citovaných literárních pramenů a zdrojů uvedených v seznamu literatury v souladu
s Disciplinárním řádem pro studenty Pedagogické fakulty Masarykovy univerzity
a se zákonem č. 121/2000 Sb., o právu autorském, o právech souvisejících s právem
autorským a o změně některých zákonů (autorský zákon), ve znění pozdějších předpisů.
In Brno, 20.4.2020 Pavla SpalováTable of Contents
1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 9
2. THEORETICAL PART .......................................................................................... 11
2.1. Definition of key terms ............................................................................................... 11
2.1.1. Accents vs. dialects ...................................................................................................... 11
2.2. The New York City Accent ....................................................................................... 11
2.2.1. Brief history of NYC Dialects .................................................................................. 12
2.2.2. Contemporary NYC Dialects .................................................................................... 14
2.2.3. NYC Dialect Speakers ................................................................................................ 15
2.3. English phonology ....................................................................................................... 15
2.3.1. SAA vowels ................................................................................................................... 16
2.3.2. SAA consonants............................................................................................................ 19
2.3.3. NYC accent features .................................................................................................... 19
2.3.3.1. NYC accent vowel features ....................................................................................... 19
2.3.3.2. NYC accent consonant features ............................................................................... 23
2.4. Dialect coaching ........................................................................................................... 24
2.4.1. Dialect coaching and accent modification in motion picture industry.......... 25
2.4.2. Notable NYC accents in movies and TV shows ................................................. 26
3. PRACTICAL PART ................................................................................................. 28
3.1. Sample 1 – Margot Robbie as Naomi Lapaglia ................................................... 28
3.2. Sample 2 – Richard Gere as Clifford Irving ......................................................... 29
3.3. The method..................................................................................................................... 29
3.3.1. Non-rhoticity.................................................................................................................. 30
3.3.2. Intrusive ‘r’ and linking ‘r’ ........................................................................................ 32
3.3.3. That - [ð] vs. [d̪] / [dð] and This - [θ] vs. [t̪ ] / [tθ] .............................................. 33
3.3.4. Tense [ɛə]........................................................................................................................ 353.3.5. Palm, lot, thought [ɑ], [ʊǝ] ........................................................................................ 36
3.3.6. Now - /aʊ/ to [æʊ] ........................................................................................................ 38
3.3.7. Friday - /aɪ/ to [ɑɪ] ........................................................................................................ 39
3.4. Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 41
4. Sources............................................................................................................................ 451. Introduction
The motion picture industry has been a source of entertainment for many
generations. Each year, billions of dollars are spent on creating new movies, television
series or internet shows bringing in more money for future productions. Directors,
producers and actors push their boundaries to deliver something never seen before.
One of the ways to go about that is making sure that the experience is authentic
and the audience credits the movie as believable.
To ensure that, actors put hours, days and sometimes months into training
different skills that are required for their characters. Drastic weight changes, hard
physical training, martial arts, shooting, dancing classes – those are just some
of the most typical things actors do to prepare for a new role. Often, the training is not
only physical but it goes beyond what most people would ever have to learn to land
a new job. To be convincing on the screens, actors prepare emotionally or by studying
the characters’ past, their motives, and other aspects which could influence
the perception of the character.
Connecting the dots often means paying attention to such details as movements
and speech. And speech, or the way a character speaks, their intonation, accent
and dialect is one of the significant qualities people easily notice because they leave
a strong first impression. There are dialect coaches, accent experts, and speech
therapists or other professionals who are able to equip actors with the set of skills
they will need to master accents which are completely new to them. It is not always
easy, and certainly not always is it a success, but with enough time and direction,
it is possible to create a character who speaks with a completely different accent
than the actor who portrays them.
This thesis aims to analyze the New York City (NYC) accents spoken by actors
who are non-natives of NYC and compare them against the distinctive features
of the NYC accent and each other. In order to do that, the theoretical part deals
with establishing what the author refers to by the NYC accent as there are different
dialects with distinctive phonemic features. The theoretical part also includes a brief
history of the accent and the changes it has undergone in recent years.
In no way does this thesis aim to lay out the complete history of all the changes
and influences that have shaped the way people of NYC sound nor does it aim
to provide an exhaustive overview of all the features of the accent. It simply points out
9the most distinctive, widespread, and widely recognizable phonemes and patterns
that have been recognized by professionals in the field of linguistic, phonetics
and phonology to compare those properties of various systems of speech sounds
to the accents used by actors.
The practical part of the thesis then comprises and summarizes an analysis
of the actors’ performances based on scenes from movies available to the public.
The movies and actors were chosen after research of available movies in which actors
changed their accents for their role. All the data that were analyzed are included
in Appendix D of this work and all outcomes of the analysis are detailed in chapters
dedicated to the particular features. The thesis is accompanied by a transcript of the
material used as well as audio versions of the movie scenes that were analyzed. The
transcript is included in Appendix B and the recordings comprise Appendix E.
102. THEORETICAL PART
2.1. Definition of key terms
This work deals merely with the accent and it is therefore important to draw
attention to the frequent misunderstanding of national language variants.
From a linguistic point of view, it is important to distinguish between the concepts
of accent and dialect, since dialect analysis would be too comprehensive, this work
is devoted only to pronunciation.
2.1.1. Accents vs. dialects
The difference between a dialect and an accent is often misunderstood
and the word accent is sometimes used to mean dialect. An accent is defined as a variety
of a language with respect only to phonetic and phonological properties of that variety
while a dialect in addition differs in word-stock as well as syntax, and Carr (2008)
further gives examples of the differences between accents and dialects:
An example of an accent of English is Standard Scottish English (SSE),
which differs in its vowel and consonant systems from the accent known
as Received Pronunciation (also known as Standard Southern British
English). For example, there is no /u:/ vs /υ/ contrast in SSE. An example
of a dialect is Lowland Scots, whose syntax and vocabulary differ
from the dialect known as Standard English. For example, ‘ear’ in Lowland
Scots is ‘lug’, and ‘chimney’ is ‘lum’. American linguists tend not to adopt
the accent/dialect distinction. (pp. 8-9)
2.2. The New York City Accent
These following subchapters lay out a rather brief and simplified overview
of the NYC dialects’ history, point out the distinctive features which help to recognize
and identify the dialects and accents among many other North American accents,
and finally, give an insight into who typically the speakers of such accents are in today’s
world. For the sake of brevity and clarity in this thesis, the term ‘NYC accent’ further
refers to the features as described in detail in the chapter 2.3.3. NYC Accent Features.
Many linguists devoted a more or less substantial part of their careers
to studying, analyzing, and understanding accents in North America. New York City
11seems to be particularly popular for its diversity among linguists. Many linguists have
extensively written about the NYC accent trying to explain that the accent is not
regionally bound. Instead, they all agreed that the accent changes based on the context,
the social class, and other sociolinguistic aspects (Becker and Newlin-Lukowicz, 2018;
Labov, 2006; Newman, 2014).
Becker and Newlin-Lukowicz explain, “A common language ideology
in the United States is that New York City English displays reliable geographic
variation across the city’s five boroughs” (2018, p. 8). This theory assumed
that the different parts of the city had their own pronunciation rules according to which
their speakers could be distinguished and it was later disproved in their paper (Becker
and Newlin-Lukowicz, 2018). The neighborhoods are separate administrative divisions
that are also separate counties.
Figure 1
New York City boroughs map (Wikipedia, 2020)
Labov on the other hand focused on pointing out, developing and describing
the idea of social stratification and the accent, which is a differentiation of accents based
on people’s income, class or other social or economic aspects (2006).
2.2.1. Brief history of NYC Dialects
The history of NYC dialects is as complicated as the history of humankind.
No wonder, as one of the most popular nicknames used for this city is the Melting Pot
12which is related to the diversity of the city from the perspective of the immigrants
who established and built the place. The city can be historically associated with its first
settlers in the port of Nieuw Amsterdam in the late 1600s, but let us not forget the Irish,
German, Italian, Hispanic or Chinese diaspora, which gradually emerged in NYC.
Thanks to this diversity of nationalities and their linguistic influences, a unique dialect
has developed in the city with very distinctive features.
Most prevalent regional influence on the language was British and Irish,
followed by German and Dutch. According to some linguists, the Dutch influence,
which lasted until the mid-1800s, is most obvious in minimal pairs such as bed and bad.
This influence on pronunciation is felt mainly in Brooklyn. (Viereck et al., 2005,
p. 157). Sometimes, however, it is stigmatized and labeled quite pejoratively
as Brooklyneese (Labov, 2006, p. 18), which later Labov mentioned is now a term used
widely to label the NYC working class regardless of the borough they live in (2012,
p. 38). However, some believe that it is almost impossible to capture Dutch or German
influence in local dialects and that there is in fact no compelling evidence other
than local place names. (Newman, 2014, p. 133).
New York accents are most known for being one of the non-rhotic variants
of the US dialects. This is a reminder of the British influence that spread in later times.
Not pronouncing /r/ was a sign of prestige in the then British Kingdom, and so people
under this influence began to favor this non-rhotic variant. Later, however,
with the expansion of the country's settlement, this variant of pronunciation soon ceased
to be used by the upper-class of society, and it was introduced in the language
of middle- and lower-class (Labov, 2006, p. 19).
The New York accent is one of the most stigmatized and stereotypically depicted
accents because of its uniqueness. Many linguists and other professionals agree
that some of its typical features are gradually disappearing as the younger generations
growing up in this big city deliberately change their accent because of this negative
perception. In their everyday speech they avoid the features which are considered
the main bearers of the accent. For many New Yorkers, their accent, by which
they are quickly identified whenever they travel outside of the city, is the source
of pride, for others the source of ridicule (Labov, 2006, p. 18).
One of the first linguists to try to describe some elements of the NYC dialects
was Babbitt, who in the late 19th century mentions in his work that some pronunciation
13characteristics are tied to the lower or middle class of the population (1896, p. 23).
He talks about the stereotypical pronunciation patterns being connected to mainly lower
and working classes due to the fact that the upper classes in the past would educate
their children in private schools in which the teachers were not New Yorkers by origin.
The lower and middle classes according to Babbitt comprised, however, the majority
of the NYC population, which resulted in maintaining pronunciation for generations
(1896, p. 25).
2.2.2. Contemporary NYC Dialects
Currently, the New York dialects are one of the best recognizable dialects
of perhaps the entire North American continent. They contain elements and patterns
of pronunciation that, when combined, create a one-of-a-kind combination
of pronunciation that is hardly interchangeable with any other US accent.
One of the prevalent recent features of the accents throughout the city
and its neighbors is its inconsistency in some of its defining features, for example
in rhoticity, as some words might be pronounced on one occasion differently
than on another. According to Labov at his lecture at the Language and Linguistic
Science, University of York (2013), dialects throughout the city and its neighborhoods
have been almost unchanged since 2010, with the constant spill-over of people
from New York to other parts of the country and vice versa, it cannot be said with such
certainty that this migration does not affect the language and its pronunciation.
Recent evidence suggests that the approach of new generations is also changing
the overall approach to pronunciation. Labov (2012, p. 57) explains everything giving
examples of a few cases, such as pronouncing the -ing suffix as /ɪn/. According
to the data collected and analyzed, people tend to pronounce /ɪŋ/ if they speak slower
and have time to watch their pronunciation regardless of how they were taught
to pronounce the words.
According to linguist Dan Kaufman, the iconic ways of speaking,
which distinguish New York from other metropolitan areas are becoming rarer,
especially on the island of Manhattan due to many outsiders moving into Manhattan
(Wang, 2015).
14Kara Becker of Reed College recently commented on the changes that are taking
place and which are likely to have a major impact on the pronunciation change
in the east of the United States as follows:
This kind of change is termed a change from above, because it’s both
a conscious change (New Yorkers will tell you they should pronounce
their r’s) and one in reaction to an outside, broadly American, notion
of what’s correct. In short, pronouncing r’s appears to be a direct reaction
to the stigma attached to sounding like a New Yorker. Today, many speakers
are still variable (sometimes they say cah, sometimes car), but the expectation
is that this change will complete at some point in the future (2015, para. 8).
2.2.3. NYC Dialect Speakers
As mentioned earlier, many factors influence the pronunciation
of the inhabitants of a certain city. By way of illustration, the factors may be,
for example, ethnicity, national origin, socio-economic status or idiolectic preference
and NYC has it all. There are many celebrities known from TV screens, feature films
or radios who speak and represent the NYC accent.1 According to Labov et al. (2006),
NYC English may be small from the geographic point of view, but quite significant
from the population point of view. The dialect and accent are confined to the city limits
and a few neighboring cities in New Jersey, an area of 530 square miles,
with a population of 8,500,000 (p. 233).
Some notable speakers of the NYC dialect include Bernie Sanders, Andrew
Cuomo, Fran Drescher, Woody Allen, Alan Alda, Tony Danza, Robert De Niro, Alan
Dershowitz, Rudolph Giuliani, Whoopi Goldberg, Al Pacino, Jennifer Lopez, Leah
Remini, Joe Pesci, Nelson Rockefeller, Ray Romano, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Adam
Sandler, Howard Stern, Barbra Streisand, Donald Trump, or Denzel Washington.
2.3. English phonology
General phonology is a term that describes a linguistic discipline dealing
with the study of language patterns. In practice, phonology uses special symbols
to distinguish and record individual sounds, phonemes. One such way of writing sounds
1
More about them in chapter 2.4.2. Notable NYC Accents in Movies and TV Shows.
15is the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA – see Appendix A), which is used as a
reference point for talking about phonemes throughout this thesis. To record the sounds
and the details of their realization, square brackets [] are used throughout this work.
The following subchapters deal with the classification of individual sounds typical
of the NYC accent into comprehensible units and their comparison with the Standard
American Accent (SAA).
2.3.1. SAA vowels
The SAA vowels are either monophthongs (consisting of one sound)
or diphthongs (consisting of two sounds). The monophthongal SAA vowels
are either tense, which suggests that the articulation organs are in a tense position,
or lax, which means when pronounced, the articulation organs are relaxed.
The lax vowels are:
➢ /ɪ/ as in sit, ship, rich, kid, fish, bid
➢ /ɜ/ or /ɜ˞/ as in stir, her, firm, learn, girl
➢ /æ/ as in cat, trap, laugh, had, bad
➢ /ʊ/ as in book, foot, look, took, push, pull
➢ /ʌ/ as in cup, country, love, butter, money, company
➢ /ə/ as in about, comma, holiday, around
➢ /ɛ/ as in red, head, said, bed
➢ /ɑ/ as in father, honest, coffee, office
The tense vowels are:
➢ /i/ as in sheep, she, we, see, seat, bead
➢ /u/ as in you, two, room, food, rude
➢ /ɔ/ as in daughter, law, tall, walk, fall
16The diphthongs are:
➢ /aɪ/ as in I, my, life, wife
➢ /ɔɪ/ as in boy, toy, noise, coin
➢ /aʊ/ or /æʊ/ as in now, crown, sound, brown
➢ /oʊ/ as in go, show, know
➢ /eɪ/ as in day, sale, fail
Figure 2 below combines the previous representation of cardinal vowels
in square brackets and the monophthongal vowels in SAA placed in a diagram showing
the placement of the tongue (front to back from left to right) and the position
of the mouth or jaw (close to open from top to bottom) (Shemesh, 2019). Figure 3
then shows the placement of SAA diphthongs and depicts how one vowel within
a diphthong glides towards the other while the tongue and mouth change position
to accommodate for the second sound.
Figure 2
Cardinal vowels vs. SAA monophthongs adapted from Accent’s Way website (Shemesh, n.d.)
17Figure 3
Cardinal vowels vs. SAA diphthongs adapted from Accent’s Way website (Shemesh, n.d.)
Notice the way diphthongs are made up of two vowels next to each other.
One of the vowels is dominant and pronounced strongly and for a longer period of time.
The other (in the case of SAA, the second vowel) is pronounced shortly and tends
to be weaker, hence the symbol above the second vowel in each of the diphthongs,
which is explained in the IPA chart online (International Phonetic Association, n.d.).
Of course, English vowels have many other characteristics and can
be distinguished in much more detail, for example, depending on their position
in the word and how they are influenced by neighboring sounds. However, for a basic
overview and understanding of the differences between SAA and the NYC accent,
this distribution is sufficient.
182.3.2. SAA consonants
The following table shows the place and manner of articulation of the SAA
consonants.
Table 1
Consonant articulation distribution for SAA (Wikipedia, “General American English,” 2020).
Labial Dental Alveolar Palato- Palatal Velar Glottal
alveolar
Nasal M n ŋ
Plosive p b t d k g
Affricate tʃ dʒ
Fricative f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ h
Approximant l ɹ j w
2.3.3. NYC accent features
Generally, the NYC accent sounds more nasal in comparison to the SAA
and it is placed more forward and lower in the mouth than the SAA. Tracy Goodwin
mentions the general placement of the accent is right in front of the bottom teeth
or the bottom jaw, as if almost leaping from the lips (2008). The pitch variety is far
greater than in the standard SAA and often it has more melody going up and down.
Most utterances end on a down note, however, in case the speaker wants to emphasize
something, there is the occasional ending on the up note. In terms of volume, this accent
is among the louder ones. The stress falls on nouns, main verbs and other words
that bear the meaning in the sentence, just like in SAA or most other US dialects
(LACHSA, n.d.).
2.3.3.1. NYC accent vowel features
The vowel system in the NYC accent is very complicated and it would be
impossible to present all its variants and nuances here. For simplicity, this work focuses
19only on a simple comparison of NYC accent and SAA. Only the most typical and most
widespread phonemes will be examined for subsequent analysis. For the most part,
the following descriptions of vowel and consonant systems in the NYC area are based
on Newman’s New York City English book unless other specific references are given.
Short-A split – from [æ] to [ɛə]
This, according to Labov (2006) and Newman is the most common vowel
feature of the NYC accent (p. 146). Certainly not every speaker of the accent possesses
this unique feature but it is widely recognized throughout the United States
as well as elsewhere around the globe. What happened was the original phoneme /æ/
has in some words split into two phonemes (or a diphthong) causing a difference
in pronunciation of words such as trap and bath. In that case, the pronunciation changes
from [æ] to [ɛə].
Newman supports this by pointing to the difference in pronunciation being
linked to different meaning as well. Consider the following:
➢ can /æ/ = to be able to, as in Yes, we can. vs. can [ɛə] = a tin can
➢ banner /æ/ = a flag vs. banner [ɛə] = a person who bans (p. 53)
Goodwin (2008b) implies that this rule applies if the short-A is tense before
the following consonants, /d/, /f/, /g/, /dʒ/, /m/, /n/, /s/, /ʃ/, /θ/, /ð/, and /z/. Newman
(2011), however, lists some other consonants (see Figure 4 below) and explains
that the vowel “is tense before the consonants inside the polygon and lax
before those outside it; the dotted lines enclose sounds with inherent variability” (p. 55).
20Figure 4
NYC accent short-A split conditioning
Additionally, Goodwin (2008b) makes it clear that more rules apply
in the short-A split system, such as when the /æ/ and the consonant after that is followed
by a vowel, the schwa, or /l/, then it is realized as the lax [æ]. Newman goes as far
as pointing to additional constraints on the previous conditioning some of which
are in line with Goodwin’s simplification of the rules. For the purpose of this work,
Goodwin’s simplified rules should be sufficient for the accent analysis in the practical
part of the thesis.
Some examples of words affected by the split are tense mad, pass, bag, grab,
cash, cab, ham, plan, fast, brass, after, ant, or ash and lax paddle, raffle, animal,
savage, hammer, gavel or cabbage.
Lower back vowel subsystem
This feature is common not only for the NYC accent but also a large part
of the Mid-Atlantic region as far as Baltimore. The NYC accent preserves a different
vowel pronunciation for the word groups of:
➢ palm with the [ɑ] pronunciation in words like park, car, father, calm,
and yard
➢ thought with the raised [ʊǝ] sound – in words like paw, talk, coffee,
and caught
➢ lot with the [ɑ] (which is usually a lax, stable, more open elongated
vowel sound) in words like despondent, odd, or Don.
21Labov et al. (2006) report that when the morphemes in the lot group end
in voiced sounds they often become tense and join palm group (p. 235). Another
observation has been made proving that the latter two (i.e., thought and lot)
are gradually merging in some cases, or in others, the merge happens for palm and lot.
It seems that there are more variations within the city (Newman, 2011;
Labov et al. 2006).
Despite that, thought in most contexts remains distinct from lot for most
NYC accent speakers. It appears in words such as caught, all, bought, taught, saw,
daughter, thought, dog, loss, cloth, or coffee.
As for patterns, it is necessary to look at the surroundings of the vowel sound.
Both Labov (as cited by Newman, 2011) and Newman (2011) suggest that the shift
in the palm word group increases before /r/ and leads to the vowel sound being
pronounced as [ɑ] (p. 66; p. 77). These are words such as orange, historic, moral,
minority, Florida, Oregon, authority or guard, car, and army in their non-rhotic
variants. Kaye (as cited by Newman, 2011, p. 67) suggests that such a pattern appears
to be when placed before voiced sounds in closed syllables such as god, bob, bomb,
or doll.
The /aʊ/ and /aɪ/ shifts
In both diphthongs, the vowel sound starts with the same [a] sound
but then glides towards either [ʊ] or [ɪ] in SAA. However, in NYC accent the change
is significant.
In words which in SAA contain the diphthong /aʊ/, the NYC accent speakers
tend to shift the pronunciation to [æʊ] in which the mouth is more open and the corners
of the mouth are pulled back (Shemesh, 2019). This is true for all words with the SAA
diphthong /aʊ/ such as sound, mouth, how, out or down.
A change, which occurs in the diphthong /aɪ/ changes its realization to [ɑɪ],
which starts with the tongue further in the mouth than the SAA /aɪ/, the lips are more
rounded. It occurs in words such as Friday, cry, pry, pie, despise, and prize.
Newman in his work refers to Labov and Kaye describing the change
in a complex way, but for the purpose of this thesis, it will be enough to follow
the explanation offered by Goodwin. Goodwin (2008c) says, this change does not occur
before voiceless consonants such as in mice, price, right, light, fight, sight, or exciting.
22Therefore, all other words change, including those in which the /aɪ/ appears
before a voiced consonant. Some examples are fine, pride, prize, pie, crime, cry, time,
or dine. Notice that the rule applies only to consonants which are pronounced, not silent.
2.3.3.2. NYC accent consonant features
Non-rhoticity
Non-rhoticity refers to the dropping of /r/ at the end of words or syllables.
In other words, the drop may appear anywhere except before vowels in the same word.
Some example words in which the /r/ drop appears are cure, near, power, lawyer, hear,
letter, square, and there. For the NYC accent, according to Labov et al. (2006),
the accent is variably rhotic, which means that in some words the /r/ is pronounced
while in others it is not. Also, the same words, in the same form, may in one utterance
be used in their rhotic form and next time in the non-rhotic form. That is what
Labov et al. meant by the variability of rhoticity. Moreover, Labov et al. (2006)
mentions that the r-lessness is generally most prominent in accents of people of a lower
socio-economic status.
Intrusive ‘r’ and linking ‘r’
The linking ‘r’ occurs when the word-final ‘r’ is realized when it occupies
the otherwise empty onset of a following word (e.g. far away is pronounced
as /fɑ:rəweɪ/). In other words, it refers to the use of a rhotic /r/ between vowels in words
that would on their own be non-rhotic, such as there are, here is, fear itself, over it,
and others. The intrusive ‘r,’ on the other hand, occurs between words where there
is no ‘r’ in spelling and it is inserted between two vowels. For example, the expression
the idea of would become / ði aɪˈdiərʌv/ (Carr, 2008, p. 112).
Change of [ð] to [d̪] and [θ] to [t̪ ]
This change is from a dental fricative to a dental stop where the air flow, instead
of passing between the teeth and the tongue, is stopped by the tongue and then released
suddenly. Words such as them, then, and father then often change the ‘th’ sound to [d̪]
while words thin, throw, nothing, thanks, and think change their ‘th’ sound to [t̪ ].
In the manual for actors by LACHSA (n.d.), those sounds are not clear cut /t/ and /d/
23as we might know from other words but they are slightly toned down. This is one
of the specifics of the accents which has been disappearing in the recent years.
Sometimes the realization of the two sounds comes out as [tθ] and [dð],
which are in fact affricates. However, the difference is so small that most people
would not even notice it. As if that was not enough, countless other variations
might emerge for the ‘th,’ but those are mostly ethnically diverse and this thesis does
not focus on those, therefore other variants are not mentioned here.
2.4. Dialect coaching
In movies, TV shows, or theater performances, we often see actors putting
on an accent different from the one they speak in their private lives. Dialect Coaches
Worldwide (DCW) dedicated a part of their manifesto to emphasizing that accents
and dialect in the entertainment industry matter too (“About,” n.d.):
Accent is a layer of storytelling. It's there every time any person or character
speaks a single syllable. Accents tell as much about a character as the way
they dress, move and even what they say. When performances matter, accents
matter. But without professional help, finding the right dialect coach to be
on your creative team can be confusing, time consuming and difficult.
When it comes to dialect coaching and accent modification, there is science
behind it. There are associations of professionals studying dialects, researching
emerging techniques of teaching and learning constantly, coaching actors, helping
them imitate or acquire the desired dialect. These associations of professionals offer
their services to the motion picture industry or to the entertainment business, in general.
A dialect coach is then a specifically trained and certified professional who helps
actors with the modification of their voices to fit the assignment. According
to the Anderson (1997) from the Voice and Speech Trainers Association (VASTA),
the areas for study and personal development of a professional in their association
are as follow, experiential education and training, voice and speech science,
performance, teacher training and education, vocal direction for the theater
and additional training for teachers of a miscellaneous character. Education
24is considered ongoing, and a professional coach should continue long after beginning
a teaching career.
2.4.1. Dialect coaching and accent modification in motion picture
industry
DCW expresses the opinion that for an actor to land the accent correctly
about four to six weeks of preparation are needed given that the actor has previously
worked on their accent skills (“Should Accents Come First?,” n.d.).
There are many educational institutions that offer courses for actors, such as
the National Institute of Dramatic Art. Apart from coaching support, there are books
with CDs for actors who desire to learn a different accent to enhance their portfolio,
their range and the chances of getting casted for the next role they are about to audition
for. Such books are for example Actor’s Encyclopedia of Dialects (Molin, 1984)
or Accents: A Manual for Actors (Blumenfeld, 2002). The success rate of studying
different accents only from books is questionable. Siegel (2010) points out that such
materials often portray a very stereotypical, inauthentic or even theatrical depiction
of the accent (p. 193).
These days, actors, directors, and writers cooperate with dialect coaches
from the very early stages of movie-making. They look for coaches online and get
recommendations from others in the industry. An important aspect of choosing the right
person for the job is not only their skill set to perform a specific dialect but also
the experience to do so without intruding the actor's creative process, as mentions
Pamela Vanderway (2015), a dialect coach and the founder of DWC. She goes
on to point out that a good dialect coach is a combination of education and experience.
The focus of dialect coaching and accent modification is primarily on getting
the vocal tract used to the new and unknown and to adopt the new posture. As Singer
(2016) says, a crucial part of accent acquisition is getting comfortable with the new
basis of articulation2 or how to use the correct hesitation sounds, which are a valuable
source for learning where the general placement of the accent is. Furthermore,
the pronunciation of specific sounds is not the only thing a dialect coach focuses
2
This is the denomination for the set of expression habits which do not affect one or various
sounds but the whole articulatory mechanism, and which establishes a primary basic condition within
which the whole system is shaped (Gaya, n.d.).
25on when working with an actor. Consider for example the holistic approach
to the preparation for a persuasive performance Fereday (2018) takes with her coachees:
Moreover, exploring accents also involves whole body engagement including
breath, posture, and gesture. While every person makes sound using breath
and vibration, I submit that the most vital part of accent acquisition
is that an actor is able to change the shape of the mouth in order to produce
various articulations and vocal productions. . . . When working with actors,
I often ask the student to feel what happens to the lips, cheeks, or tongue
when making a specific vowel or consonant sound. . . . In addition to the need
for linguistic detail in accent training, ultimately, I believe that the body
and the voice are connected, and accent training should be similarly
connected to the body.
Other Dialect coaches, such as Patsy Rodenburg (1997), agree that for an accent
to sound natural and the performance to be believable, actors must work
with their attitude and their whole body when practicing the accent. Menon (2007)
agrees that body language plays an important part in accent management
and in conveying the meaning of any message. However, he goes on to say
that it is often neglected in language instruction and frequently misunderstood as merely
a reflection of cultural differences (p. 235).
2.4.2. Notable NYC accents in movies and TV shows
Just as there are good and bad actors, there are good and bad attempts
at the NYC accents. In 2014, Vanity Fair (VF) shared a list of some notable
performances of actors doing the NYC accent. VF consulted a dialect coach, Bob Corff,
who had helped them sort through the performances and had divided
them into the good, the unconvincing and fuhgeddaboutit categories. In the article, Corff
explains that not only is the right pronunciation and word stress important,
but so is attitude, energy, and consistency crucial for the right delivery (Liebman, 2014).
Among the praised ones is Margot Robbie’s performance in The Wolf of Wall
Street (2013), which is one of the picks for the comparison in this thesis. Another one
is Daniel Day-Lewis in Gangs of New York (2002). From the other end of the spectrum,
26there is Steven Seagal in Out for Justice (1991) or Anna Paquin in True Blood
(2008-2014), one of the worst attempts at NYC accent, according to Corff.
As far as TV shows are concerned, it is more the case that, for example, the actor
with an NYC accent is more prominent in the series. Such a series or actor is,
for example, the infamous TV series The Nanny (1993-1999) with the star
Fran Drescher, who comes from New York. Surprisingly, the other main characters
in the series had a British accent. Another series is Seinfeld (1989-1998), starring Jerry
Seinfeld, a Brooklyn native. The last example is the sitcom The King of Queens
(1998-2007), starring Leah Remini, another Brooklyn native.
One of the most famous television series that took place in New York City
is the Friends (1994-2004) series. However, none of the actors is a typical
representative of the NYC accent. This is mainly because none of them, except David
Schwimmer, comes from New York. The same is in the next series, which takes place
in NYC, Sex in the City (1998-2004). None of the actresses speak the NYC accent
because they do not come from New York, says Cristina (n.d.).
Corff and Liebman (2014) also believe that the following films that many people
associate with the city and this iconic accent, but which rely on dialect stereotypes,
deserve mention. For example, Saturday Night Fever (1977), Moonstruck (1987),
A Bronx Tale (1993) or Deliver Us from Evil (2014).
273. PRACTICAL PART
This practical part aims to describe the methods, present the results
of the analysis, and summarize everything in conclusion. The analysis aimed to compare
data from two pre-selected NYC accent samples. The samples are scenes from movies
in which actors attempted the NYC accent. The movies were selected after careful
consideration of their suitability and therefore had to meet certain criteria to ensure
that the analysis would have meaningful outcomes. One of the criteria
was that the actors about to be analyzed must have been non-New York natives.
Consequently, the plot must have taken place within roughly the same period
as it would not be possible to compare the NYC accent of the 1920s and the current
accent. Lastly, it was necessary to consider which features of the NYC accent would be
analyzed. Because of the time and scope of this work, it was not possible to go too deep,
so the list of features on which the analysis focused is given in chapter
2.3.3. NYC accent features.
3.1. Sample 1 – Margot Robbie as Naomi Lapaglia
The first analyzed accent is Margot Robbie’s Naomi Lapaglia in The Wolf
of Wall Street, which is a movie based on real people and a true story. The plot
of the movie is set between the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s.
The character comes from Brooklyn and possesses a unique accent unlike everyone else
in the movie.
Robbie is an Australian actress and producer who started her acting career
in Melbourne, Australia in her late teens (International Movie Database, n.d.)
She was recognized in the Vanity Fair article as one of the good NYC accents in movies
by Croff (Liebman, 2014) but she is overall known to do other accents, such as
when playing the role of Harley Quinn in the Suicide Squad (2016) movie
for which she put on another Brooklyn accent with a twist (Agar, 2015).
In a TV interview, Robbie mentioned the following about the NYC accent
she did for the Wolf of Wall Street, “It's a really fun accent to do. And it’s actually easier
to do coming from an Australian accent than doing a Standard American Accent
because there are no Rs.” (ABC News, 2013) In the movie Terminal (2018), Robbie
must have done an English accent. In an interview for HeyUGuys, she says words such
28as go and home usually give away her Australian origin when she does
the English accent (2018).
Robbie systematically prepares for every role she gets by studying
the motivation of the character, the situations, thoughts and everything she can.
In addition, she prepares vocally by studying other people’s speeches and accents
and imitating them (Mink, 2020). She also openly talked about having worked
with dialect coaches in the past. For example, early on in her acting career
when she was asked to tone down her natural Australian accent for her TV debut
Neighbours because it was “too strong even for Neighbours” in Australia
(This Morning, 2018).
3.2. Sample 2 – Richard Gere as Clifford Irving
The second movie chosen to be included in the analysis is The Hoax
with Richard Gere staring as Clifford Irving. The plot of the movie is set in the 1970s
and it is also based on a true story. Irving was a writer who was born and lived in NYC.
In the movie, Gere does a Jewish NYC accent (Goldberg, 2007).
There is very little information about the way Gere approaches his acting,
and more specifically, the dialects he changes for his roles. Nonetheless,
since the accent of the character is based on a real person who was from NYC,
it qualifies for the analysis.
Gere did various accents in other movies in the past, but his work has not always
been praised. Specifically, his attempt of the Irish accent was met with a lot of criticism
and listed as one the worst Hollywood Irish accents ever by different media outlets
(Al’s Action English, 2019; Corrigan, 2017; TodayFM, 2016).
3.3. The method
For both samples, scenes in which the characters were engaged in dialogs
were selected to provide enough material for the analysis. To ensure even distribution
the same number of scenes were initially selected. Later on, one more scene was added
to Sample 2 because Sample 1 contained slightly longer dialogs. For Sample 2,
in which the dialogs are shorter, five scenes were selected for the analysis. That makes
nine scenes in total. Each scene was then transcribed (see Appendix B) and for each
of the scenes, words usually carrying the distinctive NYC accent features
29were identified according to the list of such previously mentioned in chapter 2.3.3. NYC
accent features. Then, the scenes from the movies were turned into audio recordings
and the lists of words were analyzed as they occurred in the audio recordings.
They were marked as wither carrying the NYC feature or the SAA feature
(or rhotic/non-rhotic).
The following subchapters present the data. Each subchapter focuses
on a different feature of the accent and presents additional information relevant
to the interpretation of the results of the analysis. Each subchapter shows diagrams
with the analyzed data for both samples. The diagrams provided are all structured
in the same way. The y-coordinate represents the number of samples (always 1)
while the x-coordinate indicates the number of occurrences of the given feature
and the color-coding under the x-coordinate help distinguishing between NYC features,
SAA features or Neither (inaudible, or a weak form containing neither of the forms.
The features analyzed from the recording and the overview of the decision-
making tree are detailed in the Analysis diagram in Appendix C. All the analyzed data
organized in tables are then included in Appendix D. Again, the tables are all structured
in the same way, i.e. all words from the recordings bearing the given feature are listed
in alphabetical order. For each of the words, the numerical values in the adjoining cells
are numbers of times the word appeared with the feature described in the heading
of the column (i.e. non-rhotic/rhotic or NYC/SAA). Further details referring
to the specific features are given in each chapter separately.
In some cases, some words were either unintelligible/inaudible or could not be
analyzed because the person speaking was in the background and overlapping sounds
were making it difficult to identify the phoneme realization. In that case, the word
in the following tables is marked with a quotation mark.
3.3.1. Non-rhoticity
The non-rhoticity was analyzed based on the assumption that NYC primarily
differs from the SAA by being a non-rhotic accent even though it was previously
mentioned to be variably rhotic. There is no way to determine in which specific words
the ‘r’ should have or should not have been pronounced as rhotic. Therefore,
the following is just an overview of how many words in the samples were used
in their rhotic and non-rhotic variants.
30First, in Sample 1, 79 occurrences (42 unique words or word contractions)
in total were identified (see Figure 5) out of which 54 were pronounced
in their non-rohtic variants, and 25 were rhotic.3 There was a clear preference
for the use of your and you’re in their non-rhotic variants when 8 out of 10 times,
the non-rhotic version was used only because the other 2 cases were linking ‘r’s.
It comes as a surprise though, that the name of the character’s husband in the movie
in the selected samples was preferred in its rhotic variant (6 : 4).
Figure 5
Sample 1 Rhoticity diagram
Then, in Sample 2, a total of 67 occurrences (43 unique words or word
contractions) were identified out of which 42 were non-rhotic and 24 were rhotic
(see Figure 6). One word was not pronounced clearly and could not be classified.
Again, just like in Sample 1, the preference of your/you’re is present,
although this time less with 5 non-rhotic, 2 rhotic and 1 unidentifiable pronunciation
due to noises in the background. However, what another preference among the data
is clear and that is the name of the person the main character is writing a book
about Howard (as in Howard Hughes). Out of the 7 occurrences, none was pronounced
in the rhotic variant, which shows dedication to authenticity by Gere. In fact,
3
More information linked to rhoticity and the linking/intrusive ‘r’ in the following chapter.
31there are many interviews with the real Clifford Irving, in which he talks about Hughes,
so it is easy to get an idea of his accent.
Figure 6
Sample 2 Rhoticity diagram
3.3.2. Intrusive ‘r’ and linking ‘r’
Intrusive ‘r’ as well as linking ‘r’ are always rhotic due to their nature.
In the previous chapter, the analyzed words were looked at from the point of rhoticity
but intrusive and linking ‘r’s should also be addressed.
In both samples, in the selected scenes, there were no examples of intrusive ‘r’s
used throughout the dialogues, however, linking ‘r’s were used mostly in Sample 1.
Sample 2 contained none. If we look at the data, they were all present only in Scene 2
of Sample 1 and Scene 5 of Sample 2, however, there should have been
another one in Scene 3 (Sample 1), which was substituted by a non-rhotic
variant instead.
Linking ‘r’ used in the dialogues:
Sample 1:
➢ You were investing in Italy?
➢ You’re a lying piece of shit.
32➢ You’re a father now, Jordan.
Sample 2:
➢ I would have given anything to get this call a year ago.
Linking ‘r’ should have been used, but was not:
Sample 1:
➢ Daddy doesn’t even get to touch mommy for a very, very, very long time.
Additionally, there were 2 words, which could also have contained the linking
‘r’ but due to the pauses made between the words, they are not listed above.
They are from Sample 1, Scene 2:
➢ Who was the one who flew in here – at 3 in the morning on their stupid
helicopter – and woke up Skylar?
3.3.3. That - [ð] vs. [d̪] / [dð] and This - [θ] vs. [t̪ ] / [tθ]
The change of the ‘th’ sound to a dental stop is sometimes hard to identify
because preceding or following sounds may influence the pronunciation. Also,
the speed of speech seemed to interfere in the analysis in this case, especially in scenes
where the actors were in a fight scene or in emotional or tense scenes.
In Sample 1, 46 occurrences (16 unique words or word contractions)
were identified in the scenes. Out of the total, 24 ‘th’ sounds were dental stops
and 21 sounds were dental fricatives. Only one occurrence could not be classified.
33Figure 7
Sample 1 – ‘th’
In Sample 2, a total of 64 occurrences (18 unique words or word contractions)
were identified in the scenes. Out of those, only 22 ‘th’ sounds were dental stops
and the remaining 42 were dental fricatives, which is a disproportionate distribution.
Figure 8
Sample 2 – ‘th’
343.3.4. Tense [ɛə]
The tense /æ/ change to [ɛə] only happens in front of specific consonants
mentioned in one of the previous chapters. After omitting those that did not fit
the criteria, in Sample 1, 31 words were analyzed and in Sample 2, 24 words
were further analyzed from the recordings.
In Sample 1, there were 31 occurrences (14 unique words or word contractions)
were analyzed, out of which 15 had been found to have changed to [ɛə], 11 kept
their SAA realization of [æ], 4 were pronounced in their weak forms (with a schwa)
and 1 could not be analyzed because of overlapping sounds.
Figure 9
Sample 1 - [ɛə]
In Sample 2, 24 occurences in total (12 unique words or word contractions)
were analyzed, out of which 12 kept the SAA realization, 5 changed their realization
to [ɛə], 5 were used in their weak form pronounced with a schwa, and the remaining
2 could not be analyzed.
35Figure 10
Sample 2 - [ɛə]
3.3.5. Palm, lot, thought [ɑ], [ʊǝ]
The palm/thought/lot analysis outcomes are presented in the diagrams
below along with their reference word groups. The detailed data with the individual
words for each group as they were used in the samples are in Appendix D.
In Sample 1, there were in total 68 occurrences (31 unique words or word
contractions). Out of those, 1 from the palm group, 30 from the thought group
and 36 from the lot group. Out of the 68 occurrences, 45 of them carried the NYC
accent features, 17 did not, 1 word was pronounced in its weak form, 2 could not
be analyzed and 3 were pronounced as if belonging to a different group.
36Figure 11
Sample 1 - Palm, lot, thought [ɑ], [ʊǝ]
In Sample 2, there were 61 occurrences (32 unique words or their derivation)
in total. Out of those, only 1 from the palm group, 19 from the thought group
and 41 from the lot group. Out of the 61 occurrences, 24 carried the NYC accent
features, 32 did not and remaining 5 were either in their weak form pronounced
with a schwa, or unintelligible (see Figure 12).
Figure 12
Sample 2 - - Palm, lot, thought [ɑ], [ʊǝ]
373.3.6. Now - /aʊ/ to [æʊ]
The /aʊ/ diphthong realization in the NYC accent changes to [æʊ] in all words,
therefore, all words containing the phonemes in the selected samples were used. It
seemed particularly difficult for both actors.
In Sample 1, it was 13 occurrences in total (6 unique words) out of which
7 words followed the most common SAA pronunciation of [aʊ] the remaining
6 were pronounced with the changed realization of [æʊ].
Figure 13
Sample 1 - [æʊ]
In Sample 2, it was a total of 23 occurrences (11 unique words or word
contractions) out of which only 3 were pronounced with the realization of [æʊ]
and the remaining 20 occurrences were unchanged.
38Figure 14
Sample 2 - [æʊ]
3.3.7. Friday - /aɪ/ to [ɑɪ]
To correctly analyze the data, all words containing the /aɪ/ diphthong
were selected and then assessed based on whether they occur in the samples
before a voiced or voiceless consonant as the sound only changes before voiced
consonants (or vowels). Out of the 113 /aɪ/ words originally (Sample 1 - 58, Sample 2 –
55), only 82 occur before a voiced consonant or vowel and could be therefore included
in the analysis.
In Sample 1, out of the 43 occurrences (15 unique words or word contractions),
only 3 changes to [ɑɪ] were present, 5 occurrences could not be classified
and the remaining 35 occurrences have not changed their realization.
39Figure 15
Sample 1 - /aɪ/
In Sample 2, out of the 40 occurrences (18 unique words or word contractions),
there were only 2 changes to [ɑɪ], 4 words were not classified because of background
noise or other factors preventing intelligibility, and the remaining 34 sounds did
not change .
Figure 16
Sample 2 - /aɪ/
403.4. Conclusion
To conclude, the analysis results are presented despite the work’s very
limitations of its scope and not an exhaustive consideration of all aspects of the NYC
accent. Each feature was considered.
The rhoticity feature was slightly preferred by Robbie in Sample 1, however,
the difference was not in any way extreme. Given that rhoticity is probably
one of the easiest and most distinctive features, many people know that the NYC accent
is the one in which people do not pronounce their ‘r’s. Gere in Sample 2, therefore paid
attention to also include the non-rhotic feature in his work on the character.
But it was probably more difficult for him to do than for Robbie who is Australian
and therefore her natural accent is non-rhotic too.
The ‘th’ sound is also another very distinctive feature. The assumption
was that there would be more dentalized stops in both samples, however, that is not true.
Robbie did her homework and knew that it was important to get the ‘th’ sounds right.
Even so, only a little over half of her attempts in the selected scenes were successful.
There were no significant preferences, quite the opposite, everything seems to be
balanced. Gere, on the other hand, shows a clear preference for the SAA with a ratio
of 44:22. The difference is not as subtle as it was in Robbie’s case and therefore
it is possible to assume that Gere did not succeed in landing the ‘th’ sounds
in the manner of NYC accent even though he tried and did well in one-third of the cases
in the selected scenes.
There was not much data for the analysis of the bath/trap, to begin with.
The data from Robbie show that she had a strong preference for the lax pronunciation
in the word daddy. In the scene, she is talking quite slowly enunciating carefully most
of her words (unlike in fight scenes in the movies). The word daddy, however,
was in the selected scenes pronounced with a lax /æ/ 5 times instead of the tense variant,
which should have been used (and was only used twice). In the case of Gere,
the preferences are once again clear. Even though the data set is smaller
than for Robbie, the preference is visible in the word (contraction) can/can’t. Moreover,
Gere seems to use more weak forms in comparison to Robbie (5:4) on unevenly big data
sets. A great example of the tense variant from Gere is the word cash which is even
stressed out in the sentence and therefore may be easier for him to get it right. Robbie’s
best examples would be family, aunt, classy, and panties.
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