Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies: Resistance Against Ethnic Categorizations in a German Rap Song - New ...
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Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies: Resistance
Against Ethnic Categorizations in a German Rap Song
by Co Şkun Canan (Berlin Institute for Integration and Migration Research,
Humboldt University of Berlin) and Albrecht Hänig
Abstract
Social categorization is an essential component of human activity. However, migrants and
their descendants can be disadvantageously categorized based on their ethnicity. How
can affected individuals deal with such structural conditions in society and resist ethnic
categorizations? To answer this question, we first address available strategies in social identity
research and find that those strategies are insufficient to resist ethnic categorizations. As
an alternative explanatory model, we have developed the concept of hybrid ethnic-cultural
stylization, which represents a process of ethnoheterogenesis. By considering a culture of
ethnic hybridity, this concept offers innovative strategies to resist disadvantageous ethnic
categorizations. We then analyse a German rap song to empirically exemplify a hybrid
ethnic-cultural style. Finally, we discuss theoretical implications and make suggestions for
further research.
Keywords: migration and integration, hybrid styles, ethnic-cultural empowerment,
rap music, anti-racism
Introduction
Apprehending the social world through catego- negative evaluations by majority group members
ries is a fundamental human ability. It helps to due to attributed ethnic differences (e.g., Tiesler
structure information and determines inter-
group behavior (e.g., Allport 1954; Macrae and ernment agencies use migration background widely
Bodenhausen 2000). At the same time, the cat- to categorize people. However, its exact definition
varies. According to the Federal Statistical Office, a
egorization of individuals gives rise to in- and
‘person has a migration background, if s/he herself/
out-group distinctions and intergroup bias. Every himself or at least one parent was not born with
individual can become an object of categoriza- German citizenship’ (Federal Statistical Office 2018) –
tion. Depending on one’s group membership, a 26.0 percent of German population currently have a
migration background (Federal Statistical Office 2020).
person experiences advantageous or disadvanta- In this context, individuals without a migration back-
geous evaluations (Tajfel and Turner 1986). ground represent the majority group, whereas indi-
In ethnoheterogeneous societies, a person viduals with a migration background are the minority
group. We use these terms interchangeably. Distinc-
with a migration background1 can be subjected to
tions that categorize one’s migration background
are somewhat rough and may suggest homogeneity
1 As we focus primarily on the German context, we within these groups, but this is not the case as we are
use the term ‘individuals with a migration background’ aware that some individuals or groups with migration
to refer to migrants and their descendants. This label background can become part of the (white) majority
has been established as one of the most salient cat- (more) quickly while others cannot. As this article’s
egories in Germany to describe an individual’s migra- subject is the exclusion of individuals with a migration
tory origin. Whereas official surveys do not gather a background (based on attributed ethnic differences),
person’s ethnicity, the German population and gov- we will consider this distinction.
NEW DIVERSITIES Vol. 23, No. 1, 2021
ISSN-Print 2199-8108 ▪ ISSN-Internet 2199-8116NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Coşkun Canan and Albrecht Hänig
2018; Schneider and Lang 2014; Rumbaut 2008). Seeking the Right Strategy
Although these individuals can learn and acquire Social Identity Re-evaluation
categories directly linked to the majority’s per- According to Social Identity Theory (SIT), an indi-
ceptions of their ethnicity during the integration vidual’s self-concept is connected to the evalu-
process (e.g., language), there are ethnic catego- ative connotations of those social categories or
ries that cannot be attained, such as racial ones, groups with which they2 affiliate themselves
or that are hard to achieve, such as religious ones. (Tajfel and Turner 1986). Therefore, individu-
These categories represent ethnic boundaries als strive for positive social identities and group
that exclude others by definition (Canan and memberships in order to assert a positive self-
Simon 2018). If they become salient, individuals concept. A consequence of this effort to attain
with a migration background that differs from a positive social identity is intergroup bias: Even
the dominant ethnic norm might be excluded simple social categorizations lead to decisions
from the majority and its privileges – even if they and modes of behavior that favor one’s own
successfully integrate regarding other achievable group in comparison to a relevant out-group
ethnic-cultural dimensions. This exclusion espe- (Billig and Tajfel 1973; Brewer 1999; Tajfel et al.
cially targets groups affected by discursive pro- 1971). SIT names three strategies for achieving
cesses of othering because the conditions facili- a re-evaluation of social identities with regard
tating the creation of out-groups are particularly to status hierarchies (Tajfel 1981: 316-43; Tajfel
prevalent here (e.g., assumptions of homogene- and Turner 1986). The first is individual mobility:
ity or the existence of stereotypes regarding the People can achieve (more) positive categories
out-group) (Said 1979). Against this backdrop, through upward social mobility. The second is by
the question arises to what extent individuals means of social creativity: Members of a group
with a migration background can escape such can re-evaluate social categories by inventing
disadvantageous categorizations and overcome new dimensions of group comparison, establish-
ethnic boundaries. ing favorable value assignments to one’s own
In order to answer this question, one has to group, or by changing the comparison group.
‘consider the interplay between sociocultural Third, through social competition: Subordinate
characteristics and social structure, as well as groups can alter their position within a system of
intergroup relations in specific settings of power’ statuses and values by challenging the majority
(Tiesler 2018: 210). We will address available society’s stratification system.
strategies in social identity research on how to Utilizing these three strategies with regard to
avoid categorical processes‘ negative results for ‘ethnicity’ – beyond the fact that both ethnicity
minority group members. Owing to the major- and status can be intertwined with each other
ity society‘s dominance within the reciprocal (Tully 2000) –, it becomes apparent that the
process of categorization, these offered strate- first and third strategy may not be sufficient for
gies are not sufficient for ethnic out-groups to removing ethnic categories’ negative evaluations.
escape from their disadvantageous position. If ethnicity is understood – in Max Weber’s clas-
For this reason, we will present the concept of sical sense – as the belief in a shared ancestry
hybrid ethnic-cultural stylization, which offers an based on culture and physical features (Weber
alternative and innovative ethnoheterogeneous [1922] 2002: 237), then non-achievable or hard-
approach on how individuals can resist categori- to-achieve categories such as racial or religious
cal processes‘ adverse consequences. We will
2 To achieve a more gender-neutral language in this
then exemplify hybrid ethnic-cultural stylization
paper, we use the plural form whenever the gender
through an analysis of a German rap song. In the
of a single person is unimportant, e.g., we use ‘they’
final section, the concept‘s potentials and pos- instead of ‘he/she’ and ‘their’ instead of ‘her/his’ in
sible pitfalls will be discussed. these cases.
42Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
ones can determine perceptions of ethnicity tity via new dimensions of comparison is depen-
within society (Wimmer 2008; Bös 2015). dent on the majority group members’ accep-
In order for the first strategy to work, it would tance (Tajfel 1981: 287). If they negate the new
require the possibility of changing from one dimension‘s legitimacy, the re-evaluation will not
ethnicity to another. However, non-changeable work. Likewise, the attribution of positive value
or hard-to-change attributes make it virtu- judgments in order to achieve a re-evaluation
ally impossible to switch between ethnicities. of one‘s social identity has the same limitation.
Although these features’ significance might Again, it depends on the majority group, which
empirically decline in certain segments of the can reframe a positive attribution in a different
population at specific points in time (Canan and way than minority group members intended, or
Simon 2018), this does not mean that they van- adopt an opposite standpoint, thereby under-
ish entirely. On the contrary, some of them might mining the minority group‘s efforts (Boxill 1992:
gain in importance (again) or are simply replaced 12). Lastly, the compensatory comparison with
by others (Appiah 2015; Canan and Foroutan another group that is even lower within the hier-
2016a: 35-37). archy is only an evasion action. It does not alter
Direct competition (the third strategy), in turn, the overall system of prevalent group positions
can be an option to achieve parity and equal and connotations.
recognition, but it is a long process with several To sum up, SIT’s strategies to escape unfavor-
stages that does not guarantee success (Tully able categorizations do not work for individu-
2000).3 Therefore, social competition does not als who experience exclusion on the basis of
immediately result in re-evaluation or complete their ascribed ethnic affiliation, as the existing
recognition of the excluded group and one’s own power imbalance between a dominant majority
social identity – if anything, this would only be and subordinate minority group(s) impedes any
possible in the long run. attempt to do so.
Ultimately, the only viable strategy appears to
be the second one. At first glance, this approach Multiple Social Categorization
allows for a re-evaluation of a negatively con- The initial question remains: How can a posi-
noted social identity. Nevertheless, scrutinizing tive social identity be attained – an identity that
this strategy as well as Tajfel’s remarks (1981: could play a vital role in the long struggle for rec-
285-287) about it reveal obstacles. The efficacy ognition and, moreover, be persistent enough to
regarding the re-evaluation of one’s social iden- endure this process?
Surprisingly, research about social identity
3 According to Tajfel and Turner (1986), the success has not pursued this question. The idea of Mul-
of minority groups’ collective actions depends main- tiple Social Categorization presents a promising
ly on two factors: the groups’ perceived illegitimacy
approach that allows for various group identities
and the instability of rigid stratification systems. For
example, in the wake of the civil rights movement in to become salient at the same time, mixing up in-
the U.S., the black population’s access into many ar- and out-group memberships and thus reducing
eas was opened. This development was, on the one negative evaluations of the (former) out-group
hand, due to civil rights organizations’ insistence on
pointing out the illegitimacy of black people’s exclu- members in many cases (Crisp and Hewstone
sion, and, on the other hand, due to the fact that this 2006). However, negative evaluations are usu-
exclusion did not conform to modern constitutional ally not dissolved entirely (Crisp and Hewstone
democracy’s values (Franklin and Moss 1988). None-
1999). It is even possible that one out-group
theless, achieved successes do not necessarily re-
sult in an overall and comprehensive recognition of category (e.g., religious affiliation) can be more
excluded groups. Instead, systematic differences be- salient and dominate other categories (e.g., edu-
tween groups in different domains of society can still cational achievement), undermining the poten-
exist as a result of discrimination, which is not always
visible at first glance (Nagel 1994; Reeves 2017). tial positive effects of multiple categorizations
43NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Coşkun Canan and Albrecht Hänig
(Canan and Foroutan 2016b). Therefore, ethnic Hybrid Ethnic-Cultural Stylization
boundaries continue to be prevalent even under Hybridity and the ‘Third Space’
conditions of multiple social categorization. One way to dissolve the binary structure of eth-
nic categorization is the concept of hybridity
Ethnocentrism and the idea of the so-called ‘Third Space’. This
Which other options exist in order to dissolve the postcolonial approach by Bhabha (1994) rejects
binary structure of ethnic in- and out-group(s)? the existence of fixed binaries on the ground of
As indicated before, relevant strategies’ success ethnicity or other identitarian categories. Every
is linked to the majority group’s dominant posi- cultural encounter needs to pass the ‘Third
tion – do the majority group members accept Space’ – an in-between space of cultural enun-
new dimensions of comparison and attribution ciation – where meaning is negotiated and trans-
of values, or do they not? A possible solution lated constantly. According to Bhabha, the pro-
must consider that majority group members’ cess of hybridity relies on the idea that cultural
responses always have the potential to be nega- difference is a social construction, since culture
tive, and that formerly positive reactions can itself is a symbolic activity that is always subject
always be withdrawn. One solution would be to to ambivalence. More concretely, ‘the mean-
avoid exposure to the majority group members’ ing and symbols of culture have no primordial
categorizations altogether. A strategy of segrega- unity or fixity; that even the same signs can be
tion combined with or based on ethnocentrism appropriated, translated, rehistoricized, and
would, as a political tool, be able to accomplish read anew’ (Bhabha 1994: 37). The ‘Third Space’
this: Minority group members could stick with understood in this way is a source of subversive
their own kind, avoiding any exposure to the power: The translation of the dominant sym-
majority group’s social categorization and forg- bols and representations by the marginalized
ing a positive social identity based on their eth- produces reinterpretation, impurification, and
nocentrism. hybridization of the hegemonic signs and mean-
Upon a closer look, this strategy turns out to ings (Ha 2015: 68). It undermines natio-ethno-
be only superficially beneficial in the context of cultural homogeneity (Mecheril 2003). The idea
migration and integration. It might even be dis- of hybridity illustrates that ethnic categories and
advantageous for individuals with a migration boundaries are merely constructions subjected
background. Besides segregation‘s socio-eco- to alterity and ongoing reinterpretation. Never-
nomical downsides for minority groups (Wiley theless, individuals with a migration background
1967), ethnic boundaries would actually be rein- – especially those with racialized markers – can
forced, thereby amplifying the logic of social cat- be confronted with persistent ethnic categoriza-
egorization, which ultimately leads to the recip- tions in their daily lives because social interac-
rocal preference for one’s own ethnicity and dis- tions rather take place in social contexts than in
crimination against the respective out-group(s). an ideal ‘Third Space’ (Guarnizo and Smith 1998;
In the end, due to its more powerful position, the Friedman 1997). Given these constraints, hybrid
dominant majority group would come out on top ethnic-cultural stylization represents a feasible
in this contest of categorizations. concretization or expansion of hybridity, a prac-
As all strategies presented so far do not ade- tice that considers the embeddedness of indi-
quately tackle the issue at hand, we will present viduals in social contexts more thoroughly and
an alternative approach called hybrid ethnic-cul- offers a practical strategy.
tural stylization in the following section.
The Emergence of Styles
The concept of hybrid ethnic-cultural stylization
refines the idea of social creativity. It unfolds the
44Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
conditions under which ethnic out-group catego- pendency and simultaneousness of hetero- and
ries’ re-evaluation could work – even if processes homogenizing forces in the emergence and
of disadvantageous categorization continue to change of ethnicities (Tiesler 2018: 200, 212). The
exist in society. In contrast to social creativity as idea of stylization in the context of migration and
proposed by SIT, hybrid ethnic-cultural styliza- integration can be incorporated into the frame-
tion enables social identity’s re-evaluation with work of EHG. It stands for switchings between
minority groups’ own innovative categories inde- different social-cultural contexts, in which indi-
pendent of majority group members’ stance. viduals with a migration background learn and
The term stylization makes recourse to White’s get to know their attributed and socially con-
concept of style and designates the formation of structed ethnic identities. These ethnic identities
collective sensibilities, i.e., shared ways of per- are ascribed to them, or they choose them based
ceiving and acting in the social world (White on perceived differences in practices or physical
2008: 113-114). In White’s network-theoretical appearance. They are constructed under condi-
approach, a style is ‘a dynamic and self-repro- tions of ethnoheterogenesis, where processes
ducing amalgam of profiles of switchings among of ethno-homogenization (ethnic stereotyping)
distinct network-domains’ (White et al. 2007: and ethno-heterogenization (hybrid ethnicity)
197) that ‘ties together disparate identities at take place, thereby shifting ethnic boundaries.
other levels’ and predetermines the ‘interpretive Hybrid ethnic-cultural styles then encapsulate
tone’ in given social situations (Corona and God- these processes driven by the individuals’ cross-
art 2009; White et al. 2007). It emerges and is over switchings among different ethnic-cultural
deployed over time through ongoing switchings contexts (e.g., speaking German at school and
across social-cultural contexts, thereby encapsu- Turkish at home, see Canan 2015; Schneider and
lating a set of values (White 1994) and expressing Lang 2014). In other words, a hybrid ethnic-cul-
itself through implicit or explicit codes (Godart tural style emerges out of these switchings. The
and White 2010). Style is a scale-invariant social- most intriguing expression of this style is prob-
cultural formation that can occur on different ably the usage of different languages in the same
levels (micro-meso-macro) (White 2008: 113). It conversation employing and generating new
is a dynamic and stochastic approach induced by translanguaging identities (Li and Zhu 2013). Not
the process of ongoing switchings. In this sense, only does this process challenge homogeneous
it is a source of change and innovation, even if constructed identities (Bhabha 1994), but it also
it itself may not be changed easily (White 2008: creates new creolized forms of ethnic identities
114). For example, a group of painters assem- (Hannerz 1992).
bling various painting techniques and subjects We use the term hybrid ethnic-cultural style to
can switch among them and create a new style refer to the social temporal manifestation of this
that later receives its own name (e.g., impres- type of hybridization. Under certain social for-
sionism) (White and White 1993: 114-117). mations and over time, individuals acquire their
own sensibility for their ethnic identity. This pro-
Ethnoheterogenesis of Hybrid Ethnic-Cultural cess can lead to the emergence of new concepts
Styles of ethnicity (Canan 2015). In concrete terms,
Ethno-cultural changes and the emergence of individuals with a migration background – who
new ethnic-cultural formations are characteristic consider themselves as members of the major-
of ethnoheterogeneous societies (Tiesler 2017; ity, but differ from autochthonous individuals in
Claussen 2013). Ethnoheterogenesis (EHG) is an terms of perceived phenotypical characteristics
analytical framework that deals with these new – can develop distinct sensibilities for ethnic cat-
diversities as well as the multiplicity of ethnic egorizations resulting in new concepts of ethnic-
memberships by highlighting both the interde- ity (e.g., being both German and Turkish at the
45NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Coşkun Canan and Albrecht Hänig same time) (Canan 2015; Schneider and Lang this style of re-evaluation may affect those situa- 2014; Schubert 2006). tions as well – e.g., excluded individuals who may The question then arises: How can hybrid eth- feel empowered to respond to disadvantageous nic-cultural styles contribute positively to one’s categorization can resist and confront individu- self-concept when majority group members do als or norms that uphold ethnic out-grouping not necessarily accept new concepts of ethnic- (Lamont et al. 2016: 86). ity? The solution lies in the fact that hybrid eth- Secondly, hybrid ethnic-cultural stylization can nic-cultural styles come with a set of codes and be the ground for social, competitive strategies values (Godart and White 2010; White 1994) to challenge ancestry-based concepts of ethnic- and enable individuals to speak out in their own ity since it ties individuals with similar patterns words from their position of in-betweenness of switchings together and promotes the build- (i.e., being settled between multiple ethnic ing of a community with its own codes and val- identities; see Hall 1990). Moreover, they pro- ues. For example, ancestry-based concepts of mote the formation of a trans-ethnic community ethnicity may already be challenged when indi- where ethnic features used for disadvantage cat- viduals publicly report their experiences of being egorization can be positively re-evaluated (see in-between, thereby representing a new form White 2008: 157-60; also Weber [1922] 2002: of ethnicity (e.g., Bota 2012). A hybrid ethnic- 235-41). cultural style can also tie majority and minority When the re-evaluation of out-group catego- group members together due to its position of ries is hybrid in style, it can positively contribute in-betweeness (e.g., Brettell and Nibbs 2009). to one’s self-concept in two different ways. Firstly, This style is characterized by openness rather the re-evaluation can be carried out in an autar- than by segregation because of its struggles for chic fashion, which is based on the minority group parity and equal recognition within the majority members’ own values and codes. The majority group context. group members cannot decode it because of its hybridity – or, to put it differently: They cannot Intersectionality take a definite stance on it. Majority group mem- Although our focus is on the emergence of bers may learn hybrid ethnic-cultural codes, but hybrid ethnic-cultural styles, questions of class they cannot reproduce the style authentically as and gender also play a vital part in society and, they are neither exposed to the same patterns subsequently, in the ethnic-cultural stylization of switchings across social-cultural contexts nor of individuals (see Winker and Degele 2009). do they experience the same disadvantageous Certain migrant groups and their descendants categorizations. However, they can become sup- are more likely to have unequal access to edu- porters that identify themselves with that style’s cation and job opportunities because of disad- values and expressions. It is important to note vantageous conditions (e.g., low socio-economic that this form of re-evaluation is directed at indi- resources) or ethnic discrimination (Geißler and viduals with a migration background who are Weber-Menges 2008). In addition to the result- disadvantageously categorized in the first place. ing increased likelihood for those groups to end Majority members do not have to decode and up in the lower and more precarious segments consider this re-evaluation in order to exclude of society (Tucci 2018), ethnic stereotyping pro- those individuals. The hybrid re-evaluation is, motes ethnic-homogenization. As a consequence, thus, an effective strategy to resist disadvanta- ethnicity and class blend into each other. In the geous categorizations by contributing to one’s so-called ‘Sarrazin-Debate’ (named after its main conception of self even in cases where individu- instigator) in Germany, for example, Muslims als with a migration background are still experi- with a migration background were stereotyped encing exclusion in certain situations. However, as ‘stupid’ and as ‘having no motivation to inte- 46
Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
grate themselves into the mainstream’ (Haller All three dimensions (ethnicity, gender, and
2012). Individuals with a migration background class) often interact and intertwine with each
may also experience working-class-typical pat- other (Huxel 2014). Hybrid ethnic-cultural styles,
terns of switchings between different contexts therefore, come with many cross-over layers and
(e.g., between deprived neighborhoods as well references to these categories.
as low-level education and one’s place of work). With this in mind, we will illustrate a hybrid
In a similar way, gender can be intertwined ethnic-cultural style utilizing a German rap song
with ethnicity (e.g., ‘dangerous Muslim men’) called Chabos wissen wer der Babo ist (‘Chabos
(Dietze 2017; Spies 2010). According to Connell know who the Babo is’, own translation)4 by
(2005), gender relations are determined by mas- Aykut Anhan in the next section.5
culinities: ‘It is, rather, the masculinity that occu-
pies the hegemonic position in a given pattern of The Hybrid Ethnic-Cultural Stylization of
gender relations, a position always contestable’ Rapper Aykut Anhan
(Connell 2005: 76). This hegemonic position of Rap Music
masculinity is characterized by the subordina- Rap music originally evolved in the USA in the
tion of women (Meuser 2012) and the margin- 1970s during the formation of hip-hop, which
alization of masculinities that do not belong to was developed by African-American and Afro-
the dominant group (e.g., marginalized working- Caribbean youth, and consists of graffiti, break-
class, queer, and/or non-white masculinities; dancing, and rapping (Garofalo 1993: 242; Rose
Connell 2005: 80). 1994: 2). Hip-hop attempts to negotiate the expe-
Even in modern societies, where patterns riences of marginalization, brutally truncated
of gender relations have changed and hege- opportunity, and oppression within the cultural
monic masculinity is contested, the subordina- imperatives of African-American and Afro-Carib-
tion of women is still existent in various forms bean history, identity, and community (Rose
(e.g., the gender pay gap; Meuser 2012). Ethni- 1994: 21). From its onset, rap music has there-
cally out-grouped men cannot reach hegemonic fore been political and controversial. It reflects a
masculinity because of their marginalized posi- complex relationship in US-American society, but
tion. However, they are frequently stereotyped also maintains ambivalent characteristics of the
as ‘patriarchal’– interweaving ethnicity and black experience as a whole (Perry 2004: 27). It
gender (Huxel 2014). The marginalized position represents a form of oppositional culture in the
and ethnic stereotypes therefore determine the face of racial formation and institutional discrim-
masculinity and switchings of those men (e.g., ination (Martinez 1997). Violent and misogynist
peers and male family members with marginal-
4 If not otherwise specified, italics in quotations
ized masculinities). Confronted with a lack of
(marking translations) are a hybrid or foreign lan-
life chances and external perception about the guage that cannot be translated into English easily.
5 The track falls into a category of rap that is often
‘hyper-masculine Other’, they may also choose to
incorporate the ascribed ethnic stereotypes and described as gangsta rap as it features violent and
graphic content. While we do not want to condone or
embrace patriarchal positions (see Huxel 2014: embrace the glorification of violence, we would like
260-261). Consequently, women with a migra- to point out three important aspects why we have still
tion background can become targets of hege- chosen this particular track. (1) We do believe social
science should study all domains of society even if
monic and marginalized masculinities – a situ- they do not adhere to all standards of public morality.
ation which imposes role switchings in family- (2) Anhan’s statements should be, at least partly, read
related contexts (e.g., housekeeping and child- as a reflection of his life in a society that does fea-
ture violence, injustices, and inequality. (3) Rap is an
raising) (see El-Mafaalani and Toprak 2011) and
art form in which hyperbole and indignities are often
reinforces respective ethnic stereotypes in the used to ‘battle’ other rappers lyrically. These state-
majority society. ments, thus, should not always be taken literally.
47NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Coşkun Canan and Albrecht Hänig
lyrics can be a facet of rap, especially of so- and he grew up in socio-economically precari-
called gangsta rap (Armstrong 2001). The music ous conditions. After experiencing a family trag-
industry also cultivates this problematic way of edy, he quit school and started to sell drugs
expressing the ambivalence of the black experi- (Anhan 2014a, b, c). His ethnoheterogeneous
ence (Weitzer and Kubrin 2009; Dyson 2004). background is indicating an upbringing with a
When hip-hop came to Germany in the 1980s, potential for a hybrid ethnic-cultural style – a
it had a strong appeal among the marginalized characteristic that is reflected in his diction. He is
migrant youth (Verlan and Loh 2015). However, also imitating other ethnic-cultural identities in
the migrant experience played a subordinate his songs by using the corresponding codes (e.g.,
role when German rap music became popular in French language). In addition, we interpret the
Germany. Instead, inoffensive rap that dealt with practice of calling himself an Azzlack as a desig-
middle-class issues dominated the genre in the nation of his own ethnic-cultural hybridity. The
1990s (Lütten and Seeliger 2017: 91). This changed term Azzlack that appears frequently in his songs
in the 2000s: German rap addressing urban mar- is also the name of his first record (‘Azzlack Ste-
ginality successfully moved into the mainstream. reotyp’), and eventually became his label’s name.
In the second phase of this development, in the Azzlack is composed of the two words ‘asozial‘
2010s, rapper Aykut Anhan (Haftbefehl)6 started and ‘Kanak‘. Both expressions have negative
explicitly addressing migrant hybrid identities connotations in Germany. The first one is used
in his songs (Hujer 2013). Other rap artists such to label socially marginalized groups (Zifonun
as Erol Huseinćehaj and Abderrahim El Ommali 2010), while the second one is a derogatory term
(Celo and Abdi), Reyhan Şahin (Lady Bitch Ray), for foreign groups, especially those with a Turk-
or Vladislav Balovatsky (Capital Bra) also have ish background that came as migrant laborers to
made use of hybrid ethnic-cultural styles. Germany in the context of labor force recruit-
Besides, rap must be understood in terms of ment in the 1960s and 1970s (Niebling 2017).
intersectionality, where ethnicity, gender, and Anhan points out in an interview that Azzlack
class categories interact with each other (Seeli- is the opposite of dazlak. According to him,
ger 2012). However, we are mainly interested in dazlak is Turkish and means ‘Nazi’. He states that
hybrid ethnic-cultural styles, which is why we will ‘an Azzlack is a Kanak who is against the Nazis‘
focus on how the lyrics are presented linguisti- (Anhan 2014b). He re-evaluates two negatively
cally rather than on what is told. connoted expressions (asozial and Kanak) by cre-
ating a positively connoted new term (Azzlack)
Azzlack Hybrid Style that stands for resistance against right-wing
We have chosen the track ‘Chabos know who the extremism. This approach is similar to the strat-
Babo is’ because of its cultural significance as it egy used by the writer Feridun Zaimoglu, who
introduced the word babo to a broader audience redefined the word Kanak in the 1990s by calling
and became Germany’s youth ‘word of the year’ it a ‘prideful defiance’ (1995: 9; own translation).
in 2013.7 In his book, Zaimoglu created twenty-four por-
Anhan was born in Germany in 1985 as the son trayals of individuals with Turkish background by
of a Zaza-Kurdish father and a Turkish mother, asking them ‘How is living in Germany as Kanak?’.
The interviews reveal a sort of hybrid usage of the
6 German language that he coins ‘Kanak Sprak’8.
Stage names in brackets.
7 The youth word of the year is a prize ‘in which the
public and then a jury choose the word that best sums
up current youth culture. It is an initiative of the dic-
tionary publisher Langenscheidt in cooperation with 8 This term means ‘Kanak language’, but is purpose-
a youth forum and two youth-focused magazines’ fully spelled and pronounced in an incorrect way. The
(Early 2013). correct German spelling would be Kanakensprache.
48Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
‘Chabos Know Who the Babo Is’ as an Example linking both described terms syntactically. Hence,
for a Hybrid Ethnic-Cultural Style all three different languages contribute to the
In his track, Anhan uses several different linguis- title’s semantic meaning. These three symbolic
tic, historic, and pop-cultural references, which systems form an ethnoheterogeneous unity that
altogether constitute a mixture of ethnic-cultural transcends the boundary of each single linguistic
codes. These references can only be understood community. In doing so, the meaning becomes
in their entirety, thereby forming a context of apparent: The ‘lads’ or ‘brothers’, here are
meaning. In other words, only if one is able to understood as underlings, and know who is the
decipher the different ethnic-cultural semiotic ‘superior’ or ‘boss’. This presented method of jug-
systems and put them into relation to each other, gling different ethnic-cultural symbol systems is
the text’s unity (i.e., meaning) emerges – a unity replicated throughout the whole track.
that is more than the sum of its particular parts. In the second line (see Appendix), the artist
We have coined such a social formation a hybrid places the Turkish word abi directly behind the
ethnic-cultural style. The artist‘s polyglot way of abbreviation Hafti (short for his stage name Haft-
speaking incorporates the languages of German, befehl, which is German for ‘warrant’), thereby
English, French, Italian, Turkish, Kurdish, Zaza9, juxtaposing himself (represented by his German
and Arab. At the same time, he uses symbols of stage name) and the Turkish language, as both
pop culture, like popular combat styles, which cultures (among others) have influenced his iden-
have their origins or, at least, a point of refer- tity. Abi refers to either an older gentleman that
ence mainly in East Asia, but are practiced glob- connotes respect, or an older brother. It is also
ally nowadays. common to hear young men in Turkey address
The title ‘Chabos know who the Babo is’ each other with this expression (Biermann 2013).
already establishes a connection between indi- The rest of the line is, again, composed of Ger-
vidual languages: Whereas Chabos stems from man parts, which together with the Turkish word
the medieval sociolect Rotwelsch and translates abi jointly form the content.
to ‘lads’ in colloquial speech10, babo11 means In the track’s hook, and similarly to the track’s
‘boss’ or, more generally, a respected person in title, Anhan makes use of even more compre-
Zaza language (Biermann 2013; Maciej 2015).12 hensive ethnic-cultural cross-over switchings.
A couple of German words complete the title, He links three instead of just two ethnic-cultural
codes (i.e., distinct languages) in line five. He
9 Zaza language is the ‘language of an ethnic group
blends them into a collective whole that is only
in the eastern part of Turkey in Eastern Anatolia’
(Maciej 2015, own translation). Whether Zaza is a comprehensible in its entirety and, for the pur-
Kurdish dialect or represents its own individual lan- pose of intelligibility, cannot be reduced to one
guage is part of an ongoing political debate. However, of its three parts. In order to understand this
academic researchers of Iranology tend to classify
it as its own language, setting it apart from Kurdish passage, it is necessary to draw on all three
(Arslan 2016: 2-7). ethnic-cultural semiotic systems: Attention is
10 In one news article, Chabo is also translated to
pronounced French, signifying ‘caution’ or ‘dan-
a ‘pawn on the chessboard of life’ (Rapp 2013, own
translation).
ger’, while the Turkish harakets stands for ‘move-
11 A slightly different explanation reads as follows: ment’ or, colloquially, for ‘Do not move!’. In con-
‘Babo is a local form of baba, the standard Turkish junction with the remaining German words and
word for “father”. It [i.e., babo] is mainly used in East-
the following line, a demand is voiced towards
Anatolia, where it has already become a slang term
for “boss, ruler” among boys and young men […]. And the imagined counterpart to avoid any move-
baba means “father” not only in Turkish but also in ment. Otherwise, the imagined opponent will
Arab’ (Heine 2013, own translation). face harsh consequences. However, as the
12 As Turkish people speak Zaza, the word babo is
sometimes claimed (e.g., by Anhan himself) to be imagined counterpart will only understand this
Turkish. threat of violence if they are able to connect the
49NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Coşkun Canan and Albrecht Hänig
dots, they need to link all three ethnic-cultural context of meaning. In short: He performs with a
codes. hybrid ethnic-cultural style.
Additionally, Anhan uses references to pop This hybrid ethnic-cultural style also com-
culture throughout the text. These symbols usu- prises references to Anhan’s perceptions of class
ally point to specific ethnic-cultural traditions and gender. The passage ‘Still the same Chabo,
that are combined lyrically with each other. One bitch, whom you meet at the train station, snort-
example is Ong-Bak, the title of a Thai martial art ing noses’ reflects Anhan’s socially precarious
movie from 2003, in which the characters per- childhood with limited educational and eco-
form Muay Thai (a combat style originally used nomic opportunity. It was during this time that
in Thailand). Nowadays, it is practiced all over he regularly consumed and sold drugs. As Anhan
the world. Anhan takes Ong-Bak as a symbol tells in an interview, this lifestyle was shared
to describe how Vollkontakt (the German word with many other individuals with a migration
for ‘full contact’, as in ‘full contact when hitting background who struggled to make ends meet
someone’) should be performed. Adding the (Anhan 2014a). On a more general level, it points
French expression à la, he accomplishes a com- to the current precarious situation of many (non-
parison: full contact ‘like’ in the movie Ong-Bak. white/racialized) migrants and their descendants
Further connections to martial arts follow in coming from historically disadvantaged migrant
lines 20 and 21, respectively. In both, several communities, which emerged in Germany in the
ethnic-cultural references are weaved together. context of labor recruitment programs in the
Anhan mocks his imagined opponent for having 1960 and 1970s. Beyond that, the word ‘bitch’
‘Kung Fu’ and ‘Wing Chun’ skills like ‘Bruce Lee’13, in the passage indicates a masculinist imagi-
whereas he, as Anhan raps in the following line, nary. It is predominantly used by men to deni-
would be a master in ‘Kampfstil Tunceli, altmış iki grate other men as weak or in a derogatory way
kurdî’. Kampfstil is the German word for ‘combat towards women (see Baldwin 2004). By using
style’. Tunceli is a Kurdish-dominated province in this term, Anhan displays elements of the patri-
Turkey with the license plate area number sixty- archal migrant masculinity. Lastly, Anhan’s over-
two. This number is called altmış iki in Turkish.14 emphasis of material wealth (‘Hafti Abi is the one
So, his combat style is like the one Kurdish people who sits in the Lambo’ and Ferrari’) stresses the
(kurdî) practice in the area where he – in his own tale ‘from rags to riches’, or the image of the self-
words – ‘comes from’ (Anhan 2013). Hence, in made man coming from a marginalized societal
this polyglot conglomeration of ethnic references position. It can further be understood as an aspi-
and different languages, the artist compares ration to adopt hegemonic masculinity (Seeliger
East-Asian combat styles and a Sino-American 2012).
individual to an imagined combat style Tunceli, It is important to note that Anhan uses ethnic,
using German, Kurdish, and Turkish words. Fus- gender and class references in his raps as many
ing all of these different ethnic-cultural codes, he other German rappers do. By contrast to most
accomplishes to create a new meaningful totality of those other rappers, his usage of those refer-
that is hybrid at its core. He takes these different ences maintains an ethnic-cultural hybrid style.
ethnic-cultural identities, removes them from
their original context, and places them in a new Discussion and Conclusion
Individuals with a migration background who
13 Wing Chun is a form of the Chinese martial art Kung have to deal with disadvantageous ethnic or
Fu (Oxford Dictionary 2019). Bruce Lee, in turn, was
a Hong-Kong and US-American martial artist and ac- racialized categorizations in combination with
tor (among other occupations) trained in Wing Chun homogenizing notions of identity can develop
(Thomas 2008). and strategically deploy new concepts of eth-
14 Including the following word kurdî, the literal trans-
lation would be a ‘62 Kurd’. nicity. We have argued that hybrid stylization
50Hybrid Stylization in Ethnoheterogeneous Societies NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
represents such a strategy, effectively blurring Beyond that, hybrid ethnic-cultural stylization
the lines of supposedly clear-cut ethnic-cultural bears some relevant implications for individuals
boundaries and undermining stereotypical and affected by disadvantageous ethnic categoriza-
homogeneous perceptions of culture. Hybrid tion. Firstly, individuals with a migration back-
ethnic-cultural stylization – based on White’s net- ground may share a sensibility for specific forms
work-theoretical concept of style (White 2008) of ethnic categorization and exclusion, but at
– is the ethnoheterogenous formation of a col- the same time, they could be unaware of other
lective sensibility with its own values and codes. forms of disadvantageous categorization or may
Such a style emerges due to specific patterns even promote them, e.g., anti-Semitic as well
of cross-over switchings among distinct ethnic- as sexist or homophobic stereotypes stemming
cultural contexts and is a source for change and from a masculinist imaginary. As a consequence,
innovation, thereby contributing positively to the purposed re-evaluation of ethnic categories
one’s sense of self. It expresses itself as ‘ “rela- is undermined. For example, Anhan has been
tional” to other minority and majority groups, criticized for anti-Semitic statements in his songs.
as well as “situative” in specific power relations’ In an interview, he admitted that he had grown
(Tiesler 2018: 201). In practice, it enables the up in an environment where anti-Semitism had
proper articulation of individuals’ in-between- been widespread, which had influenced him and
ness and offers a re-evaluation of ethnic catego- sometimes still did, but that he now valued all
ries used for disadvantageous categorizations religions equally (Anhan 2014c).
by majority group members. Moreover, owing Secondly, styles can be conceived of as social,
to its in-betweenness, it can create opportuni- temporal manifestations and undergo constant
ties for social, competitive strategies and diverse change. In the context of migration and integra-
alliances by tying together both the affected tion, every generation may have to build their
individuals with a migration background as well own styles, as social-cultural contexts are con-
as certain members of the majority willing to stantly changing. For example, descendants of
engage in these issues.15 Class and gender cate- migrants, i.e., second-generation youth, can pre-
gories often become intertwined with ethnohet- dominantly switch between different languages
erogenous formations of hybrid ethnic-cultural in monolingual parental homes and monolingual
styles. public schools. Third generation youth may, in
In this article, we exemplified a hybrid ethnic- turn, switch between a bilingual parental home
cultural style with the help of a German rap song and a monolingual public school. Fourth-gener-
by rapper Aykut Anhan. His lyrics are an illustra- ation youth may switch between an assimilated
tion of in-betweenness and latent potentials for monolingual parental home and a monolingual
change and innovation. public school. At the same time, legal rules and
norms may change as well, or disadvantageous
15 We should also be aware that an ambivalence
ethnic categorization may change from blatant
exists in the label ‘person with a migration back-
to more latent forms. These examples also sug-
ground’. On the one hand, it reproduces in- and
gest that completely assimilated individuals with
out-group binaries. On the other hand, it enables
a migration background who still experience cat-
us to make group-based processes of exclusion
egorical exclusion need to create new cultures
and discrimination visible. Our intended under-
of appreciation and develop hybrid ethnic-cul-
standing refers to the second purpose. Never-
tural styles. Otherwise, they might only articu-
theless, the category ‘migration background’ is
late the re-evaluation of ethnic categories in
a construction and a temporal marker that we
an assimilated and non-autarchic way, in which
as researchers need to replace with more fitting
case the re-evaluation’s success still depends on
categories addressing group-based exclusion
the majority’s goodwill. Parents with a migra-
and discrimination in the future (Will 2020).
51NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Coşkun Canan and Albrecht Hänig
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