CHINA IN AFRICA: AN ACT OF NEO-COLONIALISM OR A WIN-WIN RELATIONSHIP? - MASTER THESIS - DIVA
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Master Thesis
China in Africa:
An act of Neo-colonialism or a win-win
relationship?
Author: Pontus Karlsson
Supervisor: Anders Persson
Examiner: Emil Uddhammar
Term: VT 2020
Subject: International Affairs
Level: Masters level
Course code: 5SK30E
Abstract This study aims to bring clarity to a discussion of whether the Chinese relationship with Africa can be regarded as an act of Neo-colonialism or if it contains Neo-colonial elements. As China has increasingly engaged with the continent giving extensive amounts of foreign aid and loans as well as intensifying their trade relations, the question arises whether or not this can be connected to Neo-colonial dynamics. This study will use a newly constructed framework with the help of the Neo-colonial theory, different definitions by scholars will be used to create the framework, and the basis for this analysis. The research approach is a qualitative design and the research design is a case study with a focus on China’s engagement in Africa. This study finds that there are Neo-colonial elements in the processes of engagement exercised by China on the African continent in some of the variables used in the constructed theoretical framework. Lastly, this study argues that African states must be increasingly cautious when exporting raw materials and in letting private Chinese companies invest and buy shares in important African domestic sectors.
Keywords
Neo-colonialism, Political influence, Cultural Influence, Economic influence,
Foreign investment, Foreign directed aid.
Acknowledgments
This thesis is dedicated to my late father who supported and inspired me to
finish this master, you will forever be loved. I would also like to express my
appreciation to my supervisor, Anders Persson, for sharing his knowledge and
support during the process.
Table of contents
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Problem statement/Purpose of the study 3
1.2 Critical Theory 4
1.3 The relevance of the study 5
1.4 Aim of contribution 6
1.5 Research questions 7
2 Previous Research 8
2.1 Colonialism in Africa: 8
2.2 British and French Colonialism 11
2.3 British indirect rule vs French direct rule 11
2.4 Labor policy and Education 13
2.5 British vs French economic strategies 14
2.6 China’s role in Africa 16
2.6.1 Constructive approaches 17
2.6.2 Connecting previous research and this study 19
3 Theory 20
3.1 Framing Neo-colonialism 20
3.2 Different approaches to Neo-colonialism 22
3.3 Theoretical framework 26
3.3.1 Key variables 26
3.3.2 Contribution of the scholars 27
3.4 Variables studied 29
3.5 Operationalization 29
3.5.1 Political influence 29
3.5.2 Cultural influence 30
3.5.3 Economic influence 30
3.6 Research design: 31
3.7 The material used in this study 34
3.8 Validity, Reliability, and Generalizability 35
4 Analysis: 38
4.1 Political influence: 38
4.1.1 Military Presence/Weapons export: 38
4.1.2 Hegemonic approaches in politics 41
4.1.3 Chinese influence of Policy-Making 44
4.2 Cultural influence 46
4.2.1 Education 46
4.2.2 Technological know-how 47
4.2.3 Literature & Media 49
4.3 Economic influences 51
4.3.1 Foreign direct investment: 51
4.3.2 Multinational Corporations 53
4.3.3 Trade policies 55
4.3.4 Export/Import 58
4.3.5 Foreign aid to Africa 60
4.4 Results 63
4.4.1 What elements of Neo-colonialism, if any, can be located through the
utilization of the variables chosen in the theoretical framework? 63
4.4.2 Can the previous literature from 19th-century colonialism relate to
how China is acting towards Africa today? 66
4.4.3 To what extent, if any, does China’s relationship with Africa contain
Neo-colonial elements? 67
5 Conclusion 69
5.1 Four main conclusions 69
5.1.1 The increasing culture and media influence in Africa 69
5.1.2 The polarizing debate regarding Sino-optimism vs Sino-skepticism70
5.1.3 Increased political support for China in the UN 70
5.1.4 Where can the limits of Neo-colonialism be drawn? 71
5.2 Theoretical and methodological conclusions 71
5.2.1 Limitations 72
5.3 Recommendations for Future studies 72
6 List of references: 73
Figures: Figure 1 p.43: World Bank Economic Review (2016). Top ten sectors: Chinese FDI in Africa, 1998-2012. In Bangkok post, https://www.bangkokpost.com/business/1372023/chinas-road-to-growth-in- africa. Accessed: 3 May. 2020. Figure 2 p.53: The Statistical Bulletin of China’s Outward Foreign Direct Investment, UNCTAD Bilateral Debt Statistics (2020). Chinese FDI vs. US FDI to Africa, Flow. In China Africa Research Initiative, Chinese investment in Africa. http://www.sais-cari.org/chinese-investment-in-africa. Accessed: 16 Apr. 2020. Figure 3 p.56: The Beijing AXIS (2008) Selected Chinese Infrastructure Projects in Africa. In The China Sourcing Blog. http://www.chinasourcingblog.org/2010/10/cement.html. Accessed: 30 Apr. 2020. Figure 4 p.59: United Nations Comtrade. (2020) China-Africa trade. In China Africa Research Initiative, China-Africa Trade. http://www.sais- cari.org/data-china-africa-trade. Accessed: 16 Apr. 2020. Figure 5 p.61: China’s Ministry of Finance (2020). China’s global foreign aid expenditure. In China Africa Research Initiative, Chinese foreign aid. http://www.sais-cari.org/data-chinese-foreign-aid-to-africa. Accessed: 25 Apr. 2020. Figure 6 p.62: Horn, Reinhart, and Trebesch: China’s Overseas Lending, Kiel Institute for the World Economy (2019). The Countries Most in Debt to China. In Statista, The Countries Most in Debt to China. https://www.statista.com/chart/19642/external-loan-debt-to-china-by- country/. Accessed: 5 May. 2020.
1 Introduction
The intensity in the dimensions of finance and economy in the relation
between China and Africa since the end of the 1990s has generated a debate
whether it is balanced in the case of the least industrialized countries found in
Africa. The product of this type of relationship has generated the terminology
of Neo-colonialism or Neo-imperialism and has been a key subject of study
for scholars (Lumumba, 2011:234-235).
According to Pilling & Feng (2019), there is an estimation of over 10 000
Chinese companies operating in Africa and between the years of 2000 and
2014, the percentage went from 2 percent to 55 percent of the US levels of
investments in the continent. The prevalent investments and the number of
companies settling down on the continent have created worrying thoughts on
what the motivation really is behind this sudden increase. The Chinese
government along with its private companies has overlooked the political and
humanitarian rights when targeting investment on the continent and instead
focused on pleasing the oppressive governments in order to trade. Timothy &
Recker (2013:61) asks the question of whether these investments truly benefit
the African people or not, as of this far they argue that little has happened in
terms of benefits for the people of Africa. Furthermore, Chen & Nord, (2017:
1,9) enhances that 70 percent of the export goods such as fuel, metals, and
other minerals went to China in 2014 while most of the goods imported to
Africa from China are already manufactured material. In addition, they argue
that China is targeting African states with an increased foreign direct
investment (FDI) but also provides loans and an estimation done by the IMF
shows that the external debt to China has increased from 2 percent to 15
percent due to the frequent amount of lending to these states.
1(89)
As an explanatory factor, Jauch (2011:50) argues that the African
governments frequently have a positive approach to the offers of trade as well
as the aid and investments China is offering. Jauch (2011:50) further points
out that many African governments choose Chinese investments over western
investments due to the “No strings attached” approach which satisfies the
governments since there are no structural adjustment programs that they must
adapt to, by 2009 China had become Africa’s largest trading partner. Some of
the increasingly prominent criticisms of the China-African relations are first
of all that China is trying to lure their investment subjects into debt traps with
their frequent loans. Another criticism by Jauch that has been discussed is that
of the relations being presented as Neo-imperialistic or that it involves
elements of Neo-colonialism, conducted by China in the weaker but resource-
rich African states.
From another perspective, some of the criticism that occurs comes from
thoughts and opinions that see China’s empowerment over trade in Africa as
a threat to both the trade relations of Africa and the West as well as the western
security. Obi (2019: 12) enhances the discussion regarding the opinions that
traditional western aid conditions, as well as its effectiveness, might be
threatened by China’s increasing influence on the continent.
Lastly, there are those who believe that Chinese investments serve as neither
of these criticisms but rather as the other way around. Jian & Frasheri (2014:
193) see the Chinese investments and loans as an opportunity to elevate the
subject state’s own economic independence in the long run and that this
relationship is a promotion of decolonization rather than a new form of it.
The above-mentioned debate justifies a study where the objective is to try and
create an increasingly understandable knowledge about how the Chinese
investments should be construed as the current debate and academic articles
generate a confusing thought to the matter. The position of this debate will
approach the situation in a neutral yet critical position. Consequently, this is
2(89)important as there seems to be a polarization between pro-China and anti-
China agendas that permeates the debate with an already preconceived
standpoint as will be briefly mentioned further down.
1.1 Problem statement/Purpose of the study
The discussion as briefly portrayed in the aforementioned part paves the way
for this study. The prominent Chinese activity on the continent has been
targeted with critique regarding the risks of Neo-colonialism furthermore of
investing and granting loans into weaker states. This study sets out to analyze
the role of China and to answer potential questions regarding its role on the
continent as well as the potential risks and to try and answer questions whether
there are enactments of Neo-colonialism or Neo-colonial elements taking
place with the Chinese presence. What this study aims to do is to conduct a
case study on Chinese activity.
Key areas of analysis will take place in a constructed theoretical framework to
make it easier for the reader to understand the study of the Chinese case. This
analysis will use the previous research of 19th-century colonialism in Africa
where colonial powers used their superiority to extract resources and import
resources in an unbalanced non-beneficial way with the colonized states.
Certain key areas will be analyzed in the old colonization and the theory
together with a case study on how the Chinese activity potentially or if at all
could relate to them will take place.
To narrow the timeline of old colonialism down, the study will analyze
colonization as it looked in the mid-19th to the beginning of the 20th century
and the timeline for China will circulate around the 21st century. The theory
used in this study is the theory of Neo-colonialism where a theoretical
framework will be created including the key variables made by scholars such
as Glen Segell and Rosi Braidotti among others. This theoretical framework
3(89)will also serve as the criteria to try and locate the areas where there is a
potential risk of Neo-colonialism taking place.
1.2 Critical Theory
The theoretical framework will also consist of two of the founders of the theory
of Neo-colonialism Jean-Paul Sartre and Kwame Nkrumah. Although
Nkrumah has been given the credit of coining the term of Neo-colonialism by
etc. (Rahaman, 2017:9) the first recorded usage of the term was by Sartre
(Afisi, n.d). As these authors are Marxist and take a radical stance against
capitalism their contribution to this study will be carefully made by choosing
elements that fit within the new framework. Furthermore, they also contribute
to this study as critical theory.
According to Ferreira (2018: 1), critical theory sets out to critique the
oppressive social practices and institutions and enhance emancipation by
forwarding ideas of universal social justice. Furthermore, critical theory is also
explained as being transformative in the original thought due to the notion of
wanting to change national societies and international relations as well as the
increasingly combined global community. Critical theory is a mix between
different ideological approaches such as Marx and his critique toward the
industrialized society and capitalism which would eliminate it as well as
through Kantian critical philosophy.
Lastly, critical theory merges these strands of ideologies on the same basis as
an idea of the people needing to be freed from the modern state and its
economic system. Therefore, with a critical approach, Nkrumah and Sartre
having a prevalent part of the coining of Neo-colonialism will be cautiously
implemented within the theoretical framework as well.
4(89)1.3 The relevance of the study
The study inhabits social relevance due to the potential risks and backlashes
that may threaten the continent of Africa if yet another merging power makes
use of the fragile governments to extract the resources that otherwise could
generate revenue for the state to help with its development. Thus, the use of
old colonialism coupled together with the theory of Neo-colonialism is
relevant for this study.
The research so far has circulated around a polarization of pro-Chinese
investments on the continent versus those who are against it seeing it as a threat
to the developing world as will be shown further down. However, although the
direct comparison between 19th-century colonialism and Chinese investment
and Neo-colonialism is prevalent within the discussion, this study will try to
create a more recent scenario of the current situation. Many of the studies so
far have made use of Nkrumah’s work as the only source that forms their
theoretical foundation when studying the concept of Neo-colonialism, even
though the concept has developed greatly over time. This study will try to
achieve the possibility to create an understanding of the situation through a
framework that consists of many scholars and their different definitions that
fits within the Neo-colonial theory. The contemporary literature of today
enlightens us with the comparison of old colonialism versus Neo-colonialism
and Chinese investments and Neo-colonialism. By merging these topics
together this study will try to explain the role of China in Africa in an
increasingly distinct way taking the reader through old colonialism, Neo-
colonialism, and the analysis of the Chinese role. By using a new theoretical
framework, the goal is to create a new lens through which this situation can be
understood.
5(89)1.4 Aim of contribution
Academic relevance
This study aims to contribute to the academic relevance through increasing the
knowledge of the situation regarding Chinese investments in Africa and the
potential threats and opportunities. Furthermore, if possible, this work will
create a new foundation where scientists and other scholars may further the
study around this situation as well as creating new theories through a new lens
of understanding by using a new theoretical framework. This study will also
contribute to academic knowledge through my own self-reflection on how to
interpret China’s relationship with the African states (Vigsø, 2014). Bless &
Higson-Smith (2004: 5) explains it as science being a building of knowledge
obtained by a certain methodology explained as the scientific one.
Furthermore, the relevance is also connected to the explanation that scientific
research regards the systematic investigation of a phenomenon or usually a
question using specific principles.
Practical relevance
Through the practical relevance, this study will enhance the analysis of the
function between relationships that China and the African states engage in.
Furthermore, the study will have practical relevance due to trying to detect
potential injustice and unbalanced trade relationships which could be
deteriorating for either of these parts. The study will also have practical
relevance due to its analysis of international affairs on the state level, how and
if a state could potentially not only gain economic beneficiaries but also
political influence over another state. As previously mentioned, this study will
also have relevance where the theory of Neo-colonialism is put into practice.
As Neumann (2005: 209-210) discusses, the theory is chosen or developed
during the data collection process. This means that the theory to a certain
extent is developed through the data findings that are suiting.
6(89)1.5 Research questions
The following research questions have been conceptualized in the orientation
and problem statement of the study
This study will address the following main research questions
- To what extent, if any, does China’s relationship with Africa contain Neo-
colonial elements?
The following sub-questions will inform the main research question:
- Can the previous literature from 19th-century colonialism relate to how
China is acting towards Africa today?
- What elements of Neo-colonialism, if any, can be located through the
utilization of the variables chosen in the theoretical framework?
7(89)2 Previous Research
2.1 Colonialism in Africa:
Even though the general view of colonization in Africa is negative there are
some scholars that oppose the solely negative impact that colonization has had.
Gilley (2018:176, 178) argues that the anti-colonial critique fails on certain
occasions and hence argues that the post-colonial states that were not shrouded
by the anti-colonial approach have had the best developmental processes.
Gilley goes on to explain that the lack of state capacity was the consequence
of a prevalent independence movement throughout Africa, in states that were
not entirely ready to be completely independent. Moreover, he argued that
colonialism made the people move closer to each other if a crime was
committed, people went to the colonial police, people sent their children to
colonial schools, and that people moved from uncolonized to colonized states
all of this through voluntary decision (Gilley 2018:172).
Helen Zille, a South African politician has been criticized for her views of the
positives of colonialism. Zille argues that colonialism contributed to the
nation-state, a developed infrastructure, institutions among others, as positive
inheritances from the colonial rule (Head, 2019). Her argument has stirred up
questions regarding if there is any truth in what is stated? However, her
argument has been faced with criticism outside and within her own political
party as well. Mmusi Maimane responded with a clear statement that the logic
of colonialism paved the way for apartheid as well as it being a system of
oppression and domination (Campbell, 2017).
Juan and Pierskalla (2017: 161-162) have also taken a rather controversial
approach. In their article, they argue that the British indirect rule and
protection of private property later developed to more enhanced civil liberties
and property rights. Furthermore, they enhance the discussion that the artificial
state also to a certain extent implemented indigenous populations in political
8(89)positions without the necessity of national identity. Lastly, according to Juan
and Pierskalla the development of infrastructure contributed to the increased
state capacity as well as the British implementation of institutions as furthering
the contribution of the consolidation of democratic regimes.
Even though Juan and Pierskalla (2017) provide an insight into possible
positive inheritances from the old colonial powers there are contradicting
articles as a response. Zouache (2018:374) propose that European colonialism
and especially its political institutions solely were based on pure domination
which is an increased derogative view of the institutions as to contrast what
was described above. Parent & Butler (2018: 406) enhances another prominent
colonial opponent. According to Juglar (1853), colonization was a form of
military occupation where the economy was permeated with protectionist
policies and where there is an absence of a domestic market. Juglar (1853)
defined it this way due to his conclusion of the absence of clearly defined
property rights and defective institutions.
Emerson (1969: 11-12), emphasizes that the imperialist powers although never
having an altruistic approach or a desire to modernize constructed the
existence of a government and the civil servants have contributed to a channel
with the modernized world. The colonial powers would eventually embrace
the acknowledgment that their responsibilities of providing and maintaining
law and order stretched beyond that. He further argues that the rudiments of
social developments, welfare, and economy among others were implemented
by the colonial governments.
In their work Easterly & Levine (2016:226) enhances the conclusions from
Acemoglu et al. (2001, 2002) and the work of Engerman & Sokoloff (1997).
Their conclusion circulates around the idea that if a colonized state found
resources in an area but not the land to settle on the colonizers would install
only a few settlers there. The small institutions became more authoritative and
solely focused on extracting the resources found. Accordingly, these extractive
9(89)colonies impeded development in the long run. However, if the settlers found
a land that was suitable for them, they instead founded small settlements to
live in that possessed institutions that in the future helped with development.
What Glaeser, La Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes et al. (2004: 293) show in their
statistical analysis is also a positive and contradictory thought circulating
around colonialism. They argue that the institutionalization of the colonial
states accumulated human capital and, in that sense, contributed to economic
growth in the long run even though they agree that there can be other possible
factors involved in the measurement. Easterly & Levine (2016: 253) also
solidify this claim stating that their research suggests that there is a strong
positive correlation between the proportion of Europeans and the level of
economic development today.
Tadei (2018: 184) contrasts with the increasingly unforgiving approach
towards the colonizers. He states that the extractive institutions favored non-
democratic societies and were impeding the development through rent-seeking
behaviors. Moreover, he states that extractive institutions hindered the African
human capital accumulation which hampered economic growth. This is in a
certain contrast, although not entirely different, to what Easterly and Levine
(2016) discuss in their work. Tadei (2018: 203) further argues that the trade
policies were one of the main components in the colonial extraction and that
trade monopsony contributed to unfair pricing toward the African agricultural
producers.
Consequently, the fragile state comes to the risk of the patron-client
relationship, which means that several relationships are created both
domestically and externally. The patron-client relationship is described as the
relationship between superior actors and inferior actors and that these two parts
are engaged in different exchange agreements (Clapham 1985: 59).
10(89)2.2 British and French Colonialism
The reason why British and French colonialism have been chosen for this
study is because of them being frequently used in the approaches of colonial
rule in Africa. Both colonial powers form a dichotomy of strategic colonial
rule that has been widely used by other colonial powers. This dichotomy
consists of the British approach for its administration in more associational
terms and by the French administration for an attempt of assimilation (Havik
2010: 29). By enhancing research on former colonialism, it will be beneficial
to elevate what the original concept consists of which could serve as a bridge
between colonialism and Neo-colonialism.
2.3 British indirect rule vs French direct rule
Britain
As one of the most prominent colonial powers, Britain exerted indirect rule as
the main strategy for ruling their colonies. The main strategy of the ruling by
indirect rule was to mitigate their influence into the colonized society,
especially when it came to an already existing domestic structure. Moreover,
formal domestic traditions were also encouraged to remain intact within the
colonized state. The reason behind the British plan to use indirect rule lies
within the possibility to rule the colonial state and to work in the shadow of an
already existing system and in that sense navigate but also avoid possible
problematization of direct influence within society. This meant that there was
a possibility to augment their power without direct influence in the form of
structural change. In addition, on certain occasions, the British implemented
more power to indigenous chiefs where a clear hierarchical structure was
missing (American Historical Association, 2020).
The indirect rule has been subject to prevalent criticism. (Lange 2009:7)
enhances that one such criticism is that this type of rule can lead to something
11(89)called “Decentralized despotism” where local leaders become powerful
economic and political actors due to the British creating that position for them.
Furthermore, another criticism towards the indirect approach is that the low
administrative capabilities of the colonized state forced or encouraged state
officials to maintain their powerful positions through open and official
coercion. An important implication that Lange (2009:36) is keen to point out
is that states are far from self-developing in areas such as politics and economy
and that states are dependent on a close relationship to society, societal actors
as well as economic actors.
According to Clapham (1985:59), the problem of indirect rule and the
empowerment of new or already existing elites has impeded the merging
together of state and society, this has consequently created a line between
society and those in power which is one of the criteria that could represent a
weak state, something that still permeates many African states.
Lastly, Clapham (1985) states that the indirect rule can be regarded as the
approach of “Association” instead of the direct approach of “Assimilation”
which will be talked about further down. The associational approach was also
more attractive to the domestic leaders of the state as it mitigated the foreign
approach to rule upon the indigenous people.
France
In contrast to indirect rule comes the direct rule conducted by France. The
justification for this approach is due to the vast cultural differences within all
the colonized states in France. Moreover, they believed that the easiest way to
handle this was to implement their own culture within the society to make it
easier to control. The French in comparison to the British dismantled the
indigenous culture, traditions, and other present structures and replaced it with
their own (American Historical Association, 2020).
12(89)According to Brunschwig (1969:161), 1898 was the last year of French
expansion of Africa. The colonial power now started to focus on other
strategies regarding economic flourish. This year is also the year of prevalent
large-scale capitalism in the French colonies.
Furthermore, powerful companies took over trading houses, and these
companies often had a prevalent network of establishments and firms that
created the banks belonging to the colonial states to flourish. At the same time
as many banks started to expand their operations at the end of the 19th and the
beginning of the 20th century, the modern type of firm appeared. They rapidly
grew powerful and would soon dominate the economy of the colonized states.
Lastly, these firms then created extensive trading societies, these trading
societies represented a considerable amount of the investments in the
colonized state (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1969:178-179).
2.4 Labor policy and Education
Britain
The British labor policy was comparatively open in regard to the other
colonizing powers. Recruiting workers and granting them salaries to meet the
needs of the colonized state’s tax income was usual in the British colonized
states. In addition, this type of employment was sometimes attractive enough
to make people from abroad to migrate where this type of work existed which
meant that the British colonial states attracted foreign workers. An example of
this is the case of west Cameroon, where migrant workers both domestically
and from abroad took the opportunity to find work (Lee & Schultz, 2012: 12.).
What the British did to their colonized states was to allow missionaries to
monopolize schools and impose their education on their subjects, which was
taught together with Protestantism. To take Cameroon as an example again,
Protestantism is still prevalent within the western former British parts.
Moreover, the reason why the British wanted to monopolize the schools even
13(89)though they had an indirect approach was due to the will of implementing their
religion as well as to save money (Lee & Schultz, 2012: 13).
France
The French re-imposed labor taxes on their subjects especially in railway
construction for example in Cameroon. They furthermore also implemented a
working policy that could be interpreted as nothing else than slavery. The
workers were unpaid, poorly treated, while the death rate increased (Lee &
Schultz, 2012: 13).
In the case of education, the difference lies in the fact that France was more
involved in the social part of society. In east Cameroon, only two-thirds of the
children in the French part attended mission schools. Furthermore, they
actively engaged in favoritism where the Catholic church was prioritized over
the Protestant. The French also educated and implemented French into the
country whereas today French is the second language of east Cameroon (Lee
& Schultz, 2012: 13).
2.5 British vs French economic strategies
Britain
According to Pedler (1975: 98-99), the British economic strategy during their
colonization was very much based on private enterprise and planning. The
colonial power chartered different companies both in the transport sector as
well as in the production sector. Firms joined together to be able to charter
whole areas in a territory and to become more powerful. The increasing export
rate made the colonial governments obtain the requirement of developing and
increasing the efficiency of transportation infrastructure. To pay for this
infrastructure the British government imposed taxes on the Africans as well as
investing in loans or grants. However, many of the railways, ports, and other
infrastructures were built by private companies (Pedler 1975: 101).
14(89)Athow & Blanton, (2002: 25) further cement the idea of British indirect rule
stating that the British were not interested in assimilation but rather focused
on the planning of the economy on a macro level. The British instead divided
colonies along with cultural or ethnic basis and managed these groups against
each other. The dividing of power was prevalent within the economic policies,
minimizing direct involvement paved the way for the increased presence of
private enterprises to exploit the wealth of these colonies and to provide
private revenue for the state.
Lastly, Athow & Blanton, (2002: 27) argues that a significant point that
exacerbated the colonized states was the British allowance of trade
monopolies. The effects of these monopolies showed the permeated control
that the British imposed on their target state.
France
At the end of the 19th century, the private companies in the colonized states
had a prevalent rise in power, creating a chain reaction to bigger expansion
and increased cultivated areas. However, increasing production and export
exacerbated the demand for effective transport. This, in turn, led to mercantile
interests and played a prevalent role in the policies aimed at the construction
of new railways. The economic development later took a negative downturn
as west Africa started to absorb more products than she could send out and
could only pay with money generated from the metropolitan state. It was later
clear that colonization based on capital was necessary. The new monopolistic
system of commerce in Congo showed an example of how companies could
control a large part of territories, forty-one companies shared 70 percent of
state territory. (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1969: 179-180,188).
15(89)2.6 China’s role in Africa
The literature review on China’s role in Africa shows that there is an
increasingly polarized debate whether China is taking advantage of the fragile
states in Africa subjecting them to Neo-colonialism or if the investments made
are a prominent possibility of development for them.
Firstly, there is a need to explain what Chinese foreign trade is based upon and
how we should comprehend it throughout this study. According to McNally
(2012: 749-750), China’s economic system should be regarded as Sino-
capitalism. Sino-capitalism can be regarded as hybrid capitalism consisting of
several institutional arrangements that consist of market-oriented and statist
strategies. With the Chinese entering the globalized market it has further been
influenced by the Anglo-American values which have contributed to the
Chinese market to some extent being influenced by Market liberal forms of
capitalism. Moreover, private Chinese businesses have gained prominence as
the Marketization and capital accumulation has further developed. China has
also opened more to foreign direct investment and has also developed an
export-based market with a statist, market-based, and liberal values in order to
gather capital and to integrate foreign technology (McNally 2012:755, 758).
Antwi-Boateng (2017: 179) highlights the discussion regarding the role that
China plays in Africa today. He enhances the discussion regarding Sino-
pessimism as being the camp for western scholars and policy actors that
accuses China of colonizing the continent and that the economic and political
policies can be related to the “new scramble for Africa”. In addition, the Sino-
optimists consists of African scholars and policymakers that welcomes the
opportunities made possible by the increasing Chinese investments as well as
seeing it as a wanted departure of the western influence.
According to Antwi-Boateng (2017:191-192), China has found a way to
legitimize their Neo-colonialism through multilateralism and cooperation to
16(89)navigate their international regime and institutions. The strategy of
multilateralism is meant to support China’s export-oriented economy which
also has contributed to their exploitation of Africa.
In their work Mlambo, Kushamba, Simawu (2016: 271) contribute with their
conclusion about the Chinese involvement in Africa as consisting of
imbalances in the trade relationships in favor of China. They further also argue
that Africa knows what they politically want from China but not regarding the
economy, therefore Africa needs to develop new strategies to make sure that
the unbalances are mitigated. If though there is an unbalance, they see China
as an opportunity to develop future long-term agreements.
Claassen, Loots, Bezuidenhout (2012: 11595) contribute with their work an
alternative understanding of the Chinese investments. Their research
generated the result that the Chinese investments are not solely resource-
driven and they hence refute that notion as many scholars and media claim.
According to them, China is keen on resource security however the
investments by Beijing have a much broader approach than what is popularly
known.
Lee (2006: 325) takes a more radical stance towards the classification of the
current investments within the African continent. She labels the current
situation as a “new scramble for Africa” and means that Chinese investment
could be as dangerous as the West has been. She enhances a discussion that
circulates around China and their engagement in so-called “naked
imperialism” which includes the scramble for economic and political
influence.
2.6.1 Constructive approaches
According to Amsalu & Zhu (2018: 368-370), evidence suggests that there are
no imminent threats of Chinese Neo-colonialism in practice as well as no
evidence of what the critics suggest. Furthermore, they argue that the African
17(89)economy has accelerated not because of the US or Europe but because of the
Chinese FDI. In addition, they enhance the notion of the exposed differences
between Western-African cooperation and the more effective Sino-African
relation.
Igbinoba (2015: 53) is further acknowledging the conclusion of his work that
Chinese investments have positively influenced the economic growth of
Nigeria. However, as has been mentioned earlier, the author puts more
emphasis on the subject state instead of Chinese investors. Igbinoba highlights
the need for Nigeria to be more efficient in deriving higher value from Chinese
trade and influence.
Farole, Brautigam, Tang (2010: 3-4) have approached the matter of Chinese
investments in an increasingly constructive way. Their research is regarding
the practicalities of Chinese investments and its improvements. They enhance
the discussion of the profit-driven trade zones established in Africa by China.
According to them, they are profit-driven due to the Chinese wanting the profit
motive as they believe it is the best way for sustainability. The article suggests
that there is a lack of progress and development by the local governments when
it comes to providing for the Chinese developers.
According to the research by Fei-Ling Wang & Esi A. Elliot (2014: 1030),
there is increasing dissatisfaction among the locals in Africa as a result of the
increased Chinese presence. There is an existing competition for jobs due to
the number of Chinese workers settling down in Africa. Furthermore,
dissatisfaction due to the Chinese human-rights deprived working conditions
in factories, mines, and other areas has contributed to this. In addition, further
complaints regarding land-grabbing, environmentally unfriendly ways of
extracting resources as well as the collusion of Chinese businessmen and the
African locals have created this dissatisfaction.
18(89)2.6.2 Connecting previous research and this study
This study will contribute with the analysis to what extent, if any, there is land-
grabbing and competition for jobs in these states domestically and lastly if
there are risk factors that can label this as some kind of new scramble for
Africa’s resources. The goal of this process will be to create a new
interpretation of Chinese investments. The previous research plays a pivotal
role in the understanding of how the colonial system worked and what strategic
approaches were used to suppress the colonized. Through the extensive
description of old colonialism, it is easier to locate the potential risks of the
new colonialism since Neo-colonialism is a theory describing the continuation
of old colonialism or as the re-enactments of the colonial dynamics Braidotti
(2018:279-280).
By describing the old colonial dynamics, the reader has a pre-conditioned
knowledge about how and why Neo-colonialism and its dynamics is relatable
in this study. There can be variables mentioned in both French and English
colonialisms that are like the Neo-colonial theory and consequences that are
similar as well. Therefore, it is important to give a thorough insight and an
extensive description of old colonialism.
19(89)3 Theory
The main theory that will be prevalent within this work is the theory of Neo-
colonialism. According to Auerbach (2019), Neo-colonialism is defined as
countries seeking to implement policies towards others with the means of
serving their own interests. In addition, there is an even more sinister approach
to Neo-colonialism as Auerbach points out where the view is that it serves as
an expression of unjust and unfair power. An important notion that Auerbach
proposes is also one of the more highlighted shortcomings regarding Neo-
colonialism and that is the fact that it is not to the full cemented theory with
clear boundaries and criterion. More conventional colonialism, Auerbach
argues, has a cemented framework as is the practice. The more formal
definition is understood as a sovereign entity assuming control over another
region or nation that is autonomous. However, Neo-colonialism enhances the
discussion regarding a culture’s ideals, ideologies, and values being
implemented into society.
The discussion around Neo-colonialism being a vague subject is a valid one.
Kwame Nkrumah’s definition is prevalently used when explaining its aspects
however, as shown in the aforementioned part there are different approaches
to this definition and the term of Neo-colonialism itself has been further
developed with time. Henceforth, this study will construct a new theoretical
framework regarding Neo-colonialism based on a variety of scholars and how
they have developed the concept. The framework consists of key areas based
on what the scholars analyzed further down include in their definition. The
framework will later be puzzled together and act as the foundation for the
analysis and by answering the research questions.
3.1 Framing Neo-colonialism
According to Braidotti (2018:279-280), the term Neo-colonialism circulates
around the re-enactments of colonial dynamics, although he argues that in
20(89)contrast to colonialism, Neo-colonialism consists of new hegemonic
formations that are linked in an increasingly diffuse procedure including
sectors of economic, military, financial, environmental and technological
dominance instead of the old colonialism involving direct territorial
formations. Furthermore, Neo-colonialism dismantles simple center-periphery
divides, first world, and the third world as well as the divide between north
and south. Braidotti (2018:279-280) further prevalently enhances the
discussion about Neo-colonialism complicating the clear-cut divisions by
putting more cunning structures of transnational dependencies. In addition to
the aforementioned, Neo-colonialism reorganizes issues of for example nation,
ethnicity, class, and religion not only due to the colonial but also to the Neo-
liberal agenda where economization is playing a major role at the expenses
and deterioration of public institutions, social justice, and democracy.
Another important highlight made by Braidotti (2018:279-280) is the relation
between Capitalism and Neo-colonialism. The investments of foreign capital
are not used by the means of development of former colonies or states but
instead for a new form of subordination, supremacy, and control over the weak
states receiving these capital investments. The more advanced and
economically powerful state is also seen as prolonging the impoverishment of
these developing countries receiving capital investments. They also promote
the biased notion of development and progress. Braidotti argues that the more
instances where ‘humanitarian aid and development’ interventions that
support the export and imposition of Neo-colonial models of economic growth
and political democracy, the more opportunities for the powerful state to
obtain a renewed form of control under a guise of well will through areas such
as solidarity, victimhood, and backwardness versus homogeneity, happiness,
and humanity.
21(89)Concludingly, Braidotti proposes that the new forms of Neo-colonialism
include the multinational corporations exploiting the natural resources of
former colonies or new areas of influence.
As reported by Qiao (2018:2) Neo-colonialism is applicable to all colonial
ideologies. Qiao highlights that like the controlling structure of globalization
Neo-colonialism forwards a message where a system of continuing
colonialism and upgraded domination of power is exercised over
underdeveloped or developing countries. Neo-colonialism does include a
broad range of areas and according to Qiao, it is not only military or economic
areas that are affected by Neo-colonialism but also areas such as education,
politics, literature, and culture. Qiao (2018:5) also circulates his discussion
regarding Neo-colonialism and proposes that it is used directly or indirectly
by a hegemonic power through political, economic, and cultural channels, and
the concept can furthermore be disguised as globalization. Moreover, Neo-
colonialism also uses a strategy in terms of translation of language and
indicates a will of language monocentric. It is explained as demanding that
translation defines itself by the size of language at its center and to replace it.
Henceforth, when that happens the language is fully adapted to the foreign.
3.2 Different approaches to Neo-colonialism
Segell (2019:184) is using quite a different approach to explaining Neo-
colonialism. According to him, Neo-colonialism is the result of an unregulated
form of trade, aid, and foreign direct investment as well as the cooperation
between African leaders and foreign leaders to secure the interests of them
both. However, this relationship pays little attention to the actual
development, poverty reduction, and sustainability of the state itself. The
relationship is at the cost of the host country receiving these investments such
as the African people who are dependent rather than inter-dependent as well
as not profiting through the developments being made. Moreover, Segell
22(89)enhances the discussion regarding the destruction of culture, religion, and
education as a product of the major advancement and investments made by the
foreign state. Consequently, this also leads to increased radicalization among
African people. Segell (2019:188) discusses the concept highlighted by
theorists that Neo-colonialism consisting of loans and investments ultimately
worsened the African states due to the loans having high rates of interest. The
repayments of these loans then led to the impoverished African peoples and
more dependency on the more developed states.
According to Halperin (2020), Neo-colonialism can be described as indirect
forms of control by economic, financial, and other policies. This control is
generated through transnational corporations, global and multilateral
institutions. Furthermore, the investments cultivate underdeveloped countries
as areas of cheap labor and raw materials.
In consonance with Profant (2010:45), Neo-colonialism takes on many
different forms however the worst form is when the imperialistic state deploys
its military on the Neo-colonized state to achieve its goals. (Sturm,1991:485)
as mentioned in Profant (2010:45) further delivers another aspect of Neo-
colonialism that tells us how the imperialistic state can cement themselves
through an elite that is ready to lead its country based on the world markets.
Furthermore, Walsch (2003:39) as mentioned in Profant (2010:45-46)
describes the process of Neo-colonialism and its different approaches and
forms of how the imperialist power seized control in more detail. In the field
of military, control is gained through the imperial power educating the police,
military, and officials. Moreover, to gain influence in the cultural sphere the
imperial states are usually involved with different missions, the media and
influence the schooling. In the technical field, the imperial power tries to
increase the dependency by influencing the subject state to the imperial
power’s technological know-how and through telecommunication by building
posts. Lastly, the imperialistic power will try to achieve social change through
23(89)the ‘brain drain’ of researchers and other scholars as well as using local powers
such as elites to change the traditions, the existing way of living, and adapt
them more to the imperial power’s preferred way of living. Furthermore,
Profant (2010:45-46) highlights another important aspect that is significant for
an imperial power to impose Neo-colonial rule. The business of arms trades
according to Profant sheds light on how dependence is occurring. In his article,
he highlights France and how they maintain influence and still make money
from it. Profant accuses France of producing more weapons than needed and
sells them to pay for new research on weapons and maintaining control
through various military and defense agreements.
One of the front figures within the framing of Neo-colonialism is Kwame
Nkrumah therefore, his definition will be more extensive than the others.
According to Nkrumah (1965:ix,x), Neo-colonialism represents imperialism
in its final and perhaps its most dangerous state. The economic and political
systems are controlled from the outside of the subject state. Even though the
most extreme case of Neo-colonialism is when the imperial state deploys the
military on the subject state it is rather controlled through economic and
monetary means.
Control can also, according to Nkrumah (1965:ix,x) be exercised through the
position where the imperial state can dictate policy by implementing civil
servants and monetary control over foreign exchange by imposing a banking
system that the imperial power controls. In addition, usually, Neo-colonialism
occurs from a former colonial power to a formerly colonized state as a
continuation however it does not always have to be like that. One major
significant process of Neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the
exploitation rather than for development
Under the Neo-colonialist control, the subject state will not become strong
enough to develop a large enough market to support industrialization, in the
same way, they are too weak to force developed states to accept their primary
24(89)products at a fair price. To attract subject states, Neo-colonialism must be
shown as something that has the potential of creating development and
economic prosperity, however, the goal of the imperialist is instead to control
and suppress these possibilities at their own interests. Nkrumah also proposes
a critical response to aid seeing it as a revolving credit that is paid by the
imperial state and develops into an increasingly profitable return (Nkrumah,
1965: xiv-xv).
Moreover, a common target for the imperialist state foreign investment is
aimed at the mining industry however, it is mostly focused on the exportation
of these minerals (Nkrumah, 1965:2). The dominating world financial groups
are increasingly able to intervene in national monopolies and consequently
deepen their hegemony. What Nkrumah further enhances is that the strategy
by the imperialist states is hidden behind beneficial processes and goodwill of
development. (Nkrumah, 1965:50,55).
With decolonization came the demand for increased living standards by the
African people, this made the imperialist states refocus their old colonial
strategy to try and invest capital in areas where the people want a quality-rise.
Areas such as land-clearing equipment, hydro-electrical projects, road
reconstruction, housing, schools, airports are creating new areas of capital
investment, and with that capital monopoly (Nkrumah, 1965:48). As Nkrumah
encounters some valid points in the above-mentioned, he differs from the other
authors in the sense of acting more like an activist towards interventionist
states. Even though the key parts are chosen for this paper, one cannot undergo
that he is critical towards capitalism and to a certain extent foreign
intervention. In relation to the others.
According to Sartre (1964:6-7), Neo-colonialism was the continuation of the
former colonialism after its independence. He states that the former colonial
regimes managed to maintain its interests through the introduction of
education and the division of labor. Furthermore, when the colonial crisis took
25(89)place the former colonial powers created a strategy to maintain power through
the local leaders who would govern consciously and according to the existing
colonial interests.
Sartre (1964: 193-194) enhances in his work the discussion regarding the
transfer of power between politicians to the imperialistic West. He is stating
that the imperialistic class needs a governing class that is aware of the
complicated situation where they are supposed to link their interests with the
salient western companies’ interests.
According to Sartre (1964: 194-195), the United States and Belgium had come
to an agreement on the exploitation of the resources in Congo through the
mixture of different companies. With their already attained power, they would
control the political debate and agenda to maintain the power of the individuals
that they found valuable to continue with their interests. Sartre also enhanced
the risks of the loans and investments that ultimately made the independent
former colonized country still dependent, and that this was to be materialized
through multinational corporations.
3.3 Theoretical framework
The theoretical framework will consist of chosen variables upon studying the
above-mentioned scholars and their definitions. According to what the
analyzed scholars say, these variables are significant areas of what makes up
for the theory of Neo-colonialism.
3.3.1 Key variables
Political influence
- Military/Weapons export
- The hegemonic approach in politics
- China’s influence on Policy Making
26(89)Cultural influence
- Education & Skills development
- Technological Know-how implementation
- Literature & Media
Economic influences
- Foreign direct investment
- Export/Import
- Multinational corporations
- Trading policies
- Foreign aid
3.3.2 Contribution of the scholars
Braidotti will contribute to the theoretical framework with his concern for
Neo-colonialism and foreign direct investments as well as with multinational
corporations and the risk for the exploitation of natural resources. Qiao’s
contribution to the theoretical framework consists of Neo-colonialism also
consisting of elements like education influence, political influence as well as
influence on literature and culture as is explained more in detail in the above
section. Segell will provide his definition to the framework as he is pointing
out that foreign aid potentially could play a major part in the Neo-colonial
process. Both Braidotti, Qiao, and Halperin solidifies the criterion regarding
Neo-colonialism including financial, economic, and military means. Walsch
contributes with his definition containing areas such as technological know-
how being a risk factor and enables the possibilities for making poorer states
dependent.
Profant contributes to the framework with his military definition also including
arms trade. Nkrumah will contribute to this framework through his definition
27(89)containing influence on policies and the hampering of the African state’s
industrialization due to primary resource export. Lastly, Sartre will contribute
to the framework with his definition containing an explanation of colonizers
being able to control the agenda and political debate through their already
attained power. Lastly, the hegemonic approach will be causally linked
together with political influence.
(SOURCE: OWN CONSTRUCT)
28(89)3.4 Variables studied
The three main areas are Political influence, Economic influence, Cultural
influence, and as the above-mentioned theory part reads, the scholars are
discussing Neo-colonialism but differ in certain variables and have others in
similarity. These variables will be studied in a way that tries to understand and
locate if there are any potential risks of a Neo-colonial takeover and if there
are methods used by the Chinese that may influence the domestic politics or
the independence of the nation in general. The other variables for the above-
mentioned main areas are for political influence: military influence,
governmental and political influence, and policymaking. For cultural
influence: technological know-how, educational influence, and influence on
literature and media. For economic influence: foreign direct investments,
foreign aid, export/import influences, influence by multinational corporations,
and trading policies.
3.5 Operationalization
According to Usman (2015: 5) operationalization of variables is important
since some variables may be hard to measure, especially subjective factors. By
operationalizing the variables, the quality increases, and the efficiency of
design.
3.5.1 Political influence
Military/Weapons export
This variable will be approached and measured on the basis of the increased
export of weapons into the continent from China to see if there is an increase
or decrease of weapons exportation. The military will be analyzed through the
Chinese military presence on the continent.
Hegemonic approaches in politics
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