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Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde
Vol. 167, no. 1 (2011), pp. 16-30
URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv
URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100914
Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License
ISSN: 0006-2294
TINEKE HELLWIG
Abidah El Khalieqy’s novels
Challenging patriarchal Islam
The period of Reformasi in Indonesia, which began in 1998, has witnessed the
proliferation of women’s writings on the country’s literary scene. Critical at-
tention and debates focused initially on a handful of female authors who chal-
lenged long-existing taboos through their writings, and explicitly addressed
issues concerning societal gender expectations and female sexuality.1 This
concentration on so-called ‘young and sexy sastrawangi writers’ (‘fragrant’ li-
terati such as Ayu Utami, Djenar Maesa Ayu, and Dewi Lestari) who in the
eyes of the public pushed the limits of what is morally accepted, turned out
to be restrictive and exclusive.2 Women writers who were overlooked were
those who chose different topics for their narratives, among them those who
concerned themselves with Islamic discourses.
Starting in the early 1990s Islam in Indonesia shifted in orientation. It
gradually shed its depoliticized position and with the collapse of the New
Order, Islamic political parties were allowed to participate more actively in
elections and play a more significant role in the political realm than before
(Sutrisno 1994). Moreover, radical and militant groups such as Laskar Jihad,
Front Pembela Islam, and Hizbut Tahrir came to the fore and operated in
the open (Platzdasch 2001; Fox 2004:14-8; Van Doorn-Harder 2006:54). Siti
Musdah Mulia (2007:5-6) observes how ‘the growing demand for the formal
implementation of shari’ah’ has had far-reaching consequences for women.
In her words, ‘shari’ah law has deprived, if not robbed women of their basic
rights and freedom, […] disposed women of their sovereignty and dignity
and are [sic] highly potential to trigger violence to women’. According to a
2002 survey 71 per cent of Indonesians many of whom were ‘disillusioned
[…] suffering from economic crisis’ believed that the introduction of shari’ah
1 I presented an earlier version of this article at the Conference of the Asian Studies Associa-
tion of Australia in Melbourne, July 2008. I would like to thank Manneke Budiman for his helpful
comments and the two anonymous reviewers for their critical notes and suggestions.
2 For a discussion of sastrawangi authors, see Women’s writing 2007.
tineke hellwig is Associate Professor at the University of British Columbia. A specialist on Indo-
nesian and Malay literature she is the author (with Eric Tagliacozzo) of The Indonesia reader: History,
culture, politics. Durham/London: Duke University Press, 2009 and In the shadow of change: Images of
women in Indonesian literature. Berkeley, CA: Centers for South and Southeast Asia Studies, Univer-
sity of California at Berkeley, 1994. Professor Hellwig may be reached at hellwig@mail.arts.ubc.ca.
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI) 167-1 (2011):16-30
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via free accessAbidah El Khalieqy’s novels 17
law would improve their lives, yet ‘few knew what applying Shari’ah would
mean in real life, so women and minorities became the first subject of its
application’ (Van Doorn-Harder 2006:262). For some people shari’ah law
justifies promoting polygyny while in certain regions it entails putting pres-
sure on women to wear a jilbab (full head cover), or in extreme cases a long
black robe and veil. In other areas it restricts women from going out in the
evening or from travelling without a male guardian. With or without official
implementation of shari’ah law issues of women’s dress codes, their social
interaction and mobility, polygyny, women’s rights in general and more in
particular women’s rights over their bodies and sexuality have become top-
ics of fierce debate. Muslim women leaders have shown themselves to be
‘feminists in the sense that they want to liberate women from the shackles of
religious and cultural injunctions, and they seek religious, social, economic,
and political equality with men’ (Van Doorn-Harder 2006:7).
In October 2008 Parliament ratified the controversial Anti-Pornography
Bill that was first introduced in 1999. After years of stalling and much debate
and rewriting, the ratification of the bill meant victory for Muslims who
adhere to moral values that restrict women’s freedoms based on specific
interpretations of Islamic teachings.3 Ever since the fall of Soeharto, Muslim
women’s organizations and grass-roots movements have reached out to
educate women about their rights, to empower them and to curb misogynist
Islamist practices (Van Doorn-Harder 2006).
Since Reformasi ‘Indonesian feminists frequently have [had] to defend them-
selves from accusations that they are spreading the viruses of Western moder-
nity, secularism and liberalism, which are incompatible with Islamic teachings’
(Budiman 2008:81). Muslim women have voiced their opinions about issues
relating explicitly to Islam and socio-political changes. Through artistic expres-
sions and literary works creative writers scrutinize patriarchal power relations,
and try to find ways to come to terms with new challenges. Diah Ariani Arimbi
(2009:85) calls their writings ‘a canon counter-discourse’ because of the way they
depict a multitude of Muslim women identities: ‘young, old, urban and rural
struggling to maintain and challenge their prescribed roles’. Much of Muslim
women’s fiction addresses ‘the search for Islamic identity in the course of
globalization’ for which Dewi Chandraningrum has launched the term ‘New
Islamism’. With this concept she seeks ‘to accommodate the meaning con-
tained in the term fundamentalism which emphasizes anti-secularism […] an
understanding of Islam as a distinct modern civilization and the antithesis of
modernism and capitalism’ (Chandraningrum 2007:103).
One prolific figure among the female Muslim writers is Helvy Tiana Rosa
3 The Anti-Pornography Bill bans images, gestures, talk and clothing that are deemed porno-
graphic. There has been much opposition to the bill particularly from women’s rights activist
groups and also from certain regions: Bali, Manado, Nusa Tenggara, and Yogyakarta.
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(born 1970 in Medan). In 1997 she co-founded the Forum Lingkar Pena (FLP,
Pen Circle Forum) in Jakarta with her sister Asma Nadia and Mutmainah, an
Islamic literary movement and community that produces dakwah (proselytiz-
ing) literature for humanity in order to be close to God (Chandraningrum
2007:111). FLP is a transnational organization with branches and members
throughout Indonesia as well as outside the country. Its network crosses
cultural, social and national borders and boundaries in order to ‘[fight] for
justice, truth and other virtues that should be defended in life’.4 FLP’s promi-
nence as a self-financed, non-corrupt association with morally responsible
leaders has assisted many aspiring Muslim writers, particularly women,
to build on a positive reputation, and to be taken seriously in supporting
the values of Pan-Islamism (ummah) and Islam as a total way of life (kaffah)
(Candraningrum 2007:111, 123).
Abidah El Khalieqy is another prominent Muslim author who herself
is not part of FLP, but, no doubt, has benefited from its existence. Born in
Menturo, Jombang, in 1965 she is now based in Yogyakarta and writes about
Indonesian women and their identities in terms of Islam, family and society
at large. Her message is much in line with Helvy’s as she, too, adheres to the
idea of a worldwide Muslim community and devotion to Islam as the main
principle to live by. Their views deviate, however, in terms of how they deal
with representing women, gender and sexuality. While Helvy often depicts
women as personifications of spiritual strength and refrains from addressing
sexual relationships (Arnez 2009:47, 52), Abidah critically questions Islamic
restrictions on women’s social and sexual behaviour and pushes for libera-
tion. Besides numerous short stories, poems and essays in newspapers, maga-
zines and journals, some of which were bundled in two anthologies (Abidah
1998, 2001a), Abidah has published three novels, Perempuan berkalung sorban
(2001b, Woman with a turban around her neck; literally Woman with a tur-
ban necklace), Atas singgasana (2003, On top of the throne) and Geni Jora (2004,
Jora’s fire).5 The publisher, Yayasan Kesejahteraan Fatayat, commissioned
the first novel to explicitly bring women’s rights to the fore and raise aware-
ness among pesantren (Muslim boarding school) girls (Van Doorn-Harder
2006:251-4). This article analyses these three works of fiction in terms of ‘New
Islamism’, focusing on gender expectations, opportunities for women to rede-
fine themselves, and possibilities for self-actualization and female agency.6
Abidah’s novels stand out in the way they speak openly and in great detail
about sexual relations, as I will argue. They critique polygyny and male power
over women, and break through taboos such as domestic violence and (marital)
4 Asma Nadia, http://www.goodreads.com/story/show/17419.From_a_Thousand_Forests_of_
Solitude (accessed 13-1-2011).
5 Geni Jora was awarded second prize in the 2003 Jakarta Arts Council novel writing contest.
6 I would like to acknowledge Arimbi’s discussion (2006:259-78) of Perempuan berkalung sorban
and Geni Jora which provides excellent insights into representations of women and gender.
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rape. Yet, they also demonstrate how women find pleasure in sexual intimacy
as an intense physical expression of lovemaking. Her stories are remarkable,
as they do not shy away from the topics of homosexuality and pre-marital sex,
generally unmentionable within Islamic discourses. Hence, her fiction contrib-
utes to debates on these issues within Indonesia’s Muslim community.
While Helvy, Asma Nadia, FLP and other female Muslim writers have
reached a level of notable distinction among readers, none of their books have
become as popular and as widely acclaimed as Ayat-ayat cinta (Verses of love)
by male FLP member Habiburrahman El Shirazy (2004). For inexplicable rea-
sons the book became a bestseller in no time. The foreign setting of Egypt and
Cairo may have caused its success, or the portrayal of Fahri, an Indonesian
student at Al Azhar University who becomes the love interest of four young
women. This romantic tale is heavily laden with religious overtones and
the book’s yellow cover shows a woman’s veiled face with her uncovered
greenish eyes staring straight at the viewer. This image, no doubt, speaks to
the public who feel an urge to ‘dis-cover’ this woman who is most probably
non-Indonesian. She, the readers learn, is the German-Turkish Aisha, Fahri’s
extremely affluent bride. Ayat-ayat cinta has been branded sastra pop (popular
literature) (Kartanegara 2007) and while the story, in my view, is melodra-
matic and full of flaws and improbable character developments – Fahri takes
Maria, a Coptic Christian, as his second wife to cure her love sickness and
another woman falsely accuses him of rape – it sold some 400,000 copies and
was made into a successful movie. Many in the audience perceive Fahri as
the impeccable Muslim man and the novel as a representation of Islam as the
perfect religion. It is noteworthy that Najib Kailany’s novel (2007) with a com-
parable cover and title, Langit langit cinta (Heavens of love), never caught on.
In contrast to the male-centred Ayat-ayat cinta Abidah’s three novels pres-
ent the quest for a modern Muslim female identity through first-person nar-
rators-cum-protagonists who underscore, as I will argue, that ‘one is not born
a woman, but rather becomes a woman’ in Simone de Beauvoir’s often-quoted
words. Gender is constructed and a performative, as Judith Butler (1990:33,
25) postulates, ‘[w]oman itself is a term in process, a becoming, a constructing
that cannot rightfully be said to originate or to end’. In Abidah’s novels the
protagonists perform as modern Indonesian women within the perimeters of
Islam in an increasingly globalizing world. In their performativity they chal-
lenge ‘regulatory practices of gender formation’ (Butler 1990:16). They test the
limits imposed on female agency and sexuality, they experiment with hetero-
sexual and same-sex relations, and at times defy Islamic moral conduct unlike
Helvy’s female characters who avoid ‘wordly sins’ and are ‘models of mod-
esty, chastity and benevolence’ (Arnez 2009:46). Set in the past 10 to 20 years,
a significant part of the main characters’ explorations in life is ultimately the
search for the ideal Muslim man to engage with in a heterosexual relation-
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ship. The women hope to find emotionally balanced life partners, men who
will treat them as equals, show empathy and provide moral support.
First, the names of two protagonists deserve commentary. In Perempuan
berkalung sorban the main character Nisa (short for Anissa Nuhaiyyah, ‘an
intelligent woman’, Abidah 2001b:51) reminds the reader of the fourth chapter
of the Qur’an, ‘Al-Nisa’ (Women) which circumscribes the position of women.
The character Kejora in Geni Jora is named after Bintang Kejora or Venus, the
bright morning star. The two names are iconic, signifying Woman (with a
capital ‘W’) and femaleness in all its complexities in a Muslim/Arabic context.
Nisa is the woman from the title who wears a sorban (turban) around her neck
as a scarf/necklace. She adorns herself with the Muslim male headdress, indi-
cating that she can take on masculine traits, be bold and self-confident and
that she dares to defy a subordinate female role: ‘[t]he turban in Indonesia
symbolizes male Islamic knowledge, leadership, and charisma’ (Van Doorn-
Harder 2006:251). Yet, at the same time she uses a turban to cover her head
and hair, a sign that she is obliged to follow prescribed Muslim regulations
for a modest woman’s appearance. Nisa’s turban conveys an ambiguous mes-
sage in terms of gender identity.
Nisa and Kejora grow up and are educated in East Javanese pesantren.
Their childhood and formative years generate existential questions pertain-
ing to womanhood, gender roles, norms and values. Kejora (Jora) is raised
in a polygamous household with her parents, siblings, and her father’s first
wife, who is childless. More than anyone else it is her grandmother who
prescribes gender expectations to the younger generation. Jora defies the
role of a confined, demure girl, and behaves like a tomboy, climbing trees
and talking back albeit politely. Nisa, whose father owns a pesantren, ques-
tions the differences between her and her brothers at the age of eight: while
she is burdened with household chores, her brothers play freely outside
or chat with their father. Only one person, a distant relative Lek Khudori,
teaches her about female empowerment through stories of the Prophet’s
wives and Sufi women. He also secretly takes Nisa horse riding and when he
leaves for his studies overseas, he gives her a painting of Putri Budur, Raja
Kamaruzzaman’s wife, riding a Pegasus (buraq).7 This image of a woman rid-
ing a horse is championed in the film version of Perempuan berkalung sorban:
we see it on the movie’s poster and in the trailer.8
7 Buraq is the Prophet Muhammad’s horse that has wings and carries him to heaven.
8 See http://www.indonesiamatters.com/3822/perempuan-berkalung-sorban/ (accessed 13-1-
2011). At the time of writing this article I had not seen the movie directed by Hanung Bramantyo
(released in January 2009) who also directed Ayat-ayat cinta. Even though I have watched Perem-
puan berkalung sorban since, I will leave the film version out of my discussion here. For this article
I used reactions that were posted online and circulating on mailing lists. One point of discussion
in the film is the fact that Nisa covers her head with a jilbab, which, in the opinion of some, dimin-
ishes her defiant stance expressed by wearing a sorban (turban).
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In the novels gender inequity and male dominance are most visible within
the family relations of the parents’ and grandparents’ generation. These
relatives strongly imprint stereotypical gender patterns on their children and
grandchildren, teaching girls to be domestic, obedient and submissive, and
encouraging boys to advance intellectually through education. Kejora never
directly questions her father regarding his choice to be polygamous. She has
a close relationship with her ‘stepmother’ – her father’s other wife – who
lives with the extended family, but she also observes how her mother feels
oppressed by the other woman’s presence, even though her mother will not
admit it. The latter hardly ever leaves the house, and spends all of her time
taking care of the children and household chores.9 Kejora is aware of the
disparity between her father’s two wives and, it is implied, disapproves of it.
Kamila in Atas singgasana grows up in Kalimantan and witnesses how her
father physically and verbally abuses her mother. Passively and unresisting,
her mother resigns to her husband’s bouts of violence. Kamila perceives her
father as a wild animal: a panther, snake, fox or wild dog. Later in her life
other men with bad intentions transform in her eyes into monstrous Gorgons
with snakes crawling out of their heads (Abidah 2003:11, 13). The Gorgon/
Medusa metaphor for obnoxious men is puzzling since originally these
figures in Greek mythology are in essence female, not male. It can be inter-
preted as deconstructing the myth of the female temptress, pointing to males
as predators of women. In whatever way we read the metaphor, gender
hegemony in the novels is clearly laid out: for the older generations men are
superior, and women are second-class citizens.
Abuse and sexual harassment
The young female protagonists in the three novels fall victim to the gender hi-
erarchy: Nisa, Kamila and Kejora experience abuse in the hands of older male
relatives. In Kamila’s case we read how her father places her as a bet in a gam-
bling game when she is 10 years old. She moves to foster parents (who won
the bet) in Balikpapan who provide a safe home for her. Kejora and her older
sister Lola fall prey to the sexual harassment of their uncles Hasan and Khalil,
consistently referred to as ular biludak burik (black, pockmarked cobras, Abidah
2004:67, 84). It never occurs to the girls to complain about their raunchy uncles,
as they assume that no one will believe them and that, in fact, they will be
9 Ibuku […] tidak pernah kemana-mana. […] Tidak seperti ibu tiriku, ibuku jarang sekali keluar
kota. […] Hampir seluruh waktu ibuku habis untuk anak-anaknya. […] Kupikir ibuku tertekan
menjadi istri kedua. (Abidah 2004:79; My mother never went anywhere. […] Unlike my stepmoth-
er, she seldom went out of town. […] Almost all of her time she spent on her children. […] I think
she felt oppressed being a second wife.) All translations are by the author. See also Abidah 2004:80.
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blamed. Nisa’s uncle, Lek Mahmud, sexually harasses her at a young age: ‘he
likes to stroke my thighs when he is teaching me how to recite the Qur’an’.10
Outwardly a devout Muslim, Lek Mahmud is a lecher, a fact that Nisa’s father
fortunately recognizes and he puts an end to further abuse. Yet, there are other
men who harass Nisa: one of her teachers and a stranger in the street.
Nisa’s early exposure to sexual aggression does not prepare her, however,
for the domestic violence that she experiences in her arranged marriage to
Samsudin. The son of a prominent kiai (Muslim leader) Samsudin is a brutal
sex maniac who abuses Nisa verbally, emotionally and sexually. Watching
porn movies is one of his favourite pastimes. Nisa is only 12, and although
she does not share her suffering with her parents, she discloses everything in
writing to Lek Khudori, who studies in Cairo and later Berlin and becomes
her love interest. His advice, to continue her schooling and to hold on to
her faith in God, keeps her strong. She successfully completes three years
at a madrasah (school for Islamic religious instruction), and when Samsudin
marries an older second wife, Kalsum whom he has impregnated, Nisa finds
comfort in the company of this woman who supports her in her misery.
Noteworthy from a literary critical point of view are some quite graphic
descriptions of sex in this part of Perempuan berkalung sorban,11 such as a mari-
tal rape scene, or the part where Nisa witnesses sexual intercourse between
Samsudin and Kalsum. These depictions are remarkable because of the fierce
debates around works by sastrawangi writers who have been condemned for
their explicit and ‘vulgar’ portrayals of sex. Significantly different, however,
is that this text displays the ugly side of male sexual power and represents
female sexuality as violated and exploited, turned into a ‘toy’ for men. This is
in stark contrast to fiction where female characters celebrate their sexuality to
experience pleasure and erotic satisfaction.
The novel Atas singgasana scrutinizes women as sexual objects in a different
way. The plot revolves around Kamila’s trials and tribulations as an adolescent
after her move from Balikpapan to Yogyakarta where she takes courses, is
involved in women’s activism, and works in different jobs. Kamila’s quest for
identity is guided by her relationships with men on the one hand, and with
women on the other. First of all, Kamila feels ambivalent toward Haidar, a for-
mer classmate, who is romantically interested in her. With ups and downs their
interactions develop into a shaky and dysfunctional relationship. Once Haidar
tries to rape her, which Kamila prevents with a Muslim prayer. As readers we
learn that, in fact, Kamila does feel attracted to Haidar, yet she resists taking
on the role of a love interest, an object to be desired. She wants to be in control,
pro-active rather than reactive, and define the relationship on her terms.
10 ‘Lek Mahmud yang suka mengelus-elus pahaku sewaktu mengajariku mengaji’ (Abidah
2001b:36).
11 See Abidah 2001b:98-9, 103-4, 108-9, 118-9, 130.
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In the workplace Kamila encounters men who show an interest in her – as
a sexual object. Rather than avoid the sexist traps they set up for her, Kamila
challenges the ‘danger’ that men personify, and even invites it. She agrees
to date clients who buy her gifts (for example, lingerie), but stops short of
being lured into their beds. Her married employer, Pak (Mr) Antonius – who
is most likely not a Muslim man judging by his name – tries to rape her on a
business trip when the two of them share a hotel room. Surprisingly, Kamila
comes out unharmed every time men try to coerce her into having sex. While
the novel addresses and represents male sexual aggression, violence against
women, and gender inequality in terms of power and agency, it does so, from
a Western feminist point of view, quite naively. The hotel room scene clearly
exemplifies this. At night Kamila’s boss crawls in bed with her, he strokes
her body, and starts massaging her buttocks. Only then does she leap into
action,12 and she is able to prevent him from further sexual assault by appeal-
ing to his sense of responsibility and by uttering Islamic prayers. The rest of
the night, while Pak Antonius is asleep, she reads verses of the Qur’an, one
after the other. In my opinion this particular episode conveys a message that
belief in God and adhering to high moral standards will protect a woman,
even when she is in the most vulnerable situation and about to be raped. I
find this message unfortunate as it suggests that women can enter a risk zone
that leaves them open to sexual assault, challenge assailants, and yet walk
away unscathed. It seems implausible that actions such as Kamila’s would
be effective in real life. A woman would be ill-advised, I believe, to take her
chances with a man who might be a potential rapist. She must not allow a
man in her bed if she does not want to be physically close to him and must
avoid being touched or fondled against her will the way Kamila is. Moreover,
she should not count on prayers to protect her from sexual assault.
Eventually Kamila picks up her relation with Haidar, and in a scene with
somewhat ambiguous wording she consents to be intimate with him. Even
though she sees Haidar transform into a Gorgon, she surrenders to lust and
sexual attraction.13 On one more occasion Kamila and Haidar passionately start
to make love, but they are interrupted in their foreplay.14 These two scenes are
12 […] ia merayap di samping tubuhku […] tangan itu mulai merayap, seperti seterika, kian
kemari di antara selubung selimut yang begitu tebal […] Ia mulai meremas pantatku […] aku
bangkit dengan kekuatan musuh. (Abidah 2003:139; […] he crawled beside me […] his hand
started to move up slowly, as if ironing going back and forth between the thick blanket covers
[…] He started to squeeze my buttocks […] I got up with the force of an adversary.)
13 […] dua jiwa dan dua tubuh dengan gelora remaja saling berdekapan membahasakan ke
rinduan dengan bahasa tubuh yang gemetar oleh ratusan panah dan api kasmaran. (Abidah
2003:167; two souls and two bodies embraced each other in youthful passion expressing their
desire through physical language that vibrated through hundreds of arrows and passionate fire.)
See also Abidah 2003:168-9.
14 […] kami mulai gelap akal. Kami bercumbu di ruang tamu, di kamar, di atas sofa, di atas
meja, di muka cermin. Dan ruangan menjadi hening. Hanya desah napas yang memburu dan
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striking in the way they portray a Muslim woman who consciously decides
to engage and to take pleasure in premarital sex. The love affair with Haidar
is cut short, however, because he joins a Sufi cult religious order (tarekat) and
becomes a healer. Kamila denounces him for choosing this direction of Islam.
She does not, however, reflect on her behaviour and there is no sense of guilt
about her being sexually active although she is an unmarried woman.
Kamila has strong and positive friendships with other women who provide
solidarity and sisterhood in a second-wave feminist sense. Student discus-
sion groups and women’s activism widen her horizons with regard to gender
inequities, reproductive rights and ways to combat female disempowerment.
One friend in particular, Kak Nufus, serves as Kamila’s mentor and role model.
Her calls for theological reinterpretations of the Qur’an in order to advance
women’s rights and female sexuality resonate with Kamila. However, when
Kamila catches Kak Nufus making love to another woman, she is shocked and
prays to God to give her strength (Abidah 2003:208-9). At this point we find
out that Kamila strongly condemns lesbianism. Later in her life she is con-
fronted with homosexuality again while participating in a training workshop
in Strasbourg. She witnesses a demonstration by gays and lesbians campaign-
ing for their rights, but refuses to sign a petition to support the protesters. A
lesbian friend circulates gossip that Kamila is involved in a same-sex romance.
Kamila pities her friend because of her sexual orientation, and distances herself
from her. This scene completes the novel in an open-ended way with Kamila as
a single woman in Europe, learning about human rights issues.
The ideal Muslim man
Geni Jora echoes themes similar to those from Abidah’s earlier work. The set-
ting, however, is strikingly global, covering a range of international places in
the Muslim world away from Indonesia. The dynamics in Kejora’s roman-
tic relationship resembles Kamila’s: her boyfriend, Zakky Hedouri, is a flirt,
physically affectionate, full of banter, and ‘hunting’ for Kejora. She, however,
resists the role of love interest, is reserved, and keeps a distance in order to
maintain her autonomy and observe Islamic moral propriety. She always in-
sists that they sleep in different hotel rooms when they travel together (Abi-
dah 2004:7).
terus memburu. Lalu prang!! Vas bunga jatuh ketika Haidar berusaha melucuti satu persatu kan-
cing bajuku. Inah tergopoh berlari dari arah dapur dan kami gelagapan. (Abidah 2003:180-1;
[…] we started to lose our heads. We made out in the guest room, in the bedroom, on the sofa,
on the table, in front of the mirror. The rooms turned quiet. There was only breathless panting,
constantly breathless. Then, boom. A flower pot fell when Haidar tried to unbutton my blouse
one by one. Inah came hastily running in from the kitchen and we were lost for words.)
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Geni Jora describes pesantren life when Kejora is a girl, yet the plot is not
chronologically narrated. The novel opens in 1993 with a visit to Morocco.
Zakky is a student in Damascus where Kejora has spent time with him and
they have also stayed in Amman and Medina. They have a wide network
of international Muslim friends and contacts. They are young intellectuals,
critical of global issues, and supportive of Muslim causes. Kejora’s friendship
with female Hamas activists conveys a strong pro-Palestinian and anti-Israeli
stand (Abidah 2004:21-3).
In the past Zakky used to have a string of girlfriends, and Kejora is
troubled by his playboy reputation. While he does his utmost to tell her that
he seriously loves her, and tries to flirt with her and make advances, she
constantly gives him the cold shoulder. She suspects him of womanizing,
and simply does not trust him. When introduced to Zakky’s friend Asaav
Muscovich, an Ashkenazi Jew who converted to Islam, she is impressed by
his energy and personality. In spite of her doubts Kejora travels with Zakky
to Java to settle their engagement with their parents. Yet, Kejora is still sus-
picious of Zakky’s philandering. She decides that as a woman she has the
same rights and liberties that he has. Back in Damascus she meets Asaav in
the privacy of her home where they start caressing and kissing each other.
Zakky catches them in the act and once again tries to convince Kejora that he
is committed to her alone.
In the end it takes Kejora’s female friend Elya Huraibi to reassure her
about Zakky, and thus the novel closes with the stereotypical happy ending.
Elya is Kejora’s confidante from the five years they spent at a pesantren. Girls
would form cliques and rivalry gangs. Kejora used to escape this atmosphere,
and spend time outside at night in solitude and silence, looking at the stars.
During one such night when Elya accompanies her, Kejora realizes that she
feels physically and emotionally attracted to her friend. She experiences an
instant surge of sensuality:
What was happening to me? Did I have a fever attack? Did ghosts disturb me? The
moment Elya placed her hand on the back of my fingers, I felt two electric cur-
rents dash down, fly through or suck up my heartbeat throughout my entire body.
Heaven forbid! It was as if something was wrong with me.15
It is generally not uncommon for Indonesian women to hold hands or to walk
with arms linked, and in principle one should not associate such physical
contact with lesbianism or same-sex attraction. Yet, in Kejora’s case she does
15 Apakah yang tengah terjadi dengan diriku? Terserang demam? Diganggu jin? Saat Elya
meletakkan tangannya di punggung jemariku, kurasakan dua arus kekuatan yang menghempas,
melesat, atau menyedot aliran nadi di sekujur tubuhku. Astaghfirullah! Sepertinya ada yang ku-
rang beres dengan diriku. (Abidah 2004:58.)
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feel a rush of sexual energy and it confuses her. As readers we never find out
what Elya feels for Kejora, and Kejora herself never takes these emotions fur-
ther. She does not have a choice, really, as one of their fellow students catches
her and Elya red-handed in an embrace and spreads the rumour that they are
lesbians. They deny the allegations, knowing that, if found guilty of the ac-
cusation, they will be punished with 80 lashes. In the pesantren lesbianism is
an unpardonable crime.16
It never becomes clear to what extent Kejora’s affection for Elya influ-
ences her feelings for Zakky. But eventually only Elya manages to persuade
Kejora that she and Zakky make a great couple. The novel ends with Zakky’s
‘monumental promise’ (janjinya paling monumental, Abidah 2004:208) that he
will be monogamous and a faithful husband. Kejora reflects on her position
as a woman, on gender roles and the possibilities beyond the limitations that
are set by society for men and women.
Zakky, the playboy, has turned into a committed husband-to-be and true
life partner (mitra hidupmu, Abidah 2004:213): an ideal Muslim man who will
treat Kejora as his equal and fully support her in her endeavours as an auton-
omous, modern woman. As readers we can question, however, whether it is
Zakky who surrenders to Kejora so that she can claim with confidence that
her quest is accomplished, as she is inclined to believe, or whether it is actu-
ally Kejora who is conquered by Zakky, who represents dominant, yet shift-
ing patriarchal values. Eventually Kejora accepts the traditional female role as
wife-to-be and Zakky transforms from philanderer to faithful husband-to-be.
Readers may doubt whether his transformation will be long-lasting. It may
point to a dilemma that both audiences and author face: is it possible to frame
women’s freedom and autonomy within the parameters of Islam, or are those
parameters by definition not ‘liberating’ enough? This is a recurring theme
among all female characters who struggle to reinterpret Islamic values in
order to create a new kind of ‘modernity’ that is not Western and at the same
time not associated with conservative Islamic doctrines.
To complete the circle I return to Nisa in Abidah’s first novel. When Nisa
finally reveals Samsudin’s brutality to her mother, her parents give their bless-
ing to endorse the dissolution of her marriage. A divorcee (janda) at the age of
17, Nisa throws herself into Yogyakarta’s university life and student activism,
specifically to help battered women. Meanwhile Lek Khudori has returned
with a Master’s degree, an enlightened Muslim man. During the years of
his absence he and Nisa have remained loyal in their love for each other. He
moves to Yogyakarta as a lecturer, and marries Nisa. For the first time Nisa
experiences sex not as an act of violence, but as an intimate expression of
lovemaking. She finally realizes what sexual pleasure means, a scene that
16 Biasanya, para pelaku lesbian akan dihukum cambuk sebanyak delapan puluh kali [...] keja-
hatan lesbian merupakan kejahatan paling tidak terampuni. (Abidah 2004:93-4.)
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via free accessAbidah El Khalieqy’s novels 27
is described in great detail.17 This is sexual intercourse sanctioned by matri-
mony and experienced almost as a spiritual elation,18 and therefore not likely
to be perceived as ‘vulgar’. Yet, I would argue that the graphic nature of the
description transgresses the limits of what readers generally find acceptable.
Nisa becomes a total woman in her own right, more so when their marriage
is blessed with a son. Lek Khudori shows himself to be not only a tender and
affectionate husband but also a caring father. Samsudin, however, is revenge-
ful and intends to harm Nisa and her family. When Lek Khudori dies in a fatal
car accident probably caused by Samsudin, Nisa must live on without the love
of her life. She does so in the persuasion that ‘Life and death are completely in
God’s Hands […] He knows what is best for His servants.’19 She is a resilient
woman and mother, independent, resourceful and strong in her faith.
In closing
Abidah’s protagonists represent modern Muslim women in the making,
searching for new forms of selfhood and female subjectivity without finding
definite answers. They distinguish themselves from other female representa-
tions such as Helvy’s ‘victims’ and ‘heroines’ who make sacrifices or acqui-
esce to Islamic teachings (Arnez 2009:61). These women constantly face a di-
lemma as they are ‘compelled to find ways of arguing for modernity without
allowing themselves to be charged with advocating Westernisation’ (Budi-
man 2008:82). They struggle to shape their identities in harmony with Islamic
teachings and to balance globalized values and forces that have reached In-
donesia with religious morality. The novels raise awareness about how Is-
lam sanctions patriarchal power that leads to gender inequity and women’s
marginalization, and show how Islam restricts women’s rights to their own
bodies and sexuality. Reactions to the Perempuan berkalung sorban movie assert
that the film is controversial as it challenges patriarchal ideology and particu-
lar religious text interpretations. Mailing list contributors expressed concern
that it might be boycotted, that a fatwa (religious edict) on the film might be
17 Kurasakan ada yang mengalir hangat di dinding vaginaku […] kuarahkan tangan mas Khud-
hori untuk menjamah bagian atas dari kemaluanku […] Kurasakan jemarinya basah oleh cairan
hangat yang keluar dari kedalaman rasa […] kemaluanku terus ingin digelitik sambil ditekan oleh
sesuatu dan mas Khudhori memenuhinya sepenuh-penuhnya. (Abidah 2001b:218-9; I felt some-
thing hot flowing inside my vagina […] I directed Khudori’s hand to fondle the upper part of my
genitals […] I felt his fingers go wet with the hot moisture that flowed out of my innermost feelings
[…] I wanted my vagina to be aroused and pressed and Khudori satisfied me completely.)
18 Di antara rasa nikmat itu, aku mendengar mas Khudhori melafalkan sebuah doa. Bismillahi
Allahumma janibnas syaithan …. (Abidah 2001b:219; In between our feelings of bliss, I heard Khu-
dori utter a prayer. In the name of Allah, deliver us from evil.)
19 Hidup dan mati sepenuhnya di Tangan Allah. […] Ia lebih tahu apa yang terbaik bagi hamba-
Nya. (Abidah 2001b:305.)
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via free access28 Tineke Hellwig
issued, and even that the Front Pembela Islam might target cinemas with vio-
lent attacks.20 It is noteworthy that many who comment on the movie confess
never to have read the book.
Abidah’s work portrays pesantren education from an interesting angle.
Readers experience pesantren life from within through the female characters.
Studies of pesantren often concentrate on men, that is on ‘the paternal leader-
ship of kiai’ and male students, while ‘women […] [have] not received enough
attention’ (Eka Srimulyani 2008:81-2). They show that a male-dominated
understanding of Islam is firmly imprinted on young women’s minds, but
that women (nyai) do take up educational leadership.21 Abidah’s fiction criti-
cizes patriarchal attitudes and traditional gender roles that treat women as
sexual objects and inferior beings, and at the same time endorses women’s
activism and solidarity to advocate gender equity and social justice based on
modern interpretations of Islamic texts. Her female santri (pupils) seek dig-
nity and respect. While Abidah’s fiction speaks of female same-sex attraction,
hetero-normativity eventually prevails and the stories present an imagined
ideal Muslim man as the solution to the women’s quests. This man – who
is quite different from Fahri in Ayat-ayat cinta – not only recognizes unequal
male-female power dynamics but also stands beside women in their endea-
vour to reverse patriarchal thinking. However, Abidah’s most enlightened
male character Lek Khudori is not bestowed a long life as he is killed by
Samsudin. This we can read as a signal that in spite of some forward move-
ment, truly progressive Muslim thinking cannot yet last, a message that the
time for absolute change within patriarchal Islam has not yet arrived.
Reading Abidah’s fiction juxtaposed against other Reformasi literature we
realize how freedom of speech and critical thinking in the past decade have
had an impact on socio-religious issues and the literary-historical context.
Spaces have opened up for Islamic movements to become more political and
militant, and to connect to the larger Pan-Islamic world. Moral corruption
and Western influences have become hot topics of cultural debates.22 In their
own ways Abidah El Khalieqy and other women contribute to the discus-
sions, and are not afraid to make their voices heard alongside those of men.
20 For reactions to the movie Perempuan berkalung sorban, see Forum-Pembaca-Kompas@ya-
hoogroups.com and jurnalperempuan@yahoogroups.com.
21 For Islamic education and pesantren in Indonesia, see Islamic education 2008.
22 Anti-Western sentiments led to the banning of Playboy magazine, see Candraningrum
2007:110. Another topic of debate was the sexual nature of Inul Daratista’s dance performances.
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via free accessAbidah El Khalieqy’s novels 29
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