A Mu1 tidimensional Conceptualization of Racism-Related Stress: Implications for the Well-Being of People of Color
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Amencun /ournu1 of Orthopsychiatry, 70(1),January2000
0 2000 American OrthopsychiatricAssociation, Inc.
A Mu1tidimensional Conceptualization of
Racism-Related Stress: Implications for
the Well-Being of People of Color
Shelly P. Harrell, Ph.D.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
A conceptualization of racism-related stress and its impact on well-being is ofired
that integrates existing theory and research on racism, mu1ticul tural mental health, and
the stress process. The conceptualization is relevant to diverse raciayethnic groups,
considers the larger social and historical context, and incorporates attention to culture-
based variables that may mediate the relationship behueen racism and well-being.
Implications for intervention are discussed.
he toxin of racism that runs through the 1985). For decades, social scientists have at-
T veins of society has yet to find an antidote.
Racism can traumatize, hurt, humiliate, en-
rage, confuse, and ultimately prevent optimal
tempted to understand the nature and effects of
racism, prejudice, and discrimination in society
generally (Allport, 1954; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1988;
growth and functioning of individuals and commu- Feagin & Eckberg, 1980; Jones, 1972, 1997;
nities (Adam, 1990; Pierce, 1995). While, within Rothenberg, 1988; Zanna & Olson, 1994), and in
the context of racism, there have always been mental health specifically (De la Cancela & So-
abundant examples of resilience, strength of char- tomayor, 1993; Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Kardiner &
acter, capacity for love and giving, joy, fulfillment, Ovesey. 1951; Ridley, 1995; Turner & Kramer,
and success, there remain far too many examples 1995; Wade, 1993). However, there has been a dis-
of despair, dysfunction, isolation, hopelessness, proportionate interest in the underlying attitudes
destructiveness, and spiritual depletion. Despite and forms of racism, and comparatively less atten-
progress on various indices of equality, racism- tion paid to the experience of racism among those
related occurrences continue. These include: ra- who are its targets (Essed, 1991; Lalonde, Ma-
cially motivated hate crimes (Carter, 1994; Chan jumder, & Parris, 1995; Ruggiero & Taylor, 1995;
& Haro, 1996); racial incidents on college cam- Swim & Stangor, 1998).
puses (Farrell & Jones, 1988); political activities Racism is frequently mentioned in the literature
suggestive of anti-immigrant sentiments; backlash on the psychological functioning of culturally di-
related to racial equity efforts; and the free expres- verse groups (Comas-Diaz & Grtffith, 1988; Sue &
sion of racial intolerance, hostility, and violence on Sue, 1999), and several general models of mental
the Internet, where some 600-800 seek to inspire and physical health incorporating racism have been
racial hatred (Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1998). All offered (Akbar, 1992; Fernando, 1984; Jackson &
of this suggests that racism is “alive and sick” in Inglehart, 1995; Jones, 1985; Williams, 1996).
America’s neighborhoods, institutions, and con- However, mental health practitioners have had lit-
sciousness. tle systematic guidance in exploring the multiple
Racism affects all people, both dominant and ways that racism may influence their clients’ well-
nondominant group members (Simpson & Yinger, being. Researchers have lacked a conceptual foun-
Iiriirtrd for iriclrtsiori iri flris special sectiori of flre lourrial. Tire aufhor is af flie Graduate Sciiool of Educafiorr arid Psychology,
Pepprrdirie Uiiiversity, Culver Cify, Calif.
42Shelly P. Harrell 43
dation specific to racism and well-being that can feriority of a racial/ethnic group), institutional
guide empirical study and serve as a basis for fur- (systemic oppression and exploitation), and cul-
ther theoretical developments (Jackson et al., tural (ethnocentrism and status-quo maintenance).
1996). In sum, the breadth and complexity of It is suggested here that Jones’s categories interact
racism, as it is experienced by those on the receiv- with each other in complex ways and are mani-
ing end, has not been adequately addressed in the fested in four general contexts, in which specific
psychological literature. The primary goal of this experiences of racism occur, namely the interper-
paper, therefore, is to present a multidimensional sonal, collective, cultural-symbolic, and sociopo-
conceptualization of the ways that racism is expe- litical contexts.
rienced, and to suggest potential pathways through Interpersonal context. At the interpersonal level,
which it affects the well-being of its targets. racism is manifested through both direct and vicar-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
ious experiences of prejudice and discrimination.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
DEFINITION AND CONCEPTUALIZATION This involves interactions with other people, as
There are many definitions of racism in the liter- well as observation of their actions, nonverbal be-
ature (Bitlhun, 1985; Essed, 1991; Jones, 1972; havior, and verbal statements. These interpersonal
Ridlev, 109.5; Rothenberg, 1988); most have in interactions and observations can reflect individ-
common the centrality of power. Racism is defined ual, cultural, and institutional racism. Cultural and
here as: institutional racism provide environmental support
A .syrtem of dominance. poiwr. andprivilege based on racial- for the expression of individual racism through the
group de.si,qnation.s: rooted in the historical oppression of a behavior of people in interpersonal situations.
group &fined or perceived by dominant-group members as in- Collective context. Racism is manifested through
/cprior, deviant. or irndesirahle; and occurring in circum-
the status and functioning of large groups of
.s/ances where members of the dominant group create or ac-
cept /heir soctetal privilege by maintaining structures, ideol- people. Data on racial disparities in educational
o p . values, and behavior that have the intent or eflect of leav- achievement, unemployment rates, incidence and
ing nondominant-group members relatively excluded from prevalence of disease, and treatment in the crimi-
poii’er. esleeiii. status. and/or equal access to societal resources. nal justice system are examples of the collective
Racism can be overt or covert, intentional or un- manifestations of racism. Such disparities reflect
intentional (Jones, 1972; Ridley, 199.5). The defi- the combined and interactive effects of individual,
nition offered here, by focusing on racism in domi- cultural, and institutional racism.
nantinondominant racial-group interactions (Roth- Cultural-symbolic context. Racism is expressed
cnhrrg, 1988). renders “reverse racism” a nonsen- in images and impressions of nondominant rac-
sical construct. In contrast, the constructs of iallethnic groups that are portrayed in the news and
stereotypes (distorted and overgeneralized cogni- entertainment media, through art and literature, as
tive labels), prejudice (negative judgments and at- well as through research and scientific inquiry.
titudes), and discrimination (unfair treatment) can The generation of knowledge, and communication
be based on a wide range of human characteristics. of that knowledge, reflects the values and practices
These phenomena occur between and within vari- of scholars and academicians. Individual attitudes,
ous nondominant and dominant raciaVethnic institutional practices, and accepted paradigms and
groups. However, racism can be distinguished common values within dominant culture are repre-
from racial stereotypes, racial prejudice, and racial sented in art, entertainment, and science.
discrimination. Racism is rooted in a historical Sociopolitical context. Racism is manifested in
continuity of in.justice and disparity that is linked the nature of political debate and public discussion
to contemporary circumstances and systematically about race, race ideology, policies and practices
influences the conditions and experiences of large within institutions (both stated and unstated), and
groups of people. Racism provides a context for legislative processes. Again, all three of Jones’s
the development and maintenance of-and en- forms of racism can occur at this level. For exam-
dures, in part, due to-stereotypes, prejudice, and ple, personal biases have an impact on individual
discrimination (Loft & Maluso, 199.5). voting behavior; the need to maintain the status
An analysis of the forms and manifestations of quo of the dominant culture affects political pro-
racism is necessary to help clarify the complexity cesses; and institutional dynamics influence poli-
of the construct. Jones (1972) delineated three pri- cies and practices within organizations. Considera-
mary forms of racism: individual (belief in the in- tion of the sociopolitical context suggests that a44 A Conceptualization of Racism-Related Stress
comprehensive understanding of racism’s role in demands (Lazarus & Launier, 1978). Pearlin (1983)
mental health necessitates attention to conditions maintained that stress can be understood as a
and events in the larger social context. “product of identifiable social conditions shared
The total experience of racism for any individual by large numbers of people and not simply as a
involves the simultaneous exposure to racism in result of randomly occurring circumstances” (p.
interpersonal, collective, cultural-symbolic, and 5). Kessler (1979) noted that “one’s position in the
sociopolitical contexts. This exposure is hypothe- social structure also defines one’s access to various
sized to affect the unique life experiences, external resources that can be useful in dealing with stress”
circumstances, internal characteristics, and behav- (p. 260). It is on these points that the stress-and-
ior of both dominant and nondominant group coping literature converges with the literature on
members. However, the focus here is on the expe- the social and psychological functioning of histori-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
rience of racism among members of historically cally oppressed racial/ethnic groups. Racism can
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
oppressed raciaVethnic groups. affect the well-being of individuals and groups not
only through the experience of stress, but also
THE STRESS PROCESS through its influence on the various mediators of
Within the multicultural mental health literature, stress (e.g., support resources, coping options).
the stress process has been identified as a particu- Currently, however, research and theory on stress
larly relevant framework for conceptualizing and and coping among people of color has fallen short
investigating mental health issues among people of of comprehensively capturing experiences and
color (Moritsugu & Sue, 1983; Slavin. Rainer, Mc- characteristics that emerge from person-environ-
Creaty, & Gowda, 1991). In general, ecological ment transactions involving race and culture.
paradigms of mental health emphasize social and
environmental contexts as central determinants of Racism-Related Stress
human behavior (Trickett, Watts, & Birman, 1994). The experience of life stress includes situations
Stress research has been at the forefront of inte- that can occur across all sociodemographic groups
grating these considerations into models of adap- (e.g., death of a loved one, loss of a job). For peo-
tive functioning. Stress and coping theories gener- ple of color, however, life stress must also include
ally suggest that adaptational outcomes of individ- consideration of experiences that are related to the
uals can be linked to stress exposure and a variety unique person-environment transactions involving
of mediating factors (Goldberger & Breznitz, 1993; race. Experiences of racism are embedded within
Lazarus & Folkman. 1984; Pearlin, Menaghan, interpersonal, collective, cultural-symbolic, and
Lieberman, dG Mullan, 1981). Surprisingly, there are sociopolitical contexts, and can be sources of
only a few examples of any substantive integration stress. Drawing on the definition of psychological
of racial or cultural factors in mainstream stress stress offered by Lazarus and Folkman (1984), the
theory and research (Aldwin, 1994; Dohrenwend & multidimensional construct of racism-related stress
Dohrenwend, 1970). However, stress theories have is defined here as:
been utilized in many approaches to the psycho- The race-related transactions between individuals or groups
logical functioning of historically oppressed rac- and their environment that emerge from the dynamics o/
ial/ethnic groups (Kuwanishi, 1995; Neighbors, racism, and that are perceived to tax or exceed existing indi-
Jackson, Bowman, & Gurin, 1983; Peters & Mas- vidual and collective resources or threaten tvefl-being.
,sq, 1983). Although multicultural and race-related Essed (1991) and Lalonde and Cameron (1994)
models of stress have been offered (Cervantes & have suggested that a phenomenological approach
Castro, 1985; Myers, 1982; Outlaw, 1993; S h i n be adopted to advance insight into the experience
et al., 1991; Smith, 1985), these models do not spec- of racism. The subjective judgment of the individ-
ify the nature of racism-related stress. A recent no- ual is the critical point of analysis in understanding
table exception is Allison’s (1998) integrated the impact of racism on well-being. However, it is
model of stress linked with categorical status. not uncommon for experiences of racism to be
The relevance of stress theory in the study of questioned or challenged by others. Such requests
racism is in the centrality of the transaction be- for “proof” can create a my-perception-against-
tween person and environment, whereby the envi- yours dilemma that may include accusations of
ronment affects individual functioning and the be- paranoia, hostility, oversensitivity, manipulation,
havior of individuals contributes to environmental self-serving motives, or having a chip on one’s45
shoulder (E.ssed, 1991). Thus, the stress-and po- ic-contextual, collective, and transgenerational
tential damage-of racism lies not only in the spe- transmission).
cific incident, but also in the resistance of others to Racism-relafed li$e events. These stressors in-
believing and validating the reality or significance clude significant life experiences that are relatively
of one’s personal experience. time-limited. They may lead to other events. or
Recent research suggests that people’s percep- their effects may be lasting. However, the experi-
tions of personal and group discrimination are gen- ence itself has a beginning and an end. The events
erally quite accurate (Taylor, Wright, & Porter, can occur across various domains of life experi-
IYY-l), and that people are more likely to make at- ence (Feagin, 199 I ) , including neighborhood,
tributions of discrimination when the stimulus is work, finances, education, law enforcement/legal,
unambiguous (Ruggiero & Taylor, 19Y5) or in- health care, and social; examples include being re-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
tense (Wilson & 5ennetf, 1994). However, people jected for a loan, being harassed by the police, or
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
of color may spend a great deal of emotional and being discriminated against in housing. Personal
cognitive energy on racism (Essed, 1991; Feagin, and environmental characteristics influence the
I Y Y I ) . This process of questioning one’s observa- frequency of such experiences. They are unlikely
tions and perceptions, replaying a situation in to occur on a daily or weekly basis for most peo-
one’s mind over and over again, attempting to ex- ple, and may occur quite infrequently (i.e., less
plain it to others, and entertaining alternative ex- than once a year) or not at all.
planations can be stressful above and beyond the Vicarious racism experiences. Racism exerts its
original experience (Pierce. 1995). influence not only through direct personal experi-
Of course, racism may sometimes be attributed ence, but also vicariously, through observation and
to occurrences that could be better explained by report. The inclusion of vicarious experiences is
other factors, or that are in the service of protecting critical in understanding the nature of racism’s ef-
self-esteem in the face of failure (Crocker & Ma- fect on individuals (Essed, IYYI: Roo(, IYY3). Ex-
j o r , I Y W ) . As Crocker and Major noted, members periences of pre.judice and discrimination that hap-
of stigmatized groups are often socialized to be pen to members of one’s family and close friends
vigilant in ambiguous situations. On the other (Steele et al., 1982; Taturn, I Y 8 7 ) , as well as those
hand, although failure to perceive racism does not involving strangers (e.g., the 1998 dragging death
necessarily obviate its influence, some degree of of James Byrd in Texas). can be quite distressing.
denial may help to maintain a belief in a “just They can create anxiety, a heightened sense of dan-
world” and the fairness of others, avoid feelings of ger/vulnerability, anger, and sadness, among other
powerlessness and vulnerability (Croshy, IY84), emotional and psychological reactions. These vi-
and conserve psychic and emotional energy. It can carious experiences can also teach valuable les-
be argued, however, that this short-term protection sons about the places where racism hides and re-
may undermine the development of long-term cop- sides.
ing. leaving one unprepared for and, ultimately, Daily racism microstressors. These experiences
more vulnerable to expressions of racism. are a central part of understanding the dynamics of
racism in contemporary America (Adams, 1990;
Six Typcs (IfRackin-Related Strcss Cose, 1993; Essed, 1991; Feagin, 1991; Franklin.
If the relationship of racism and mental health is 1993; Griffin, 1991; Guthrie, I Y Y S ; Maluso, I Y Y 5 ;
to be illuminated, the multiple ways that racism is Pierce, 1995). Pierce (1995) described them as
experienced must be identified. It is suggested here “microaggressions” that include “subtle, innocu-
that there are at least six types of racism-related ous, preconscious or unconscious degradations
stress: racism-related life events, vicarious racism and putdowns” (p. 281). They serve as daily re-
experiences, daily racism microstressors, chronic- minders that one’s race/ethnicity is an ongoing
contextual stress, collective experiences of racism, stimulus in the world. This type of racism includes
and the transgenerational transmission of group the slights and exclusions involved in what Lott
traumas. These have parallels in the three primary and Maluso (1995) referred to as “interpersonal
sources of stress identified in the generic stress Iit- discrimination,” and are examples of “the humilia-
erature (Whcuton, l Y Y 3 ) : episodic stress (direct tion dynamic” discussed by Griffin (199 I ) . Guth-
and vicarious racism experiences), daily hassles rie (1995) described them as unintentional of-
(racism microstressors). and chronic strain (chron- fenses that create an atmosphere of expectation46 A Conceptualization of Racism-Related Stress
that something racist will happen. In his account of who are in a significant statistical minority (e.g., in
the invisibility syndrome among African-Ameri- predominantly white settings).
can males, Franklin (1993) stated that “these daily Collective experiences. This source of stress re-
experiences are as much a part of our lives as the flects the idea that cultural-symbolic and sociopo-
air we breathe” (p. 34). litical manifestations of racism can be observed
Examples of microstressors include: being ig- and felt by individuals. Experiences of racism at
nored or overlooked while waiting in line, being the collective or group level involve perceptions of
mistaken for someone who serves others (e.g., its effects on members of one’s same racial/ethnic
maid, bellboy), and being followed or observed group, regardless of direct personal experience
while in public (Harrell, 1997). These experiences (Feagin, 1991). These can be distinguished from
can feel demoralizing, dehumanizing, disrespect- vicarious experiences in that they do not involve
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
ful, or objectifying (i.e., being treated as a stereo- witnessing or hearing about a specific incident of
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
type). While racism-related life events may happen racism associated with an identifiable individual.
infrequently to any one person, racism microstres- The economic conditions of members of one’s
sors occur more commonly. Pierce (1995) sug- raciallethnic group, the lack of political represen-
gested that a person may have thousands of such tation, or stereotypic portrayals in the media are
encounters during a lifetime. They may be per- examples of potential stimuli for collective racism-
ceived as not “serious” enough for most people to related stress. The well-being of those with limited
confront, and may not even be recalled unless personal experiences of racism can nonetheless be
asked about. According to Pierce, “most microag- affected by observation of how racism affects the
gressions have to be allowed to pass, to protect lives of others with whom they feel a sense of con-
one’s time, energy, sanity or bodily integrity” (p. nection and identification.
282). However, the accumulation of these experi- Perceptions of racism toward one’s group con-
ences contributes to the overall stress load of the stitute an an important and largely neglected part
individual. In addition, many of them are more in- of the racism experience. Taylor, Wright, Moghad-
tuitively than objectively race-related. As Carter dam, and Lalonde (1990) distinguished between
(1994) pointed out, they can easily be labeled personal and group perceptions of discrimination,
“nonracial” and minimized by others. and there is strong evidence to suggest that people
Chronic-contextual stress. This source of stress perceive discrimination toward their group signifi-
reflects the impact of the social structure, political cantly more often than they do personal experi-
dynamics, and institutional racism on social-role ences of discrimination (Crosby, 1984; Taylor et
demands and the larger environment within which al., 1990). This has been conceptualized as a pro-
one must adapt and cope. Unequal distribution of tective strategy to minimize the distress of acknowl-
resources and limitations on opportunities for peo- edging and coping with discrimination (Crosby,
ple of color influence the living conditions and 1984; Lalonde, Majumder, & Parris, 1995).
quality of life for individuals and families. Some Transgenerational transmission. Any conceptu-
chronic-contextual stressors (e.g., liquor stores on alization of racism-related stress must include con-
every corner, out-of-date textbooks in urban public sideration of the unique historical contexts of di-
schools) likely reflect an interaction of race and verse groups. The history of a racial/ethnic group
class. However, the dynamics of racism suggest affects the relationship between the group and
that race influences the distribution of economic wider American society. History also shapes the
resources. Chronic-contextual stress may or may content of the race-related family and community
not be perceived as related to racism by those who stories that are passed down through generations,
most intensely experience it. To assess the impact and has both intragroup and intergroup dimen-
of racism fully, one must have the time, energy, sions. Recognition and understanding of this his-
and resources to question the multiple influences tory is necessary in order to appreciate the layers
on one’s life circumstances. Severe and chronic of racism-related dynamics (Feagin. 1991; Lan-
life stress can keep people so immersed in the pro- drine, Klonofl Alcaraz, Scott, & Wilkins, 1995;
cess of day-to-day survival that such analyses may Turner & Kramer, 1995).
be unlikely to occur. It should also be noted that In her reconceptualization of trauma, Root
conditions of chronic stress can occur in employ- (1993) described the transgenerational transmis-
ment or neighborhood contexts for people of color sion of the effects of group traumas such as theShelly P. Harrell 47
slavery of African people, the internment of Jap- supervisor or by co-workers, or about trait-related
anese Americans during World War 11, the re- assumptions of being unprofessional, lazy, or hav-
moval of American Indians from their tribal lands, ing a poor work ethic. The experience of this com-
and refugee experiences. Aspects of oppression- mon hassle may be qualitatively different, and per-
related historical events can be transmitted across haps more intense, for members of historically op-
generations through discussion, storytelling, and pressed groups.
lessons taught to children, as well as observation The above delineation of six modes of racism-
of long-term effects (Greene, 1990). Socialization related experience suggests that it would be sim-
of trauma-related behavior and beliefs about the plistic to attribute the stress of racism to any partic-
world can relay the effects of the historical trauma ular incident encountered by an individual at some
across generations (Hass, 1996; Nagata, 1990). discrete point in time. During the course of one’s
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
lifetime, one may never personally experience hous-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
Other Sources of Stress ing discrimination, racially motivated violence, or
Although racism-related stress is the focus here, the false allegation of a crime. However, living in
it is important to consider the reciprocal relation- a society where the occurrence of any one of these
ships and interactions between racism and other things is at all times a distinct possibility can create
stressors. Understanding the totality of life stress stress above and beyond the generic stresses of
for people of color must include experiences spe- life. Feagin (1991), emphasizing the cumulative
cific to their raciaVethnic group, relevant to their impact of personal, family, and group experiences
minority status, and common to the mainstream of over time, suggested that the impact of racism is
society. Stress also emerges from status-related so- much greater than the sum of individual incidents.
cial roles associated with gender, social class, sex- The conceptualization of racism-related stress
ual orientation, religion, and disability. Study of offered here can apply to any historically op-
the important intersections of multiple oppressions pressed racial/ethnic group. However, the specific
has largely been neglected (Landrine et al., 1995; nature of the experience of racism (i.e, exposure,
Loiacano, 1989; Reynolds & Pope, 1991). People assessment, and reaction) varies among groups
vary in the significance of these status-related (Comas-Diaz & Greene, 1994) and reflects each
identities and the nature of stressful experiences group’s unique history, cultural norms, and rela-
related to them. The relationship between racism tionship to dominant culture. Although the racism
experiences and other forms of oppression must be literature has focused largely on African Ameri-
considered in a comprehensive understanding of cans, experiences and effects of racism have been
racism and well-being. For example, Loiacano described for several American racial/ethnic
(1989) described the racism that African-Ameri- groups, including Latinos (Gutierres, Saenz, &
can gays and lesbians encounter in the white gay Green, 1994; Ramirez, 1988; Salgado de Snyder,
community, and their simultaneous fears of rejec- 1987), Asians (Dion, Dion, & Pak, 1992; Pak, Dion,
tion due to homophobia and heterosexism within & Dion. 1991), and American Indians (Trimhle,
their own raciaVethnic community. Comas-Diaz 1988). This model also has some potential applica-
and Greene (1994) discussed the “double discrimi- tions to understanding the psychological impact of
natory bind of racism and sexism” (p. 381) for any status-based oppression (i.e., heterosexism,
women of color in the workplace. sexism), as well as discrimination and prejudice
Clearly, it is important to consider the role of between nondominant racial groups.
generic stressors, including major life events, daily
hassles, multiple role demands, and role conflict. Racism-Related Stress and Well-Being
The frequency, intensity, meaning, and conse- Racism has the potential to affect well-being
quences of common life stressors can vary based through a number of adaptational outcomes in five
on race/ethnicity. For example, encountering an general domains: physical, psychological, social,
accident on the way to work is likely to make one functional, and spiritual. Racism-related stress has
late and cause some stress fbr most people. How- been associated with health-related and physiolog-
ever, employees from historically oppressed rac- ical outcomes such as hypertension (Anderson,
ial/ethnic groups may experience additional stress 1989; Jackson et al., 1996; Krieger, 1990), cardio-
related to concerns about confirming negative vascular reactivity (Anderson, 1989), cigarette
racial stereotypes made about their lateness by a smoking (Landrine & Klonofi 1996), and physio-48 A Conceptualization of Racism-Related Stress
logical arousal (Jones, Harrell, Morris-Prather, health, as well as disorder, is a critical step toward
Thomas, & Omowale, 1996). Racism has also been a comprehensive understanding of the impact of
connected to psychological well-being as mani- racism on well-being .
fested in trauma-related symptoms (Adams, 1990; TABLE 1 outlines the major domains in a general
Harrell, Merchant, & Young, 1997; Root, 1993), model of racism-related stress and well-being. The
depression (Comas-Dim & Greene. 1994; Fer- model includes antecedent conditions that have a
nando, IY84; Salgado de Snyder, 1987), general direct influence on the type, intensity, and fre-
psychological distress (Amaro. Russo, & Johnson, quency of racism-related stressors (Simpson &
1987; Jackson et al., 1996; Pak et al., 1991), sub- Yinger, 1985), and identifies internal and external
stance abuse (Neuspiel, 1996), eating problems characteristics that can function to mediate the ef-
(Thompson, 1992), psychosomatization (Comas- fects of racism on a variety of psychological, phys-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Diaz & Greene. 1994), and violence (Kirk, 1986). ical, and behavioral outcomes.* TABLE 1 also lists
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
The evidence is compelling, and growing, that selected variables, many of which (e.g., racial
racism is pathogenic with respect to a variety of identity, racial socialization) have received some
physical and mental health outcomes. attention in the general literature on the psychol-
Social, functional, and spiritual dimensions of ogy of historically oppressed racial/ethnic groups.
well-being are also important areas for explo- However, while race is a sociopolitically defined
ration. Social well-being includes consideration of construct based loosely on physical characteristics
one’s ability and willingness to trust, have close that serve as markers for group membership, cul-
relationships, and be a part of a social group. The ture forms the core of human experience and influ-
betrayal and interpersonal aspects of racism expe- ences the development of beliefs, behavior, per-
riences can have implications for social relation- sonality, and the nature of relationships for mem-
ships both within and outside of one’s raciaVethnic bers of a given cultural group. Attention to vari-
group. Racism also likely plays a role in functional ables such as worldview, cultural values, and ac-
well-being, which includes role-related behavior culturation status are important to consider, as they
such as school achievement, job performance, and are the lens through which race-related experi-
parental functioning. For example, a recent series ences may be interpreted.
of studies suggested that the racism-related phe- Although the scope of this paper prohibits a de-
nomenon of stereotype threat can negatively affect tailed examination of the numerous variables that
the test performance of African-American students are potentially involved in the relationship of
(Steele & Aronson, 1995). Although spiritual well- racism and well-being, the model challenges re-
being is a frequently neglected dimension, racism searchers and practitioners to explore their interac-
experiences can be dehumanizing and threaten the tions and disentangle their effects. It provides a
vitality of one’s spirit and faith (Akbar, 1992). framework for use in the further exploration of
As Pierce (1995) has pointed out, we know too racism-related stress and well-being, and repre-
little about why some people are psychologically sents movement toward identifying the role of the
(and otherwise) devastated by racism, while others antecedent and mediating variables in a racism-
fare a great deal better. Exposure to racism-related related stress process. Clearly, individual well-
stress does not result in a single inescapable out- being is also influenced by stressors that are not
come, nor does it inevitably place a “mark of op- related to race. However, there is some evidence to
pression” (Kurdiner & Ovesq, 19-51) on the psyche suggest that experiences of racism influence well-
of people of color. Alternatively, the effects of being even after generic stressors are taken into ac-
racism are not always assuaged by economic ad- count (Dion et al.. 1992).
vantage, or by adopting a personal perspective that
the problem of racism has basically been amelio- Antecedent Variables
rated in America. Unfortunately, early work on the Person and socioenvironmental factors are two
mental health effects of racism (Crier & Cobbs, primary categories of antecedent variables that set
1968; Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951) overemphasized the background and context for life experiences
pathology and self-hatred, to the relative exclusion and personal development. Person factors include
of healthy functioning. Clearly, some people are
significantly impaired by the web of racism’s in- ‘A tigure giving an overview of‘the model and indicating the
fluence. However, illuminating the pathways to interactions of its components is available from the author.Shelly P. Hnrrell 49
Table 1
MODEL OF RACISM-RELATED STRESS AND WELL-BEING: DOMAINS AND SELECTED VARIABLES
I ANTECEDENT VARIABLES 1V. INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL MEDIATORS
Person Factors Internal Characteristics
Racelethnicity. gender, age. language, physical charac- Self-esteem, self-efficacy, cognitive appraisal and attributions
teristics Sociocultural Variables
Socioenvironmental Factors Worldview. cultural values, spirituality, raciallethnic identity,
Current sociopolitical context, regionallgeographic loca- racism-related coping styles, psychological acculturation.
tion. socioeconomic status (SES). racial composition of racial attitudes
contexts Affective and Behavioral Responses to Stress
Affective reactions (sadness, anger, humiliation. etc). specific
II FAMILIAL AND SOCIALIZATION INFLUENCES
coping behavior (problem-focusedlemotion-focused.active/
Family CharacteristicslDynamics
passive. inner-directedlouter-directed,individuallcollective)
Family structure and roles
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External Resources
Racial Socialization
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Social support (intragroup, community, intergroup, societal)
Family. community. institutional V OUTCOMES
Ill SOURCES OF STRESS Physical
Racism-Related Stress Hypertension, cardiovascular reactivity. risk behavior (e g ,
Racism-related life events daily racism microstressors. cigarette smoking)
chronic conditions of living. collectivelgroup perceptions. Psychological
transgenerational transmission of trauma Depression, anxiety, trauma-related symptoms, hostility
Other Status-Related Stress Social
Sexism heterosexism. religious discrimination. disability dis- Social connectedness; intragroup, intergroup relations
crimination ageism. classism Functional
Generic Stressors Job performance, academic achievement. parental functioning
Episodic life events, daily hassles, role strain. multiple roles, Spiritual
role conflict Loss of faith, meaninglessness. existential angst
characteristics that people are born with, and that turd community (e.g., ebonics) can also serve as
are quickly observable by others. They can serve stimuli for stereotypes and experiences of racism.
as stimuli that cue the use of stereotypes regarding Socioenvironmental factors include societal and
expected behavior, skills, and personality charac- community variables that are part of an individ-
teristics (./onev. 1992). For example, racial stereo- ual’s ecological context. For example, the current
types and experiences of racism can be gender- sociopolitical context (Landrine et al., 1995; My-
specific (Esscd, 1991) and can lead to quite differ- ers, 1982) and regional/geographic location can
ent person-environment transactions for men and influence the nature of racism experiences. Rac-
women within a single racial/ethnic group. Men ism-related tensions and occurrences may increase
and women within the same group may experience (or decrease) in relation to identifiable societal
different varieties of racism, as well as cope with events. Recent well-publicized examples include
racism differently. the first trial verdict of the police officers in the
Physical characteristics such as skin color, hair Rodney King beating incident, the passing of leg-
texture, size of facial features, and body shape islation to dismantle affirmative action, and the
vary between and within racial/ethnic groups and verdict in the O.J. Simpson criminal trial. Geo-
may influence the type and intensity of racism- graphic location also influences the nature and
related experiences. It has been suggested that types of racism-related experiences. For example,
whites interact more comfortably with, and judge prejudice and discrimination are central aspects of
inore favorably, people whose physical character- acculturative stress for immigrants (Sanchez &
istics are closer to their own (Edwards & Polite, Fernandez, 1993), and it is reasonable to suggest
IY92). These characteristics may also influence that anti-immigrant (specifically, anti-Mexican)
experiences within one’s own racial/ethnic group. sentiments are stronger in border states such as
The phenomenon of “colorism” (i.e., greater priv- California, Arizona, and Texas.
ilege and status granted to lighter-skinned mem- Socioeconomic status can certainly affect the
bers) has been observed within Asian, Latino, and type and the nature of racism-related experiences.
African-American subgroups (Harris, 1995). Lan- People of color who live in poverty may more in-
guage is also an important influence on the nature tensely experience the chronic effects of institu-
of one’s interactions in larger society (Ramirez. tional racism reflected in disparities in educational
1988). Monolinguality, retention of an “accent” resources, health care, and housing quality. At the
retlective of one’s primary language. or having a same time, middle- and upper-middle-income peo-
linguistic style characteristic of one’s racial/cul- ple of color may be more likely to encounter prob-50 A Conceptiinlizrztion of Racism-Relnted Stress
lems related to economic or career advancement, periences can result in the internalization of nega-
as well as more subtle interracial tensions and mi- tive racial stereotypes and create a vulnerability to
crostressors, due to the greater frequency with racism-related stress. Alternatively, a predomi-
which they function in mainstream environments. nance of positive racial socialization experiences
The racial composition of various life contexts can foster strength, pride, and the ability to cope
(e.g., neighborhood, work, school) can influence effectively with racism.
the nature of race-related experiences. The fre-
quency of “token” contexts (i.e., being statistically Internal and External Mediators
in a significant minority) vs. settings that are com- I n teriial Mediators
prised exclusively of one’s own group is an impor- Internal mediators are those that are person-
tant consideration. Comas-Diaz and Greene (1994), centered. Individual characteristics include cogni-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
for example, noted the stress related to tokenism tive processes (e.g., attributional style) and rela-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
affecting women of color who hold professional tively stable personal characteristics (e.g., self-
status. Similarly, a person of color who is born and esteem). Sociocultural variables include those per-
raised in a predominantly white community may sonal characteristics that are linked to cultural and
have quite different racism-related life experiences sociopolitical context (e.g., racial identity, racism-
than someone who was raised in a community related coping styles, and acculturation). Affective
comprised primarily of his or her own group. and behavioral responses to racism refer to the
Family and socialization processes affect the de- emotions and actions that occur subsequent to
velopment of personal characteristics, cultural val- stressful experiences. Some of these potential me-
ues, attitudes, and styles of coping with racism that diators are discussed below.
unfold over the life cycle. Moreover, these pro- Appraisal processes (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984)
cesses influence exposure to various sources of and causal attributions (Amirkan, 1990) have been
racism-related stress, particularly those that are vi- suggested as central to understanding the impact of
carious, collective, and transgenerational. Family stress on outcomes. Racial and cultural influences
structure and dynamics shape the nature and qual- on the appraisal process have been identified (Alli-
ity of social relationships, communication style, son, 1998; Outlaw, 1993; Slavin ef at.. 1991). Rac-
and strategies for dealing with conflict, all of ism-related experiences can be attributed inter-
which affect the ways in which the individual nally to one’s own behavior or characteristics
copes with racism. (e.g., assertiveness, incompetence), or externally
Racial socialization research has emphasized the to systemic and institutional dynamics, the preju-
role of the family as the primary transmitter of dices and stereotypes of others, chance, bad luck,
messages regarding the meaning of race/ethnicity or spiritual forces. Individuals vary in the degree
for personal identity (Stevenson, 1994). The impor- to which they attribute cause and solution to these
tance of the parentlfamily role in this process lies factors, and situations vary in the extent to which
in the need to foster the development of healthy any of these factors may actually be operating. At-
racial identity and cultural pride, and to prepare tributions related to the cause of stress should be
children for the realities of racism (Tatum, 1987). distinguished from those relevant to coping (Brick-
However, throughout the life span, multiple sources man et a[., 1982), and may be quite different. For
convey to people meanings associated with race example, an incident of interpersonal racism could
and racism. Settings for community socialization be attributed to the prejudicial attitudes of others,
messages (Barbarin, 1981) are largely informal while the solution may be attributed to institutional
and include social gatherings, neighborhood activ- intervention or personal action.
ities, and other community interactions. Messages Racism may influence self-orientation through
about race are also transmitted through the institu- constructs such as self-esteem and self-efficacy.
tions of society (e.g., religious, educational, legal); For example, Crocker and Major (1989) suggested
television, books, newspapers, music, and film; three mechanisms through which stigma can affect
and interactions with socialization agents (e.g., self-esteem: I) reflected appraisals of negative and
teachers, police officers, ministers). For any indi- ethnocentric perceptions of others; 2) self-fulfilling
vidual, the meaning of race and racism is a unique prophecies in which the individual begins to take
integration of these influences and their interaction on the characteristics projected by others; and 3)
with personal experience. Racial socialization ex- limitations on environmental control that makeSIiclly P. Hnrrelf 52
feeling efficacious difficult. Self-esteem and self- the nature of the circumstance, and successful cop-
efficacy inay buffer the impact of racism-related ing with racism involves creativity and flexibility
stress on well-being. However, in some cultures, (Edwards & Polite, 1992; Lykes, 1983).
characteristics of the “self,” as a distinct entity, Coping behavior typologies specific to racism or
inay be less important to mental health than the re- discrimination have been offered by several au-
lationship with one’s racial/cultural/familialgroup thors (Allport, 1954; Feugin, 1991; Lalonde &
(Akhur, I YY2). Cameron, 1994; Simpson (e Yinger, 1985). These
Worldview, cultural values, spirituality, and generally include behavior on three continuums:
racial identity reflect deeply rooted internal as- active/passive, individual/collective, and inner-
pects of the individual, which can provide I ) a directed/outer-directed. Of special interest is the
connection with a larger racial, cultural, spiritual individuaVcollective dimension, which has typi-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
coinmunity; 2) a sense of meaning and understand- cally not been included in the general coping liter-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
ing of one’s life and world; and 3) a core founda- ature. This may be particularly relevant to racism-
tion offering guidance and a framework for de- related stressors, and involve acts such as mobiliz-
cision-making. Moreover, it has been suggested ing or joining boycotts, demonstrations, and peti-
that a worldview consistent with one’s racial/cul- tion drives; membership and activity in racial/eth-
tural group (./ones, I Y85), strong racial identity nic group organizations; and developing or partici-
( l ~ ~ d t n IsYY3/,
. racism awareness (Tutum, 1987), pating in parallel institutions (i.e., schools, banks).
and a bicultural adaptation (Jones, 1988) can fur- The decision-making process with respect to
nish the racism-resistant armor needed to build coping behavior can be very complex and is influ-
positive well-being. Recent research has suggested enced by multiple factors. Greene (1995), for ex-
that a strong attachment to one’s identity group ample, suggested that overt and covert discrimina-
can buffer the negative effects of discrimination tion require different forms of coping behavior.
and increase self-esteem (Branscombe X Ellemers, The immediate emotional responses to racism-
I9Y8). By contrast, the internalization of racist be- related experiences (e.g., rage, humiliation, fear,
liefs and behavior. unacknowledged racial self- confusion) (Hurrell, 1997) contribute to the spe-
hatred, separation from one’s raciaVethnic group, cific coping efforts used, the availability of sup-
and belief in one’s immunity to racism could exac- port, and the unfolding of the stress experience it-
erbate exposure to racism and increase the risk of self. For example, a fear response may result in
maladaptive outcomes. avoidance efforts, while an anger response may re-
There is no collective, homogeneous response to sult in more active coping efforts. The type of cop-
racism. The diverse styles of coping reflect the his- ing behavior utilized influences the outcome of the
torical dialogue between dominant and nondomi- stressful situation and can modify the stressor. The
nant groups 1.1 Hurrell, 1979). Racism-related cop- effectiveness of the coping effort can also affect
ing styles are the relatively stable adaptations that future attributions and appraisals. In addition, rac-
evolve in the service of coping with racism (e.g., ism always involves some power disparity and, as
intragroup affiliation, anti-racism consciousness such, the consequences of choosing particular cop-
and activism. race-related compartmentalization, ing strategies may be unwise or dangerous (Lu-
irrelevance of race, integration, outgroup orienta- londe et al., 1995). For example, in a racially hos-
tion [HurrcII, I Y Y 7 1 ) . They are to be distinguished tile work environment, taking direct action could
from coping behavior, which refers to specific ac- result in being labeled a troublemaker, endanger-
tions that individuals take in response to a particu- ing one’s career path, or even risking one’s physi-
lar stressor. Coping styles emerge from racial so- cal safety. On the other hand. choosing to suppress
cialization, the cumulative effects of racism-re- active coping, or going on as if nothing happened,
lated experiences on personality development; could have negative implications for well-being.
they retlect characteristics such as worldview and
racial identity. Many people develop stable reper- Esterital Mediators
toires of coordinated mechanisms, to manage External mediators include the array of interper-
themselves and their environments, which can be sonal, structural, and community support resources
drawn upon in different situations and in response available and utilized by the individual. There is a
to different types of racism-related experiences. large and conflicting body of research on the role
Thc success of any given coping style varies with of social support in mediating stress (Hobfoll &52 A Conceptualization of Racism-Related Stress
Vawr, 1992). However, it has generally been as- close. They also can assist clients in processing
sumed that satisfactory social support networks their understanding of such experiences, with spe-
can buffer the impact of stress on health and men- cial attention to addressing attributions of self-
tal health outcomes. The types of support available blame.
are determined, in part, by antecedent variables Assessment and understanding of internal medi-
(e.g., racelethnicity, socioeconomic status, geo- ators is especially important given the potential for
graphic location) and by the nature of the racism culture-based characteristics to be protective and
encounter itself (Fernando, 1984). Some resources empowering, and to enhance well-being. Interven-
may not be available in a particular situation, re- tions that identify and strengthen relevant socio-
gardless of inclination or desire to utilize them. cultural variables (e.g., racial/ethnic identity) can
lntragroup support. Individuals and organiza- be quite effective for many clients struggling with
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
tions from within one’s raciallethnic group can as- racism. Therapists are encouraged to explore the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
sist one in dealing with racism-related experiences utility of specific types of coping behavior, and to
by providing understanding, modeling, and men- help the client generate alternative coping strate-
toring. At another level, community support in- gies. Collective coping efforts (e.g., participation
volves the more global sense of a psychological in social-change activities) directed toward elirni-
community; it does not require an identifiable indi- nating or altering the nature of the stressor should
vidual, but reflects an awareness that support is be considered, and may be particularly empower-
available from the larger community, a feeling of ing psychologically. Social support availability
connectedness and not being alone, as well as the and utilization should be assessed in multiple areas
knowledge that others in one’s group have had- (intragroup, intergroup, community, institutional).
and survived-common experiences. Active engagement of support networks and iden-
Intergroup support. The validation of racism ex- tification of role models for coping with racism
periences by outgroup members can provide a (Comas-Diaz & i
Greene, 1994) are also important
sense of safety, security, and hope, as well as de- strategies to explore.
crease isolation and alienation. This includes hav- It is necessary to assess, but not assume, the
ing ‘‘allies’’ from the dominant group, as well as salience and impact of racism-related experiences
other historically oppressed racial/ethnic groups. for clients of color. The consequences of ignoring
Environmental and institutional support. Poli- the potential role of racism in the client’s life and
cies, systems, and tangible resources (e.g., a fair perceptions can be detrimental to the therapeutic
and open process for complaints within an organi- alliance (Brantley, 1983; Hankins-McNary, 1979),
zation) may be available to help deal with racism- as well as to the effectiveness of treatment. Thera-
related experiences. pists must focus on the ways in which their clients
experience and understand their world (Ridley,
IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERVENTION 1995). Minimizing or overemphasizing racism-
The conceptual model presented here can in- related stress may reflect the primacy of the thera-
form the development of intervention strategies. pist’s needs and comfort, rather than the needs of
Within a stress framework, well-being is generally the client. Indeed, when racial and cultural issues
facilitated by eliminating the stressor, changing its are mutually understood and appreciated early in
nature or one’s perception of it, or strengthening therapy, the door may be opened wider for the ex-
the internal or external resources needed to deal ploration of other problems and concerns.
with it effectively. With respect to antecedent vari- Priest (1991) underscored the importance of
ables, therapists can encourage clients to explore therapists validating that racism does, indeed, ex-
how personal characteristics and environmental ist, and acknowledging the social and political re-
contexts affect their exposure to racism. Examina- alities of their clients. Clinicians should avoid any
tion of familial and socialization influences can in- tendency to turn the therapy session into a court-
crease clients’ awareness and understanding of room by requiring proof that a client’s experience
their race-related perceptions, attitudes, and cop- of racism really is racism. Franklin (1993) noted
ing styles. Through identification, validation, and that therapists need to be able to help clients talk
discussion of racism-related experiences, thera- about the accumulation of indignities in their daily
pists can enable clients to talk about events that lives, without minimizing or rationalizing them.
may be humiliating, painful, and difficult to dis- lvey (1995) urged therapists to help clients be-Sliclly P. Hnrrell 53
come aware of how their problems relate to the so- riculum be infused not only with information
ciocultural context (e.g., oppression) and suggested about specific cultural groups, but also about so-
that interventions consider consciousness-raising ciopolitical dynamics (Watts, 1994), racism aware-
as central to the healing process. ness (Turner & Krarner, 1995) and training in an-
Establishing trust (Frunklin, 1992) and manag- tidomination (Brown, 1993).
ing racial anger (Ahernerhy, 1995) have been iden-
tified as particularly important issues for those CONCLUSION
working with clients from historically oppressed Mental health professionals must embrace the
raciaVethnic groups. Stevenson and Renard (1993) challenge of understanding the nature of racism-
suggested that clinicians who are sensitive to op- related stress and disentangling the complex rela-
pression issues, and who are willing to help clients tionships between racism and well-being. The re-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
mobilize oppression-survival strategies, have a cent development of several scales to measure
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
greater likelihood of building credibility and trust. racism-related stress (Harrell, 1997; Lundrine &
This foundation of trust is necessary if the thera- Klonofi 1996; McNeiIb el al., 1996; Utsey & Pon-
pist is to help clients openly explore how their own terotto, 1996) should help to encourage and facili-
psychological issues play a role in racism-related tate empirical research that more substantively in-
encounters. Discussions of racism in the therapeu- tegrates racism into the study of historically op-
tic context present opportunities to explore the in- pressed racial/ethnic groups. However, as both the
terplay between the client’s inner and outer world, theoretical and empirical work continue to move
and to form a strong alliance in the healing and forward, there are a few cautions to heed.
growth process. It is important to be aware of any tendency to
Therapists also must be aware of their own view the functioning of people of color as solely a
racial stereotypes and prejudices (Brown, 1993; response to racism, or to view racism-related expe-
Brtrrit1~v91983; R i d q 1995; Pinderhughes, 1989). riences as necessarily the focus of psychotherapy.
Biases can affect a therapist’s ability to listen, un- Racism is but one factor in an individual’s devel-
derstand, show empathy and respect, develop a opment. Jones’s (1985) model of dimensions of
strong therapeutic alliance, and engage in creative African-American psychological functioning has
and relevant problem-solving with clients from application across raciallethnic groups. It identifies
historically oppressed raciaVethnic groups. This is four influences on psychological functioning:
important for both same-race and cross-race thera- mainstream American culture, culture of origin,
peutic dyads. The therapist who is unable, unwill- reaction to racism, and individual and family expe-
ing, or unprepared to discuss racism may lose riences and endowments. According to Jones, the
credibility with clients, as well as be limited in the relative importance of each influence varies from
ability to help clients recognize and cope with individual to individual; the various influences
racism-related threat. Comas-Diaz and Jacobsen also overlap and have reciprocal effects.
( I Y Y I ) identified important ethnocultural transfer- Stevenson (1994) has cautioned against dichoto-
ence and countertransference dynamics that can mous logic; multiple perspectives should be con-
emerge in therapy. In addition, it is important for sidered concurrently, not in competition. Thus, the
therapists to be able to identify what they are nor primary question is not whether racism affects
exploring with clients. Clients of color may be vig- people of color, nor does it involve comparing the
ilant to subtle cues regarding the therapist’s dis- importance of racism to the importance of other
comfort or avoidance of racism as an acceptable variables. Rather, the central question involves the
topic for discussion. complexity of the ways in which racism influences
I t is likely that most psychotherapists are rela- the well-being of oppressed racial/ethnic groups
tively unfamiliar with the racism literature (Alli- and their members.
.\on. (’ruwfi~rd,Echernendia, Robinson, & Knepp, Consideration of racism as a source of stress
l Y Y 4 , Bcrnul d Cuslro, 1994), that they have little should not be used inappropriately to pathologize
training in the area, and that their perspectives on the functioning of historically nondominant rac-
race and racism reflect their own experiential and ial/ethnic groups. It is essential both to avoid a
socialization influences, rather than being in- “blame the victim” posture, which holds individu-
formed by the existing body of knowledge. It is als solely responsible for their condition (Priest,
important, therefore, that the mental health cur- 1991), and to resist promoting the idea that racismYou can also read
