2019 ChinaMED Report - Webflow
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
ChinaMED Report
2019
ChinaMed Report 2019
China’s New Role in the Wider
Mediterranean Region
Edited by
ENRICO FARDELLA and ANDREA GHISELLI
With a foreword by
PROFESSOR EMMANUELE F. M. EMANUELE
President of Fondazione Terzo Pilastro - Internazionale
ISBN: 9788894080377
The ChinaMed Project (www.chinamed.it) graciously acknowledges the financial support of the following organizations which made this publication possible: Fondazione Terzo Pilastro – Internazionale, chaired by Professor Emmanuele F. M. Emanuele, is the natural evolution of Fondazione Terzo Pilastro – Italia e Mediterra- neo, as holder of a synthesis of the original strategic forms of assistance that are now implemented on a larger scale and with no territorial constraints: the Third Sec- tor (non-profit organizations, or Third Pillar), and the urgent themes inspired by looking beyond the Mediterranean Region and observing current affairs in the emerging economies in the Middle and Far East, which in the future will play a lead- ing role in our history. The Foundation operates in the fields of health, scientific research, welfare, education and art and culture and acts as a bridge between the various cultures of the East and West and the North and South of the world. The International Affairs Program of the Compagnia di Sanpaolo, a leading banking foundation in Italy, aims to create more opportunities for local institutions in a num- ber of relevant sectors in which they aspire to acquire international resonance, and stimulate the foundation’s ability to bring some of the leading elements that distin- guish European & international debates and reflections to the city of Torino.
1
The ChinaMED Project
About Us Research
The ChinaMed Project was launched in 2011 Thanks to an expanding group of
by the Center for Mediterranean Area Stud- researchers, the ChinaMed Project collects
ies (CMAS) of Peking University and the and elaborates data and monitors media
TOChina Hub to offer a fresh analytical and academic sources in Chinese and the
response to the shifting geo-economic and main languages of the region. The primary
security landscape in the wider Mediter-
research aim of the ChinaMed research
ranean region. Led by Prof. Enrico Fardella
team is to analyze the deepening intercon-
(Director of CMAS) and coordinated by Dr.
nections between China and the countries
Andrea Ghiselli (Fudan University and
in the wider Mediterranean, reflecting on
TOChina Hub), the ChinaMed Project
reflects upon, and actively engages with the their potential impact on regional and
growing relations between China and the global dynamics. The research results are
region through a range of academic and pol- published each month and are freely avail-
icy-related initiatives divided into three able in the page of the ChinaMed Observer
intertwined areas: research, education, and and through the ChinaMed Bulletin newslet-
dialogues. ter.
1
Education shipping, security, IT, technology etc. - the
workshops aims to favor a cross fertiliza-
In partnership with several institutions, the tion between area experts and practitioners
ChinaMed Project offers a range of educa- in order to promote a broader and more
tional and training programs to students informed understanding of the Sino-
and young entrepreneurs from all around Mediterranean dynamics.
the globe. The ChinaMed Business Program
(www.chinamedbusiness.eu) is a six-week Dialogues
intensive program held in Beijing,
Chongqing and Shenzen in partnership with The ChinaMed Project includes a yearly
Peking University. It is specifically designed Track 1.5 Dialogue on Mediterranean secu-
to train young professionals to grasp the rity with the Institute for the Middle East
many opportunities created within the Chi- and North Africa of the China Institutes of
naMed framework. The TOChina Insite is a Contemporary International Relations
tailor made one-week program held in China (CICIR), one of the most prominent think
for professionals - from the corporate and tanks in China. Over the years, this policy-
institutional world - interested in deepening oriented dialogue has welcomed partici-
and updating their knowledge on China's pants from Italian and Chinese public and
most recent social, economic and political private institutions to discuss strategic
evolutions. The one-week "China and the issues within the ChinaMed framework. The
Mid-Med" summer program hosted by Tel ChinaMed Symposium is the latest initia-
Aviv University is designed for a selected tive to be launched and aims to convene, on
group of renowned scholars and graduate a yearly basis, experts from China and the
students doing research on the ChinaMed region to discuss key trends associated
agenda. Through an intensive series of inter- with the deepening Chinese engagement
actions with experts coming from a wide with the wider Euro-Mediterranean space.
range of technical fields - logistics, trade,
The ChinaMed Project is promoted by: The TOChina Hub is an integrated knowledge hub established to engage China not merely as a field of research, but as an indispensable partner in the education of future generations of cosmopolitan citizens and competent professionals. The Uni- versity of Torino has developed the TOChina Hub in cooperation with ESCP Europe (Torino campus) and the Torino World Affairs Institute (T.wai) to promote an innova- tive model of academic cooperation with select Chinese partners. Joint research agendas, dynamic programs for cross-cultural training and students mobility, and fresh channels for relevant people-to-people exchanges have been established with Peking University, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Zhejiang University and Guangdong University of Foreign Studies. The TOChina Hub aims to join the celebra- tions for the 50th anniversary of the establishment of Italy-China diplomatic rela- tions in 2020 through an ambitious platform that will serve to support life-long learning on China as well as on the transformative dynamics of its Belt and Road Initiative. Supported by two of Italy’s largest banking foundations – Compagnia di San Paolo, through its International Affairs program, and Fondazione CRT – as well as by the Torino Chamber of Commerce, the TOChina Hub works to provide theory-in- formed knowledge, policy-relevant insights and practical know-how on China’s mor- phing identities, socio-economic structures, institutions, and policies. The Center for Mediterranean Area Studies (CMAS), directed by Prof. Enrico Fardella, was established in 2015 at Peking University. CMAS gathers multidisciplinary aca- demic expertise on the Mediterranean region (in history, international relations, eco- nomics, foreign languages, etc.) in order to provide high-level scientific analysis on the Mediterranean dynamics and their growing interconnections with the Chinese sphere of interests. Since 2016, CMAS works as the Chinese representative of the Asian Federation of Mediterranean Institutes (AFOMEDI), established by the Univer- sity of Busan, in South Korea.
1
Contents
Executive Summary I
Acknowledgement II
Foreword by Professor Emmanuele F. M. Emanuele IV
President of Fondazione Terzo Pilastro - Internazionale
About the Authors VIII
Introduction 1
E N R I C O FA R D E L L A - A N D R E A G H I S E L L I
Towards a Unified Policy of Closer Engagement? Sino-
Mediterranean Relations from a Chinese Perspective 13
SHE GANGZHENG
Connectivity, and the Cooperation Between China and
Western Balkans 19
A R D I A N H AC K A J
China’s Waning Clout in Greece 24
P L A M E N TO N C H E V1
The Belt and Road Initiative: A View from Morocco 29
E L M O S TA FA R E Z R A Z I
The One Belt One Road: A Framework for Egyptian-Chinese
Strategic Partnership 35
M O H A M E D FAY E Z FA R A H AT
The Long-Standing Struggle of Janus-Faced Relations:
China and Turkey in the 21st Century, Moving Forward? 40
T U G R U L K E S K I N - M I C H A E L M C CA L L
Sino-Israeli Relations: Challenges amid Growing Ties 45
ORI SELA - BRANDON FRIEDMAN
An Overview of Sino-Gulf Relations: A ‘New Era’ of
Growth and a Future Era of Stagnation? 50
M O H A M M E D T U R K I A L - S U DA I R I
Iran and China: Return to Triangular Relations 58
M O H S E N S H A R I AT I N I A
A Glimpse View on China-Ethiopia Relations in
Recent Times 63
M A A D I N S A H L E S E L AS S I E G E S S E S E
Suggested Readings 69Executive Summary I
Executive Summary
How does China’s growing global role affect cal influence and its security attachments.
the current dynamics of the Mediterranean The analyses written in this report show that
region? This report aims to answer this at least one key element can be identified in
question by exploring the most recent the approaches and responses of the differ-
trends in the relations between China and ent countries in the region to China’s grow-
the countries in the greater Mediterranean ing political influence: the difficulty to place
region. the relationship with Beijing in the context
of already existing diplomatic networks and
China’s "march" towards the region began in alliances.
the late 1970s and has accelerated each
year, expanding its scope from an economic The importance of economic and
to a political and security horizon. As diplomatic diversification
China’s economy diversified, it required
more resources and promising markets; the In a moment of great uncertainties, China’s
massive energy basins in the eastern and return to the center of the world stage is a
southern parts of the Mediterranean region certainty for virtually all the decisionmakers
and rich developed markets in the northern in the region. Hence, many countries look at
one seemed a perfect destination for Bei- China as an important opportunity to diver-
jing’s new ambitions. Today, China’s power- sify their economy and foreign policy. Disil-
ful economic presence is a common feature lusionment toward Western countries and
in the vast majority of the Mediterranean slow economic growth are, either singularly
countries. or together, the key drivers of this process.
To different extents, this is particularly clear
The corollary of this phenomenon, although in the cases of Morocco, Egypt, Ethiopia, as
a most recent one, is China’s growing politi- well as the Western Balkan countries.II
The role of domestic factors in The limits of China’s commitment
Mediterranean countries and ambitions
Despite the desire to strengthen the cooper- Notwithstanding the prevailing narrative
ation with China, domestic factors and pertaining the development and ambitious
actors can create significant challenges to goals of Chinese foreign policy, China does
such development. As in the case of Turkey, not commit resources and expose itself in
public opinion’s positive attitude toward the favor of a partner easily. Two cases taken
Uyghurs is a powerful and unpredictable into consideration in this report — Greece
force that government officials cannot and Iran — testify to this fact. In the case of
ignore and that creates uncertainty in the Iran, the American withdrawal from the
relations with China. In Israel, it seems that nuclear deal brought to an end the brief
the issue lies in the growing pressure from honeymoon between Beijing and Tehran.
parts of the Israeli state — which have Today, the Sino-Iranian relationship is
Washington’s steady support — to establish mostly a function of the relations between
stricter controls on Chinese investments in China and the United States. Regarding
the name of national security. The relations Greece, Athens’ growing awareness that
between China and the Gulf Cooperation Beijing can play an important role as an
Council (GCC) countries, too, might be close investor but not as security and stability
to their limit. Different expectations about guarantor in the light of worrying security
regional politics and shifting economic pri- trends in the Eastern Mediterranean is
orities in the Gulf will likely erode the behind a general recalibration of Greece’s
extreme economic complementarity that China policy.
currently underpins the Sino-GCC ties.
The countries monitored by the ChinaMED projectAcknowledgement III
Acknowledgement
First and foremost, I would like to thank the in the magnificent beauty of their residence
ChinaMed team — the driving force of the in Rome; the Knight Grand Cross of Honor
Project and ChinaMed Project Manager, Dr. and Devotion in Obedience Marquis Narciso
Andrea Ghiselli, as well as Alice Vanni and Salvo Cozzo di Pietraganzili and the Knight
Andrea Barbieri, the ChinaMed Research of Grace and Deviation in Obedience noble
Associates — whose epic contribution, both Antonio Cosenz for their generous consider-
professional and human, deserves the ation; and to Federica Paolini for her grace-
highest praise. A heartfelt note also goes to ful help.
the Center for Mediterranean Area Studies
and Peking University’s History Department The assistance of the Italian Ministry of For-
staff for their friendly help. To the TOChina eign Affairs, and in particular, the efficient
team — and in particular to Kavinda
cooperation provided by the First Secretary
Navaratne and Manuela Poggiali — whose
of the Italian Embassy in Beijing Pierluigi
patience and resilient support are the invis-
Colapinto and First Secretary of the Italian
ible, but nonetheless, fundamental compo-
embassy in Teheran Roberto Taraddei was of
nents of the ChinaMed Project.
vital importance for the success of the con-
ference and the visa procedures.
Our deepest gratitude is dedicated to the
support of the Fondazione Terzo Pilastro —
Our sincerest thanks go to the participants
Internazionale, Raffaella Salato, and her
of the Symposium and to the authors of this
team for their remarkably elegant assis-
tance; and in particular to the Fonda- report who kindly accepted to share their
zione’s enlightened President, Professor views with us and our audience.
Emmanuele F.M. Emanuele: the first to
believe in our vision, support it, and make it A special note of personal gratitude goes to
real. To his encouragement, I am personally Prof. Giovanni Andornino, the Director of
indebted as a scholar and as a friend. TOChina Hub, a moral and intellectual
model, a genuine fan of the ChinaMed
Thanks are also due to Compagnia di San Project, and most importantly a real friend.
Paolo for the support provided to the China-
Med project and the association of Italian Dulcis in fundo: my wife Cynthia and my
Knights of the Sovereign Military Order of daughter Sofia, whose smiles constantly
Rodi and Malta for hosting the Symposium inspire my passion.
ENRICO M. FARDELLA
Director, ChinaMed ProjectIV
Foreword by Professor
Emmanuele F. M.
Emanuele
I am sincerely pleased to introduce this Chinese, as well as in all the languages of
report, which reviews both the essence and the region.
the objectives of the ambitious and
extremely important ChinaMed Project. There can be no denying the importance of a
This is a program of scientific research, similar project. In recent years, the eco-
advanced training, and international net- nomic and commercial rise of China has
working promoted by the Center for Mediter- had an enormous influence on maritime
ranean Area Studies of Peking University, in trade between the Asian continent and Euro-
collaboration with the Torino World Affairs pean markets. This in turn transformed the
Institute, part of the TOChina Hub developed Mediterranean into a crossroads of goods to
by the University of Torino, and in part, the point where Chinese President Xi Jin-
thanks to a contribution from the Fon- ping has selected the region for a role of pri-
dazione Terzo Pilastro – Internazionale, of mary importance within the strategic plan
which I have the honor of serving as Presi- for European-Asian interconnection entitled
dent. This painstakingly formulated annual the "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI)– a pro-
report illustrates the ongoing development posal that, last spring, gave rise to a heated
of relations between China and the coun- political debate in Italy, also causing a stir
tries of the Mediterranean area by collecting in terms of public opinion.
and analyzing sources taken from the
media and from the world of science, in I have long foreseen the rise of China, India,Foreword by Professor Emmanuele F. M. Emanuele V
and the Persian Gulf. While I was holding that of the world that surrounds us. Such is
the major international conference "The the case of the momentous 2007 exhibition
Mediterranean: Gateway of the Orient" in entitled "Masterpieces of the Forbidden City:
Palermo back in 2010, under the auspices of Qianlong and his Court," during which we
what was the Rome – Mediterranean Foun- exhibited – for the very first time, in an event
dation, I had already proposed, as Professor that has yet to be repeated – 120 master-
Enrico Fardella – the Director of the Chi- pieces from the Palace Museum in Beijing.
naMed Project – was so kind to point out The exhibition offered a look at the life of the
when we recently met, "That the Mediter- court in the Forbidden City at the time of the
ranean be put back in touch with China." Emperor Qianlong, including splendid
This thought originated from my long-held paintings by Giuseppe Castiglione, a Jesuit
conviction that this close relationship had from Lombardy who lived in the Imperial
already been a reality in centuries past, at Palace, where he renewed court painting by
the time of the florid trade between the Chi- admirably melding the taste and aesthetic
nese Empire and the Roman Empire (which canons of the West, on the one hand, with
dated back to more ancient civilizations as oriental sensibilities, on the other. Then, fol-
well), subsequently known – in the late nine- lowed exhibits on the Japanese master and
teenth century – as the "Silk Road;" a sign of painter of nature, Hiroshige (2009), and
the force of attraction that the Orient has then "Akbar, The Great Emperor of India"
always exercised on the West. (2012), all in accordance with my belief that
art is the chief channel of communication
The reflections sparked by "The Mediter- and contact between different civilizations,
ranean: Gateway of the Orient" gave rise given its ability to cross any boundary and
first, to the efforts of the Fondazione Terzo overcome any distance.
Pilastro – Italia e Mediterraneo, and then to
those of the current Fondazione Terzo Pilas- In the field of education and training, we
tro – Internazionale, the only organization in have promoted and supported a number of
Italy that is taking concrete, systematic highly specialized master’s programs: in
steps to build ties of partnership and true collaboration with the IULM University, a
strategic collaboration with the emerging level-I master’s in "Oriental Languages and
countries of today, so as to restore the Cultures" designed to provide students with
Mediterranean to its central role as a solid, the tools of language and culture they will
reliable liaison with the system under which need to operate in socio-professional con-
China aims to construct a new economic- texts of international breadth while inter-
commercial architecture between the West preting, as effectively as possible, the
and the Asian continent. political-cultural and economic-financial
realities of the countries of the Middle East
We began planning events at the museum and the Far East; with the LUISS-Guido Carli
in Rome’s Via del Corso, founded in 1999 at University, the "Mediterranean Project,"
my initiative, in the splendid setting of the under which needy students from Mediter-
Palazzo Cipolla, thereby leading to the orga- ranean countries studied for bachelor’s or
nization of temporary international exhibi- master’s degrees, so that, once they had
tions, always with the idea of discovering completed their studies at the LUISS, they
new cultural horizons while examining side- could return to their countries of origin and
by-side the creativity of Italy’s genius with apply what they had learned to the eco-VI
nomic and social development of their European Union, it is important that we con-
home nations; with the Link Campus Uni- tinue working in the direction that I had
versity, a master’s in "Globalization, Gover- pointed to, that of a Federation of Mediter-
nance and International Understanding," ranean States established in the tradition
part of a project organized under an agree- with which I identify, meaning that of a pri-
ment reached with the State University of vate, non-profit undertaking designed to
Moscow for the promotion of activities and assist the less fortunate by creating – as I
initiatives of study and research involving have done – points of reference in the coun-
intercultural exchanges between Italian and tries of the Mediterranean area, and recently
Russian students— the goal being to expose in the Orient as well.
the students to the effects of globalization
on the local development of civil societies. In If – as we all hope will be the case – China’s
another effort, undertaken in collaboration position proves to be one of openness and
with the social enterprise and employment pluralism, with the effective aim of involv-
agency FourStars, which is active on both ing the countries of the West and the
Italy and China, we granted full scholarships Mediterranean on an equal footing, then the
for six-month internships in Shanghai to BRI will provide everyone with an opportu-
deserving young people from central and nity for growth. In that case, initiatives such
southern Italy. as the ChinaMed Project, and the major
annual international symposium that it
As I see it, this is only the beginning, inas- encompasses, will undoubtedly play an
much as, in a scenario such as the one that indispensable role in ensuring that the
is currently taking shape, Italy is called Mediterranean area, the birthplace of civi-
upon to play a role of particular importance, lization, can once again be the driving force
encouraging and guiding the other coun- behind the rebirth of a world based on val-
tries of the Mediterranean region in their ues of reciprocal understanding and an
relations within the powerhouses of the Far openness to others, all while providing the
East. In fact, faced with the weakness of the international economy with a new stimulus.
PROFESSOR EMMANUELE F. M. EMANUELE
President of Fondazione Terzo Pilastro – InternazionaleAbout The Authors VII
About the Authors
Enrico Fardella She Gangzheng
Dr. Enrico Fardella is a Tenured Associate Dr. She Gangzheng is an Assistant Professor
Professor at the History Department of at the Department of International Relations
Peking University (PKU) and Director of at Tsinghua University in Beijing. He
PKU’s Center for Mediterranean Area Studies received a BA in Hebrew Language and Cul-
(CMAS). In this capacity he jointly works ture from Peking University and a PhD in
with TOChina Hub as Director of the Chi- Near Eastern and Judaic Studies from Bran-
naMed Project and Area Director of the Chi- deis University, where he wrote his doctoral
naMed Business Program. He is a Global dissertation on China’s involvement in the
Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Arab-Israeli conflict during the Cold War. His
Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., work builds on extensive archival research.
Research Scholar at the Machiavelli Center He was the recipient of fellowships from the
for Cold War Studies, member of the Aca-
Schusterman Center for Israel Studies, the
demic Committee at Pangoal Institution in
Israel Institute, and the Josephine De Kar-
Beijing, and Fellow of the Science & Technol-
man Fellowship Trust. His research focuses
ogy China Program of the European Com-
on the intersection of the Middle East and
mission. Enrico is also the Managing Editor
diplomatic history.
of OrizzonteCina monthly review focusing on
China’s relations with Europe and the
Ardian Hackaj
greater Mediterranean region. His fields of
interest are: Chinese foreign policy; Sino-Eu-
Ardian Hackaj is the Director of Research at
ropean relations; China's role in the Mediter-
Cooperation and Development Institute in
ranean; the Belt and Road Initiative; History
Tirana, and organizer of Tirana Connectivity
of international relations; History of con-
Forum. Mr. Hackaj has authored research on
temporary China
the Berlin Process, Connectivity, China’s Belt
Andrea Ghiselli and Road Initiative, and youth and migra-
tion. During his career, Mr. Hackaj has held
Dr. Andrea Ghisellli is a Researcher at the management positions at the College of
School of International Relations and Public Europe-Bruges, the International Organiza-
Affairs at Fudan University. He is also the tion for Migration, the United Nations, and
Project Manager of the ChinaMed Project the European Union Commission. He holds a
and a non-resident Research Fellow with the Master’s degree from the College of Europe,
TOChina Hub. His research focuses on a BA in International Economics from the
China’s foreign policy and the relations Université Lumière, Lyon II, and a University
between China and the Middle East. He is Diploma in European Studies from the Insti-
proficient in Chinese. tut d’Etudes Politiques, Lyon.VIII
Plamen Tonchev Visiting Fellow at Princeton University.
Plamen Tonchev is the Head of the Asia Unit Mohamed Fayez Farahat
at the Institute of International Economic
Relations (IIER) in Greece. His publications Dr. Mohamed Fayez Farahat is a Senior
include books and articles in academic Researcher at Al-Ahram Center for Political
journals on political/economic co-operation and Strategic Studies. He graduated from
between Europe and Asia. Mr. Tonchev has the Faculty of Economics and Political Sci-
specialized in Chinese studies since the late ence, Political Science Department, at Cairo
1990s, when he co-authored the monograph University in 1992. He earned his Master’s
"China in East Asia: From Isolation to a degree in Political Science in 2001 and PhD
Regional Superpower Status" (IIER, 1998). in Political Science in 2013 also from Cairo
IIER is a founding member of the European University. His current research focuses on
Think-tank Network on China (ETNC) and Asian affairs, especially Chinese politics,
has contributed to all the four annual regional and intra-regional economic coop-
reports to date. The list of Mr. Tonchev’s lat- eration, Asian Islam, North Korea, and Pak-
est publications on China includes "China's istani-Indian relations. He also pays special
Road: Into the Western Balkans" (EUISS, attention to China’s "One Belt One Road" ini-
2017), "Chinese Investment in Greece and tiative, its dynamics and strategic implica-
the Big Picture of Sino-Greek Relations (co- tions for the international system. Finally,
authored, IIER, 2017), "Along the Road: Sri his interests include Islamist movements in
Lanka's Tale of Two Ports" (EUISS, 2018), Egypt and the Middle East as well.
"China’s Image in Greece, 2008-2018" (co-
authored, IIER, 2017), "Gotta Serve Some- Tugrul Keskin
body? Not necessarily: Europe in the US-
China Crossfire" (The Diplomat, 2019), etc. Professor Tugrul Keskin is the Director of the
Center for Global Governance at Shanghai
El Mostafa Rezrazi University. He received his PhD in Sociology
from the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and
Dr. El Mostafa Rezrazi is a Senior Research State University (Virginia Tech), with gradu-
Fellow at the Policy Center for the New ate certificate degrees in Africana Studies,
South, formerly the OCP Policy Center, in Social and Political Thought, and Interna-
Rabat. He is currently a Professor at the tional Research and Development. He is the
Graduate School of Economics and Gover- founder and moderator of the "Sociology of
nance, the Mohammed VI Polytechnic Uni- Islam" mailing list, and the founder and edi-
versity in Rabat. Dr. Rezrazi is also the tor of the Sociology of Islam Journal and
President of the Moroccan Association for region editor of Critical Sociology. Previ-
Asian Studies. In the past, he served as Dis- ously, Professor Keskin taught at Virginia
tinguished Professor in the School of Law of Tech, James Madison University, Radford
Sapporo Gakuin University (Japan), Profes- University in the United States, and Maltepe
sor and Deputy Director of the Institute of University and Kapadokya University in Tur-
International Relations in Hagoromo Univer- key. His current research involves Artificial
sity in Osaka (Japan). Finally, he was an Ana- Intelligence and International Relations,
lyst at the Emirates Center for Strategic China and the Middle East, and American
Studies and Research in Abu Dhabi, and a Foreign Policy and Think-Tanks in the Post-About The Authors IX
Cold War Era. and the modern history of Saudi Arabia.
Brandon’s PhD research focused on the
Michael McCall political relations between the rulers of the
Persian Gulf littoral during the period of
Michael McCall is a PhD student in Political British military withdrawal from the region
Science at the Maxwell School at Syracuse (1968 to 1971). He reads Arabic and Persian.
University. He holds an MA in Political Stud-
ies from the American University of Beirut Mohammed Turki Al-Sudairi
and an MA in International Relations from
Leiden University. He currently serves as an Dr. Mohammed Turki Al-Sudairi is currently
assistant editor of Sociology of Islam (Brill). the Head of Asian Studies at the King Faisal
Center for Research and Islamic Studies. He
Ori Sela holds a PhD in comparative politics from the
University of Hong Kong, a Master’s degree
Dr. Ori Sela is a Researcher and Senior Lec- in international relations from Peking Uni-
turer in the Department of East Asian Stud- versity and another Master’s degree in inter-
ies at Tel Aviv University in Israel, and national history from the London School of
currently serves as the Department Chair. Economics. Mohammed is also a graduate
He specializes in the history of Early-Modern of Georgetown University’s School of Foreign
and Modern China, and is particularly inter- Service. His research interests encompass
ested in the reciprocal relationship between Sino-Middle Eastern relations, Islamic and
intellectual history and socio-political his- leftist connections between East Asia and
tory at various crossroads in China's past. the Arab World, and Chinese politics. He is
The transition from China's imperial era into fluent in Arabic, English, and Mandarin.
the nation-state building of the twentieth
century, along with the crucial roles that Mohsen Shariatinia
history played and continues to play in cur-
rent affairs, is another facet of his research Dr. Mohsen Shariatinia is an Assistant Pro-
and teaching. His disciplinary interests fessor of International Relations at the
revolve around intellectual history, history Shahid Beheshti University (originally
of science and technology, and military his- founded as National University of Iran). He is
tory. He received his PhD from Princeton Uni- also a Political Economy Fellow at the Insti-
versity. tute for Trade Studies in Tehran. His
research and teaching work are mainly
Brandon Friedman focused on Iran’s Asian policy and the evolv-
ing ties between East and West Asia. His
Brandon Friedman, PhD, is the Director of research and analyses have appeared in
Research at the Moshe Dayan Center for peer-reviewed journals as well as Persian
Middle East and African Studies at Tel Aviv and English outlets.
University. Brandon is also the Managing
Editor for the Dayan Center’s journal Bustan: MaAdin Sahleselassie Gessese
The Middle East Book Review. His research
interests include contemporary Middle East MaAdin Sahleselassie Gessese is a Senior
geopolitical and historical analysis, the his- Expert at the Ethiopia-China Development
tory of nuclear weapons in the Middle East, Cooperation Directorate under the MinistryX
of Finance and Economic Cooperation of the earned his Master’s degree in International
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Development Studies from Hankuk Univer-
Over the last eight years in the Ministry, he sity of Foreign Studies in South Korea in
also worked in the National Strategic Plan- 2015.
ning Directorate the National Accounts
Directorate. He graduated in Economics
from Mekelle University in 2005. He alsoIntroduction 1
Introduction
ENRICO FARDELLA* - ANDREA GHISELLI**
In his masterpiece The Mediterranean and the People’s Republic of China in that very same
Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, the year would soon become the main engine of
French scholar Fernand Braudel describes a transformation of the "global" geography of
"global" Mediterranean that "disregards the the Mediterranean.
conventional boundaries" drawn by geogra-
phers and reaches "as far as the Azores and In Mao’s era, the Mediterranean region was
the New World, the Red Sea and the Persian beyond Beijing’s direct outreach. In 1950s,
Gulf, the Baltic and the loop of the Niger."¹ as a result of the Sino-Soviet alliance and
"division of labor," China diplomacy was
In 1949, when Braudel published its volume, mostly focused on Asia. Mao’s global vision
the Mediterranean was still a ‘European sea’ however went beyond the bipolar dichotomy
with the British navy controlling its access of capitalism versus socialism. In 1946, at
points in the Suez Canal and Gibraltar to the beginning of the civil war in China
protect its traditional trading routes with between the communist party and the
the Commonwealth. The emergence of the nationalist party, Mao stated that the main
Cold War and the bipolar confrontations contradiction of the international system
between Washington and Moscow was was not - as many, also within the CCP,
going to turn the Mediterranean into a con- thought - the potential emergence of a Third
tested field of influence of two extra Euro- World War between the US and the Soviet
pean superpowers. At that time, nobody Union but the American reactionaries
could predict that the establishment of the attempt to gain control through deceptive
* Associate Professor, Peking University; Director, ChinaMed Project
** Researcher, Fudan University; Research Fellow and Project Manager, TOChina Hub
¹ Fernand Braudel (translated by Siân Reynolds), The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1996): 168.2
anti-Communist propaganda over an area "indirect allies" - in Europe, North America,
that he called the "intermediate zone" Australia, and New Zealand - dissatisfied
(Zhōngjiān dìdài 中间地带, hereafter IZT) - with both the United States and the USSR.
comprising capitalist, colonial and semi- The "two intermediate zones theory" was
colonial countries in Europe, Africa and Asia raised to oppose both American and Soviet
(including China) - in order to encircle and hegemonism and set the ground for cooper-
eventually defeat the socialist block guided ation with Europe (i.e. France and Italy) to
by the Soviet Union.² reinforce the area of independence - the
anti-hegemonic one - and at the same time
In Mao’s design, due to China’s geopolitical strengthen Chinese economy after the col-
position, the CCP was not a passive recipi- lapse of economic cooperation with Mos-
ent of the balance of the Sino-American cow.
competition but an active force - the most
"progressive" one - in the IZT. Therefore, In Mao’s anti-hegemonic geopolitical design,
since the beginning of the Cold War Mao the Mediterranean region appeared to be as
created a "third" intermediate anti-hege- a connecting space between the first inter-
monic pole where China - leaded by the CCP mediate zone of Africa and the Middle East,
- could play a leading role. By so doing the composed of China’s natural allies, and a
IZT made China both the leader of the anti- "second intermediate zone" composed of
hegemonic struggle against the US and the China’s "indirect allies" in Europe. As proven
vanguard of the defense of the socialist China’s strong support of the Algerian war of
camp and, by inference, of the struggle of independence against France (1954-1962),
independence in the whole world. As Peking the support for the revolutionary struggle of
University’s leading scholar Professor Niu movement of national independence in the
Jun recently stated, according to new evi- first intermediate zones prevailed over the
dence emerging from Chinese archives, Chi- cooperation with "indirect allies" in Europe:
nese leaders regarded the IZT as a more the signing of the Evian accords in 1962 was
permanent foothold and starting point than the trigger for the successful conclusion of
the Sino-Soviet alliance.³ the negotiations for Sino-French diplomatic
normalization achieved in 1964.
At the beginning of the 1960s, the deepening
of the Sino-Soviet discord and the economic The outbreak of the Cultural Revolution in
crisis that followed the Great Leap Forward the second half of the 1960s had a twofold
deteriorated China’s security environment. effect: on one side it erased the logic that
In 1962-63, Mao divided the front of the IZT had inspired China’s alliance with Moscow
in two intermediate zones: the "first inter- by turning the Soviet Union in China’s main
mediate zone" (Asia, Africa and Latin Amer- hegemonic threat, and at the same time it
ica) composed of natural allies of China and favored a secularization of China’s diplo-
a "second intermediate zone" composed of macy characterized by a stronger emphasis
² "Talk with the American Journalist Anne Louise Strong," Mao Zedong Selected Works, Vol. 4, https://bit.ly/2LJpZcp
³ Jun Niu, "Reconstruction of Intermediate Zone Theory - the Origin of Chinese Asian Foreign Policies (1949-1955)," The Journal of International
Studies, no. 2 (2012): 61-80 [Chinese].Introduction 3
over the notion of "development," instead of activated a substantial change in China’s
"revolution," that allowed for a stronger outlook towards the Mediterranean region:
cooperation with the developed capitalist in the four decades that followed the
world. Mediterranean region shifted from being a
distant component of the intermediate
The "Three Worlds Theory" - designed by Mao zones - whose control by the hegemonic
but presented at the United Nations by Deng forces might endanger China’s security -
Xiaoping in 1974 - embodied this shift. It into the most important area, after the Asia
placed the hegemonic superpowers - USA Pacific region, for the strategic projection of
and USSR - in the first world, the developed Chinese interests and influence.
countries - such as Europe - in the second
one and the developing countries in Africa, China’s long march to the region began in
Asia and Latin America in the third. In this Beijing on August 13, 1979. That day, the
new configuration, China aimed at guiding State Council indicated for the first time
the anti-hegemonic struggle of a developing that Chinese capital could be used to set up
Third World in a "united front" with the companies abroad, although under strict
developed world, comprising the Second state supervision. Another pivotal date was
World and the United States, to contain the December 24, 1997, when Jiang Zemin, who
main threat coming from Moscow. had just consolidate its position during the
15th Party Congress, told to the delegates at
Mao’s "opening" to the West and the empha- the National Foreign Investment Affairs
sis over "development" expressed by China’s Meeting that China needs "to actively guide
new diplomacy favorably set the ground for and organize strong domestic enterprises to
Deng Xiaoping’s launch of the "reform and go global by investing and building factories
opening" in 1979. Deng’s reform and opening in foreign countries and making use of their
consolidated the strategic alignment with markets and resources."⁴ Four years later,
the West and favored the return of China in the delegates to the 4th Session of the 9th
the international system under the banner National People’s Congress approved the
of "peace and development." China and "10th Five Year Plan (2001-2005)" on March 5,
the international system started forging a 2001, that officially enshrined Jiang’s "Go
symbiotic relationship whereas the Chinese Global" strategy in an official document.
development progressively became to be
perceived as both the main recipient of Since then, the portentous flux of value cre-
the benefits of a peaceful and stable inter- ated by China’s "Go Global" strategy has
national environment, but also an indis- renewed the centrality of the Mediterranean
pensable condition for the stability and region and reshaped the Braudelian accep-
prosperity of the system itself. tation of its "global" dimension. In the last
three decades, China’s portentous eco-
Deng’s "revolutionary" economic reform nomic growth and its massive exports made
⁴ CCP Central Literature Editing Committee, Selected Works of Jiang Zemin (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 2011): 92.4
Map 1: The Centrality of the Mediterranean Sea in Maritime Trade in 2016
Intensity of the traffic on the maritime routes passing through the Mediterranean Sea (in yellow) in
comparison to the others (in red).⁶ Source: Studi e Ricerche per il Mezzogiorno.⁷
the Europe-Far East route become increas- globe, the Mediterranean Sea is both the
ingly important in the context of East-West unifying element and the center of world
trade (from 27% of the cargo flow in 1995 to history."⁸ The "new" centrality of the Mediter-
41% in 2018). This transition, boosted by the ranean both confirms and transcends this
recent enlargement of the Suez Canal and notion. If today the Mediterranean region
China’s strategic investments in the ship- appears to be one of the main nexuses of
ping industry, has progressively turned the global dynamics, the main engine of this
Mediterranean region in China’s crossroad transformative power lays more and more in
towards European, African and Middle East- Asia—first and foremost in China.
ern markets as well as a more convenient
transit point to reach the East coast of the It is a profound transition indeed, one that
United States (see Map 1).⁵ structurally connects for the first time in
history the Mediterranean and Asian stabil-
It is in fact quite a "new" form of centrality ity and development and by so doing
for the Mediterranean region. The German stretches the geopolitical borders of the
philosopher Georg W.F. Hegel described the Mediterranean region eastward towards the
Mediterranean as the dynamic epicenter of Indian Ocean. If Europe, even in its "core" ver-
centrifugal forces that connect Europe, sion of EU15, has consistently absorbed a
Africa and Asia: "For three quarter of the large fraction of Chinese exports, even after
⁵ Massimo Deandreis, "China’s Growing Role in the Mediterranean," paper presented at "China and the Middle East/Mediterranean ("Mid-
Med"): Contemporary Perspectives," July 7, 2019, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel. The event was jointly organized by the ChinaMed project,
the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, and Department of East Asian Studies at Tel Aviv University.
⁶ The intensity is calculated according to the number of container ships carrying more than 7.000 TEUs (20-foot equivalent units). The
lines might be interrupted because of problems in sending or receiving the signal of the automatic identification system (AIS) used to
monitor maritime traffic and track the ships.
⁷ Massimo Deandreis, ed., China, Energy Corridors, Ports and New Routes: Geomaps of a Changing Mediterranean (Naples: Giannini Editore, 2018).
8
Georg W. F. Hegel, Philosophy of History (New York: Cosimo Classics, 2007): 87.Introduction 5
the financial crisis of 2008 - as Figure 1 ship newspaper of the Chinese armed
shows - yet, as the imports of sweet crude forces, stated, China’s "interest frontiers"
from its neighbors and East Africa became had never been so far from its geographical
insufficient for its economic engine, what borders.¹²
we can call "China’s Mediterranean region"
expanded southward and, especially, east- While instability was spreading in the
ward.⁹ Figure 2, indeed, shows how rapidly southern and eastern parts of the Mediter-
the imports of natural gas and crude oil ranean region, important changes were
from North Africa and, especially, the Gulf about to happen in China as Xi Jinping was
have increased and they weight in China’s being groomed to become the head of the 5th
search for energy. While the giant Chinese generation of Chinese leaders. In particular,
energy state-owned enterprises consoli- the evolution of the situation in the Mediter-
dated their presence in the Middle East, Chi- ranean region and the ideas of the new Chi-
nese engineering companies have become a nese leadership met in three points: The Belt
common presence in North Africa as well as and Road Initiative (BRI) launched in late
in the Horn of Africa. 2013, the massive reform of the Chinese
People’s Liberation Army (PLA) kickstarted
At the turn of the first decade of the new mil- in 2015, and the downward turn of the Sino-
lennium, it seemed that China’s "Japanized," American relations, especially since the
i.e. business only, approach was largely suc- election of Donald Trump to the White
cessful, especially in comparison with the House.
continuing difficulties met in the battlefield
by the United States as well as the financial If the design of the BRI graphically describes
crisis in Europe.¹⁰ Yet, such illusions were the above-mentioned transition in the
shattered as China became the accidental Asian-Mediterranean geopolitical physiol-
victim of the so-called Arab Spring, espe- ogy (Map 2), BRI’s encryption in CCP’s con-
cially in Libya. Beside the evacuation of stitution at the XIX Congress in 2017
some 36,000 Chinese nationals, Chinese provides it with an organic function in the
companies also suffered the loss of USD 1.5 evolution of CCP’s historical mission. If the
billion in machinery and facilities destroyed "New Era" —inspired by "Xi Jinping’s Thought
or damaged during the clashes and Western on Socialism with Chinese characteris-
air raids on top of contracts worth USD 18.8 tics"— is intended to transform China into a
billion. Although some within the Chinese prosperous, strong and advanced country
foreign policy machine were aware of the by 2049, the BRI becomes the external com-
dangers that had been brewing for years ponent of this mission and it is aimed at
under the apparently unshakable rule of creating a "community of shared destiny"
many of the Arab, many were shocked by (Mìngyùn gòngtóngtǐ 命运共同体) in a peace-
this event.¹¹ Indeed, as one article published ful, international environment. According to
in the People’s Liberation Army Daily, the flag- Xi Jinping’s Report at the 19th National Con-
⁹ Inwook Kim, "Refining the Prize: Chinese Oil Refineries and Its Energy Security," The Pacific Review 29, no. 3 (2016): 361-386.
¹⁰ Yitzhak Shichor, "Decisionmaking in Triplicate: China and the Three Iraqi Wars" in Andrew Scobell et al., eds., Chinese National Security
Decisionmaking under Stress (Carlisle Barracks: United States Army War College Press, 2005): 191-228.
¹¹ Enrico Fardella, "China’s Debate on the Middle East and North Africa: A Critical Review," Mediterranean Quarterly 26, no. 1 (2015): 5-25.
See also: "Chinese Companies Lost Contracts Worth USD 18 Billion, It Is Difficult to Assess the Damage," Southern News Network, April
24, 2011, https://bit.ly/2mDgP9k [Chinese]
¹² Kunlun Huang, "Outlook on the National Interests in a Globalized Era," PLA Daily, March 15, 2011 [Chinese].6
Figure 1: Trade between China and EU15
Unit: USD Billion
Source: UNCTAD.¹³
Figure 2: Percentage of Chinese Imports of Crude Oil and Natural Gas from the Middle East and
North Africa
Source: UNCTAD.¹⁴
¹³ The data refer to the European Union before the enlargement of 2004.
¹⁴ Product code HS2709 and HS2711.Introduction 7
gress of the CCP, the interdependence in the developing countries - and secure peace
globalized system allows China to legiti- and stability. The "special" role that Mao pre-
mately propose itself as an indispensable served for China as leader of the various
pillar of this emerging "community."¹⁵ This Intermediate Zones is, therefore, now being
community now formally refers to the world upgraded and expanded to a global level:
as a homogeneous unity that includes China sees itself as the proponent of a post-
developed and developing countries alto- hegemonic order based on Beijing’s
gether. The cooperation between developing restored centrality. It is a centrality, how-
and developed countries is now a necessity ever, that reflects the growing role of the
imposed by the logic of globalization—a developing world. The BRI core design in fact
logic that asks for a new form of global gov- prioritizes the connectivity with the devel-
ernance. Xi’s "community of shared destiny" oping world and, interestingly enough,
therefore aims at reforming the existing reserves to its components the prospect of
order and minimizing the monopolistic and becoming part of a community of shared
unilateral schemes of hegemony. destiny. In the case of the former developed
"indirect allies" of Europe, instead, the BRI
The BRI is meant to be the main driver for focuses more on cooperation based on
this transformation, aimed at filling the gap "shared interests" (Lìyì gòngtóngtǐ 利益共同体),
between North and South - developed and namely a "community of shared interests."¹⁷
Map 2: The Belt and Road Initiative
Source: China Daily.¹⁶
¹⁵ "Full Text of Xi Jinping's Report at 19th CPC National Congress," Xinhua, November 3, 2017, https://bit.ly/2Kt01Jt
¹⁶ Cecily Liu, "Greek port success gives snapshot of BRI potential," China Daily, October 8, 2019, https://bit.ly/2P1oiuP
¹⁷ On "shared destiny," for example, see: Desheng Cao, "Xi Calls for Advancing China-Algeria Teamwork," China Daily, December 21, 2018,
https://bit.ly/33KovGQ. On "shared interests," for example, see: "Xi Jinping Meets with Prime Minister Valls," PRC MFA,
https://bit.ly/31s4KCq [Chinese]8
Under this framework, the Mediterranean last few years by appearing in China’s white
region is becoming a fundamental compo- papers regarding the Middle East and
nent of China’s anti-hegemonic struggle in Europe, this initiative has become the main
the New Era: BRI’s infrastructural invest- umbrella under which China continues to
ment are meant to reinforce the connectiv- engage the wider Mediterranean region.¹⁹ As
ity between the developing and developed a result, a significant number of China’s
areas of the region and consequently, "comprehensive strategic partnerships" and
expand the constituency in favor of China’s "strategic partnerships" in the region have
vision of global governance. Since 2013, the been established since then (Map 3).²⁰
BRI has in fact significantly contributed to
shaping the economic geography of the At the same time, it is important to notice
Mediterranean region by further strengthen- that the reinvigorated political support for a
ing the port infrastructure along the ship- deeper economic engagement with the out-
ping lane that connect China, and Asia, to side world, especially developing countries,
Europe through the Indian Ocean, the Suez has taken place along with the creation of a
Canal, and the Mediterranean Sea.¹⁸ As the new consensus within the Chinese military
BRI consolidated in policy terms over the elites about the necessity to lay the founda-
Map 3: China’s Relations with the Countries in the Wider Mediterranean Region as of 2019
Comprehensive Comprehensive Comprehensive
Strategic Partnership
Strategic Partnership Cooperative Partnership Innovative Partnership
Source: Produced by the authors based on Chinese media.
¹⁸ Enrico Fardella, "The Belt and Road Initiative and its impact on Europe," Valdai Papers, no. 82 (March 2018), https://bit.ly/2FfSBGq;
Massimo Deandreis, "La geo-economia marittima, la Cina e la nuova centralità del Mediterraneo" [Maritime geoconomics, China, and the
new centrality of the Mediterranean Sea], OrizzonteCina 7, no. 6 (2016), https://bit.ly/2obmHqO [Italian]
¹⁹ "China’s Arab Policy Paper," PRC State Council, January 13, 2016, https://bit.ly/2p20coJ; "China’s Policy Paper on the European Union,"
Xinhua, December 18, 2018, https://bit.ly/2UQCeZ7
²⁰ Those two terms indicate different levels of policy coordination between China and its partners. A "comprehensive strategic
partnership" entails a larger number of issues included in the dialogue between the two countries and more multi-layered approach than
in the case of a "strategic partnership." See: "Quick Guide to China’s Diplomatic Levels," South China Morning Post, January 20, 2016,
https://bit.ly/2nraL4cIntroduction 9
tions for a larger role of the PLA in protecting from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
the country’s interests abroad, beyond the (JCPOA) over Iran’s nuclear program was the
deployment of peacekeepers in Africa and final nail in the coffin of any hope for Sino-
naval warships in the Gulf of Aden (Figure American cooperation after that NATO’s
3).²¹ This will be a process that, including intervention in Libya and the attempt to do
the issue of if and how to use private con- the same in Syria shortly after had already
tractors, will take time to complete.²² Yet, it ruined the friendly relations between Wash-
is difficult to underestimate the implica- ington and Beijing that existed in the early
tions that the emergence of a more marked years of George Bush’s "War on Terror." At the
security approach to the region can have for same time, the Russian military interven-
other major actors.²³ tion in Syria and the continuous worsening
of the relations between the United States
Finally, if one considers that China’s and China and Russia further pushed Chi-
involvement in regional security and diplo- nese policymakers to position their country
matic affairs has always been proportional in direct opposition to the American super-
to the potential of the cooperation with the power. Indeed, China not only casted the so-
United States, the arrival of Donald Trump to called "three vetoes, two no votes" in the
the Oval Office is an issue that cannot be United Nations Security Council between
overlooked. Trump’s decision to withdraw 2011 and 2012 to diplomatically shield the
Figure 3: Chinese Contribution to UN Peacekeeping Operations in the Wider Mediterranean Region
The values in the chart include troops, police officers, military observers and staff officers.
Source: www.chinamed.it/chinamed-data/mediterranean-region
²¹ Andrea Ghiselli, "Diplomatic Opportunities and Rising Threats: The Expanding Role of Non-Traditional Security in Chinese Foreign
and Security Policy," Journal of Contemporary China 27, no. 112 (2018): 611-625.
²² Andrea Ghiselli, "Market Opportunities and Political Responsibilities: The Difficult Development of Chinese Private Security
Companies Abroad," Armed Forces & Society, (2018), https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0095327X18806517
²³ Andrea Ghiselli, "La crisi libica del 2011 e la riforma dell’Esercito popolare di liberazione. Implicazioni per la diplomazia italiana in
Nord Africa e Medio Oriente" [The Libyan crisis of 2011 and the reform of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army: Implications for Italian
diplomacy in North Africa and the Middle East], OrizzonteCina 9, no. 2 (2018), https://bit.ly/2p1lsLk [Italian]You can also read
