Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech: Why is Black Feminist Thought Left Out of Ontario University Sexual Violence Policies?
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
Document generated on 12/28/2021 10:59 a.m.
Atlantis
Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice
Études critiques sur le genre, la culture, et la justice
Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech: Why is Black Feminist
Thought Left Out of Ontario University Sexual Violence
Policies?
Lindsay Ostridge
Volume 41, Number 1, 2020 Article abstract
As of January 1, 2017, the Province of Ontario has required all post-secondary
URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1074016ar institutions to create and maintain a stand-alone sexual assault policy that
DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1074016ar includes clearly stated complaint and response procedures. This paper brings
to bear the influence of Black feminist thought as an analytic tool and politic on
See table of contents the outcomes and omissions of the development of these policies. Analyzing
the stand-alone sexual violence policy of the University of Ottawa as a case
study, the author conducted a critical discourse analysis with an intersectional
lens to determine if intersectionality influenced the policy creation. Findings
Publisher(s)
reveal that policymakers conceptualize gender in a one-dimensional manner,
Mount Saint Vincent University without attention to intersections of sexualized violence with racism and other
systems of oppression. A policy with an ill-defined focus on gender can result
ISSN in a colorblind policy that suggests that the institution should treat all students
the same, regardless of systemic disadvantages they might face on the basis of
1715-0698 (digital) race, class, gender, sexual orientation, or ability. This avoidance can create
barriers to reporting. Neoliberalism and the changing university culture are
Explore this journal discussed.
Cite this article
Ostridge, L. (2020). Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech: Why is Black
Feminist Thought Left Out of Ontario University Sexual Violence Policies?
Atlantis, 41(1), 59–71. https://doi.org/10.7202/1074016ar
All Rights Reserved ©, 2020 Lindsay Ostridge This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit
(including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be
viewed online.
https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/
This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit.
Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal,
Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to
promote and disseminate research.
https://www.erudit.org/en/Special Section: Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech
Research
Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech: Why is Black
Feminist ought Left Out of Ontario University
Sexual Violence Policies?
Lindsay Ostridge is a PhD candidate at the Institute Introduction
of Feminist and Gender Studies, University of Ott
awa. Her research focuses on analysing current sexual Violence against women continues to be a problem on
violence prevention campaigns and policies in Ontario postsecondary campuses. Researchers estim
Canada. ate that four out of five undergraduate women have
experienced dating violence (Canadian Federation of
Abstract: As of January 1, 2017, the Province of Students 2015). Brennan and TaylorButts (2008) re
Ontario has required all postsecondary institutions port that the highestatrisk group for sexual assault is
to create and maintain a standalone sexual assault women between the ages of 1524. Senn et al. (2014)
policy that includes clearly stated complaint and re report that out of 899 undergraduates surveyed, over
sponse procedures. is paper brings to bear the in 50% of young women experienced one or more forms
fluence of Black feminist thought as an analytic tool of sexual violence after 14 years old. Since women are
and politics on the outcomes and omissions of the not a homogenous group, many Black feminist writers
development of these policies. Analyzing the stand urge policymakers to use intersectionality as a frame
alone sexual violence policy of the University of Ott work to highlight how the power dynamics of race,
awa as a case study, the author conducted a critical gender, class, sexuality, and ableism interact in the
discourse analysis with an intersectional lens to de everyday lives of women. Understanding how multiple
termine if intersectionality influenced the policy cre systems of power interact within sexual violence can
ation. Findings reveal that policymakers give the university a greater ability to give meaningful
conceptualize gender in a onedimensional manner, interventions to women on campus (Bourassa, Bendig,
without attention to intersections of sexualized viol Oleson, Ozog, Billan, Owl, & RossHopley 2017;
ence with racism and other systems of oppression. A Wooten 2017).
policy with an illdefined focus on gender can result
in a colorblind policy that suggests that the institu Despite widespread support for intersectional theory,
tion should treat all students the same, regardless of there has been little change in some Canadian uni
systemic disadvantages they might face on the basis of versities' approaches to sexual violence prevention and
race, class, gender, sexual orientation, or ability. is policy, leaving gaps and oversights that affect students'
avoidance can create barriers to disclosing. Neoliber access to resources. e result can be genderfocused
alism and the changing university culture are dis sexual violence policies, which tend to be colourblind
cussed. policies that aim to treat all students the same, regard
less of any systemic discrimination they may face due
Keywords: campus sexual violence, critical discourse to race, class, sexual orientation, and ability within an
analysis, intersectionality, neoliberalism, sexual viol everchanging university population (Wooten 2017).
ence policy So, when prevention campaigns and policies focus on
gender only, it negates the many voices of Black femin
ist writers who think of intersectionality as both a the
ory and politics (Collins & Bilge 2016; Crenshaw
1990; Gray & Pin 2017). e implication of ignoring
multiple systems of oppression can be an inadequate
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 59institutional response to survivors seeking meaningful versities and this university was one of the few that
resources and a safe university campus environment. had a standalone sexual violence policy before the
provincial mandate came into effect (Bill 132 2016;
e University of Ottawa is a large bilingual research Ontario Universities n.d.). Mattieu and Poisson
intensive university. Using this university as a case (2014) report that in 2014, only four Ontario Uni
study, I argue that Black feminist thought is not vis versities had specific policies to address campus sexual
ible within the discourse of this standalone sexual vi violence, with the University of Ottawa in the process
olence policy despite decades of critical thinking. e of reviewing their policies at that time. Also, this uni
University of Ottawa’s negation of multiple systems of versity does not have a student code of conduct, en
oppression cooccurring can have serious implications suring that students maintain their right to protest
for students seeking help and resources. is paper (University of Ottawa 2015). e student population
explores the political, representational, and structural at the University of Ottawa is comprised of 83% un
problems with a genderonly focused campus sexual dergraduate students, 11% master students, and 5%
violence policy. I suggest that the reason for this nega doctorate students (e University of Ottawa n.d.a).
tion is due to a preference for neoliberal logic in the An independent survey conducted by the Ontario
university's approach to sexual violence prevention Government (2019) reveals that in the 201718 school
and response, enabling the university to individualize year, 22% of students at the University of Ottawa ex
sexual violence and personal safety, increase security perienced sexual assault and 62.4% experienced sexual
measures on campus and sustaining rape myths (Gray harassment. In these incidents, 87% of the perpetrat
& Pin 2017; Trusolino 2017). is course of action ors were male and 49.5% was another student. Only
prevents the university from addressing the core issues 46% of survivors disclosed the incident of sexual viol
at the heart of sexual violence, which involve investig ence to another person and 9.4% told an institutional
ating multiple systems of power and control, such as member (Government of Ontario 2019).
racism and colonialism, alongside gender.
Using an intersectional framework, I investigate how
Methods and Methodology the power dynamics of race, class, gender, and ableism
may factor into students' everyday lives on campus
A case study approach allows for a more detailed, in and how power is replicated in the discourse of the
depth analysis that includes the policy creation pro standalone sexual violence policy. In my analysis, I
cess's developmental factors and the context of the employ a feminist critical discourse approach to in
campus environment (Flyvbjerg 2011; Stake 2008). vestigate the University of Ottawa's sexual violence
e University of Ottawa has a student population of prevention policy. I adopt the understanding that
close to 43,000 students (58% female, 40% male, sexual violence is one form of gendered violence, and
and 3% undetermined), is located in a prominent that law and policy is not equally applied to all per
midsize Canadian city, and has been considered sons within a community (Iverson 2016; Wooten
within Canadian society as a pillar in the academic 2017). Since the policy under investigation is named
and research community since the midnineteenth “Policy 67b: Prevention of Sexual Violence," I will be
century (e University of Ottawa, n.d.a). Sitting on using the term “sexual violence” throughout this pa
unceded and unsurrendered Algonquin territory, per. I approach this document in a “policy as dis
this university is a member of the U15, a Canadian course” manner as defined by Bacchi (2000) and with
researchintensive university collective which con an exploratory and inductive analysis. Investigating
ducts approximately eight billion dollars' worth of re how the policymakers represent and create the social
search annually and is one of the largest problem of sexual violence within the policy's dis
FrenchEnglish bilingual universities in the world course, I pay close attention to power relations.
(e University of Ottawa n.d.a; U15 n.d.). e
University of Ottawa is unique to other Ontario uni Within the discourse of policy, I examine how the in
versities. ere are 22 publically funded Ontario uni stitution articulates its stance on the issue, setting lim
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 60its to the “problem,” shaping a solution, and demon While this definition does not mention that the sys
strating what is possible and what is not possible for a temic forms of oppression like racism, colonialism,
survivor who might seek help and resources within the sexism, homophobia, class, or ableism can cooccur in
wording of the document (Allan 2008; Iverson 2016, sexual violence, the task force notes that they em
Wooten 2017). Since the policymakers do not exist ployed a survivorcentric, valuesbased, intersectional
outside of the campus environment's politics and the approach to their analysis of the campus environment
societal problem of genderbased violence, I view them as noted in the following statement: “Our task force
as social actors acting within the social constructions of was also informed by a recognition of the intersection
race, class, sexuality, ability, and gender within Cana al nature of sexual violence, in which individuals' ‘race’/
dian society. In this review of the policy's language, I ethnicity, ability, Indigeneity and socioeconomic
have given additional attention to any taken for gran status, among other factors, can render them vulner
ted assumptions, metaphors, and absences within the able on multiple fronts" (University of Ottawa 2015,
text to isolate how sexual violence is both constructed 7). e task force acknowledges in their report that
and resolved to question further why the policy takes systems of privilege and oppression could be shaped by
the shape that it does (Allan 2008; Bacchi 1999, 2000; “colonialism, imperialism, racism, homophobia,
Iverson 2016). After reading the policy numerous ableism, and patriarchy and interactions occur[ing]
times, I identified themes, created links, and gave with connected forms of power” (University of Ottawa
meaning to the discourse (Allan 2008; Iverson 2016). 2015, 7). e forms of power include “laws, policies,
state governments and other political and economic
e Case Study unions, religious institutions and media” (University of
Ottawa 2015, 7). However, the task force did not
When two highprofile cases of sexual violence in name universities as part of the interconnected forms
volving the University of Ottawa students' came to of power.
public attention in 2014, there was a media and public
outcry. In response, the University of Ottawa’s Presid As requested by the University of Ottawa’s President,
ent, Alan Rock, appointed a task force comprised of the task force created a series of recommendations. e
faculty, administration, students, and community task force recommended that the university create a
members to review the problem of harassment and standalone sexual violence policy, independent of
sexual violence and provide solutions to help create a older sexual harassment and harassment and discrim
respectful university community. e task force con ination policies. Other recommendations put forth in
sulted with students, administrators, community cluded creating a statement of values which articulates
based experts, and other institutions during their in the universities position on respect and equality and
vestigation (University of Ottawa 2015). e task force committing to providing awareness training to the
operationalized sexual violence as defined by the Gov senior administration, students, and other specified
ernment of Ontario's 2011 Sexual Violence Action groups (i.e. Bystander Initiatives). e task force also
Plan, in Changing Attitudes, Changing Lives as: recommended that the university develop an ongoing
any violence, physical or psychological, carried collaborative relationship with communitybased or
out through sexual means or by targeting sexual ganizations, commit to collecting and making annual
ity. is violence takes different forms, including metrics on complaints of harassment, sexual violence,
sexual abuse, sexual assault, rape, incest, child and discrimination publically available and provide
hood sexual abuse and rape during armed con undergraduate courses exploring the topic of sexual vi
flict. It also includes sexual harassment, stalking, olence. An action team was put in place to ensure that
indecent or sexualized exposure, degrading sex the recommendations were followed (University of Ot
ual imagery, voyeurism, cyber harassment, tawa 2015). ese initiatives comprise the university's
trafficking and sexual exploitation. (University current sexual violence prevention campaign.
of Ottawa, 2015, 7)
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 61While these recommendations seem like a positive out the person's consent. It includes sexual as
move to creating a safer learning environment on cam sault, sexual harassment, stalking, indecent ex
pus, many stakeholders were outspoken about their posure, voyeurism, nonconsensual condom
lack of confidence in the administration to carry out removing (stealthing), and sexual exploitation.
the recommendations of the task force, having experi For further clarity, sexual assault includes rape.
enced the university acting unilaterally in previous (e University of Ottawa 2016, Section 3.2)
efforts (University of Ottawa 2015). Stakeholders ar
gue that the President was not transparent in how he In reading this definition of sexual violence, it appears
selected and appointed members of this task force. In to me that the university defines sexual violence as
addition, the stakeholders expressed concern with the something that exists outside of the interlocking power
task force’s use of sanitized language in official docu dynamics of gender, race, class, and ableism. Since the
ments. For example, words like “equality” and “re policymakers do not name multiple power systems
spect” are used rather than a more direct and within this definition, I suggest that the university is
appropriate term, such as “rape culture.” ese actions framing the social problem of sexual violence as an in
to disregard outside input seem to replicate the institu dividualized problem. A possible reason for this spe
tion's failure to respond to a 20052006 Harassment cific framing could be because the University of
Working Group's recommendations, made a decade Ottawa considers sexual violence to be an outliertype
before the formation of this task force. Since the Har event that occurs based on the specific characteristics
assment Working Group's creation was in response to or actions of the survivor or perpetrator (Quinlan
a studentled campaign, the institution's failure to 2017). I find that the individualized definition of sexu
provide more sexual harassment awareness, training, al violence conflicts with the stated purpose of the
and better policies on campus disappointed many (e policy which is to “reaffirm” the university’s existing
University of Ottawa 2015). commitment to “a safe and healthy campus for work,
for study, and campus community life for all members
In 2016, the University of Ottawa completed the of the university community and its commitment to
standalone sexual violence policy, apparently with the provide support to those members of the university
help of students, faculty experts, and community part community directly affected by sexual violence" (e
ners (e University of Ottawa 2015). e policy is 16 University of Ottawa 2016; Section 1.1).
pages long and includes many definitions, such as
“sexual violence,” “consent,” “sexual assault,” “sexual While the policymakers do not mention race and eth
harassment,” and the “university community.” It in nicity in the wording of this document, I find they use
cludes a statement of values and is survivorcentric. other words that might reference race, culture, or eth
However, I did not find any mention of race, racism, nicity in the policy, words like “marginalized,” “dis
or colonialism within the policy, and appears to me to crimination,” and “prejudice.” For example, the term
be a colourblind sexual violence policy. In other “marginalized” appears once in the document as part
words, I find that the university appears to be framing of the institution's values: “e University acknow
sexual violence, along with other sexual violencere ledges and combats broader social attitudes about
lated terms, in a manner that is ahistorical, decontex gender, sex and sexuality that normalize sexual violence
tualized, individualized, and mostly genderneutral, by and undermine women and marginalized group's
referring to a universal student within the university equality” (e University of Ottawa 2016, Section
community. For example, the definition of sexual viol 4.7). I consider the term “marginalized group” to be
ence is: quite broad, especially since the policymakers do not
“Sexual violence" means any sexual act or act define what the institution considers a marginalized
targeting a person's sexuality, gender identity or group within this policy. Furthermore, I find the
gender expression, whether the act is physical or wording of this portion of the policy suggests that wo
psychological in nature, that is committed, men and marginalized groups are two separate entities
threatened, or attempted against a person with that do not exist concurrently, like in the everyday lives
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 62of women of colour. Also, there is no elaboration on standalone sexual violence policy and the response
what specific attitudes undermine women and margin workers will follow this policy in response. However, I
alized groups, which is essential since this is the only find this potentially problematic since there is no anti
instance that the words “women” and “marginalized racist commitment within the standalone sexual viol
groups” appear in the policy. ence policy. is absence may permit the university to
treat the complaint of sexual violence in a decontextu
e term “discrimination” appears in reference to re alized manner, devoid of consideration for the ongoing
lated policies. e standalone sexual violence policy racism and colonialism that women of colour may face
works within a framework of policies, including har on campus.
assment, discrimination, accessibility, and inclusion
(e University of Ottawa Human Rights 2019). At e policy on the prevention of harassment and dis
the University of Ottawa, the human rights office crimination (Policy 67a) includes many important
manages all complaints of sexual violence, harassment factors that create the context in which sexual violence
and discrimination, and they report to higher levels of occurs. For example, discrimination can include:
the university administration. e purpose of the a) a distinction—intentional or unintentional,
standalone sexual violence policy is to provide stu direct or indirect—because of a person's race,
dents with transparency, accountability, and reliable ancestry, ethnic origin, creed, place of origin,
and consistent procedures (Shen 2017; e University colour, citizenship, sex, sexual orientation, gen
of Ottawa Human Rights 2019). As stated within the der identity and expression, age, pregnancy,
policy, the related policies include the policy on the marital status, family status, a record of offences,
prevention of harassment and discrimination, the political affiliation, religious belief, disability or
policy on violence prevention, a health and safety means to accommodate the disability and
policy and a policy on professionalism for the Faculty b) that has the effect of erecting barriers, or cre
of Medicine. In terms of which policy to use, the sexu ating obligations, disadvantages or situations of
al violence policy is only valid when sexual violence unequal treatment that withhold or limit access
occurs. For example, if harassment or discrimination to privileges, advantages or political, social or
occurs along with sexual violence, the policy advises: economic rights available to other members of
Harassment and/or discrimination: [e sexual society. (e University of Ottawa 2012, para.
harassment policy] and [the policy on harass 2324)
ment and discrimination from students] and
[policy on harassment and discrimination for I find the University of Ottawa’s definition of discrim
employees] apply to complaints of harassment ination includes a wider scope of power inequalities
and/or discrimination that do not involve sexual that women on campus may experience. I can imagine
violence, sexual harassment or workplace sexual that by layering Policy 67a with Policy 67b (the stand
harassment. However, only this policy applies if alone sexual violence policy), a more nuanced under
the circumstances of a disclosure or a complaint standing of how and why sexual violence happens on
of sexual violence also encompass harassment campus occurs can be developed. Furthermore, other
and/or discrimination. (e University of Ot key aspects of harassment and discrimination are es
tawa 2016, Section 6.3) sential in providing context to sexual violence on cam
pus, such as systemic discrimination, harassment,
From this section of the policy, I understand that the poisoned environment, and workplace harassment. For
standalone sexual violence policy is valid if complaints example, the University of British Colombia's Sander
involve sexual violence and the policies within this School of Business students singing Y.O.U.N.G. rape
framework cannot be layered. So, if the university chant and Pocahontas' chants during frosh week can
finds that the perpetrator's actions fall within the para provide the context and potential motivation for sexu
meters of the institution's definition of sexual violence, al violence (Solinsky 2013). I consider these chants to
the complainant can file their complaint under the be examples of a poisonous environment and systemic
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 63discrimination since women are targeted based on ors. More specifically, a genderfocused approach to a
gender, race, and age, resulting in unfair treatment, university response can inadvertently set the standard
thus making the environment one which is unsafe to of care based on a universal woman's needs, concealing
work and study. the interconnecting power dynamics of race, class,
gender, and ableism. A universal woman tends to be
Colourblind policies negate a complainant’s ability to White, straight, cisgendered, middleclass, Western,
have the university consider the historical markers of and nondisabled (Gray & Pin 2017). e outcome of
inequality, like gender and race. ese policies falsely this standard of care is an inadequate response for
assume that everyone is treated equally (Collins 2000; those needing services that go beyond this universal
Wooten 2017). Critical race theorists argue that these woman. For example, the policymakers offer little dis
policies normalize Whiteness and camouflage racism cussion on the complexity of consent and the taken for
(Collins 2000; Wooten 2017). Colourblind policies granted norms about who is afforded the right to con
remove the historical markers of inequality and the sent. e policymakers define consent as:
purposeful degradation of women of colour. Collins “Consent" means an active, direct, voluntary,
(2000) notes that the emerging colourblind philo unimpaired, and conscious choice and agree
sophy constitutes a new form of racism within institu ment to engage in sexual activity. ese ele
tions: ments of consent must be present, even if
A new rhetoric of colorblindness that repro alcohol or drugs have been consumed. Consent
duces social inequalities by treating people the cannot be given by a person whose judgement is
same (Crenshaw, 1997) makes it more difficult impaired by drugs or alcohol or by other forms
to maintain safe spaces at all. Any group that or of impairment. It is not acceptable for a person
ganizes around its own selfinterests runs the who is said to have engaged in sexual violence to
risk of being labelled “separatist," “essentialist," use their own consumption of alcohol or drugs
and antidemocratic. e protracted attack on as an excuse for their mistaken belief that there
socalled identity politics works to suppress his was consent. For further clarity, consent: cannot
torically oppressed groups that aim to craft inde be assumed nor implied; cannot be given by si
pendent political agendas around identities of lence or the absence of “no"; cannot be given by
race, gender, class, and/or sexuality." (121) an individual who is impaired by alcohol or
drugs, or is unconscious; cannot be given by an
Colourblind policies are detrimental to women of individual who is asleep; cannot be obtained
colour's safety and security because they make it diffi through threats or coercion; can be revoked at
cult for women of colour to organize within the insti any time; cannot be given if the person who is
tution politically and suggest a different narrative to an said to have engaged in sexual violence has
illdefined genderonly narrative. Colourblind policies abused a position of trust, power or authority;
suppress racialised perspectives by avoiding them (Di might not be given properly if an individual has
Angelo 2011). Racialised women can face unique chal a condition that limits his or her verbal or physi
lenges to disclosing sexual violence, such as cultural cal means of interaction—in such instances, it is
shame surrounding discussions about sexuality and extremely important to determine how consent
sex, meanwhile disclosing sexual violence is very im will be established. (e University of Ottawa
portant to positive educational outcomes (Stermac, 2016, Section 3.2)
Horowitz & Bance 2017).
From this definition, I interpret consent as an isolated
TopDown Approaches to Policy Creation act that is independent of the interconnected power
dynamics of gender, race, class, and ableism. I under
When policymakers use a topdown approach to stand that consent is an individual conscious choice,
policy creation instead of responding to students' an agreement between two people, that can be given
needs, the result can be a limited response for surviv either verbally or physically, and if there is a “condi
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 64tion,” then the University expects that consent is nego among postsecondary institutions in Canada. In
tiated between the individuals involved. However, the 2015, Bourassa et al. (2017) investigated 44 English
term “condition” is not elaborated on within the policy speaking Canadian universities’ websites by conduct
and could mean a variety of things. More importantly, ing an environmental scan to determine if institutional
this statement might mean little to women in their oncampus violence policies were available and wheth
everyday lives on campus, as this definition does not er or not each institution had a reporting system that
provide clarity and transparency as the policymakers acknowledged the survivors' ethnicity. e authors
aim to do. If “condition” refers to a disability, then found that few universities had that system in place.
this is the only time the policymakers mention it in Only six universities recorded the gender and/or ethni
this policy. city of the survivor, and this information was not pub
licly available. e University of British Columbia was
Simplistic depictions of consent within a standalone the only institution in Canada that addressed violence
sexual violence policy avoids the complexity and the against Indigenous women and had an intersectional
frequency of normalized hegemonic social norms to response system (Bourassa et al. 2017).
wards who is afforded the ability to consent. For ex
ample, Martino (2019) notes that ablebodied people e Influence of Neoliberalism on Canadian
frequently dismiss people with disabilities as not hav University Campuses
ing a right to consent to sexual activity and manage
their sexual relationships. In addition to disabled wo Many of the gaps and oversights could be due to the
men, women who engage in sex work frequently face ongoing corporatization of Canadian universities
ignorant attitudes towards their ability to consent to (Quinlan 2017). Some argue that the administration
sex or violence (Martino 2019; Ralston 2019). Since has begun to use corporate strategies to organize the
many students engage in sex work as a means to pay university, using topdown approaches such as lean
for their education, this gap in the policy discourse can management and performance indicators such as
make it difficult for a survivor to come forward out of graduation and student employments rates as a focus
fear that responders might be misinformed or un (Gray & Pin 2017; Quinlan 2017; e University of
educated on the realities of sex workers rights (Josic Ottawa n.d.b). ese choices are changing the uni
2020). e university’s avoidance of language that versity from a governance structure to a corporate
speaks to the complexity of consent within the policy structure where collective bargaining is difficult, strikes
discourse can create more problems for survivors seek occur more often, and the university offers few mean
ing resources than resolving them. ingful resources to survivors (Gray & Pin 2017;
Haiven 2017; Quinlan 2017).
Moreover, I learn little about women's needs by read
ing the public annual metrics on complaints of harass A corporate university comes as a result of reduced
ment, sexual violence, and discrimination on campus. government funding (starting in the mid1990s). e
For example, from September 2018April 2019, the need for funding has created a client/supplier relation
University of Ottawa’s Human Rights Office reports ship with students, where administrators tend to view
52 complaints of harassment, 13 cases of discrimina students as “revenuegenerating agents” (Quinlan
tion based on disability, 9 cases of discrimination based 2017). At the University of Ottawa, in 2019, tuition
on race, 71 complaints of sexual violence, and 173 stu and other fees account for $453.1 million out of the
dents requested information regarding accessibility total $1,350 million in funding sources (e Uni
(e University of Ottawa Human Rights 2019). e versity of Ottawa n.d.a). Operating grants ($317.7
report provides no further details about the survivor in million), research grants, and contracts ($285.7 mil
terms of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation. lion) bring much less money into the university (e
University of Ottawa n.d.a). In order to remain com
Providing minimal survivor demographic information petitive in the marketplace, universities are creating at
to the general public appears to be a common practice tractive highfee boutique programs and mass
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 65marketing these programs to attract and maintain stu danger” and the “racialised other.” In turn, the Uni
dents. Some leading academics argue that the campus versity places the focus on women to protect them
administrators may be working to generate a percep selves, while reducing the onus on the university to
tion of a university community comprising of affluent provide meaningful resources and interventions for a
White students, which, in turn, maintains the uni safer campus.
versity space as a colonial site (Bourassa et al. 2017;
Quinlan 2017). Part of these highfee boutique pro Campus officials tend to ignore racism and misogyny
grams include specialty business programs, where at within the university community and reinforce these
the University of Ottawa’s Telfer School of Manage systems of oppression by asking survivors and students
ment costs between $28,000 for the oneyear program to work together to create safety on campus, making
and $30,350 a year for a twoyear program depending individuals responsible for their safety. For example, in
on the length of the program for domestic students 2007, after the Vanier Rape at York University, where
(Telfer School of Management n.d.). is same pro two men illegally entered Vanier College dormitory
gram is between $64,000 and $68,000, respectively, and raped a female student, university administrators
for international students. and the Toronto Police engaged in messages of securit
ization (Trusolino 2017). Campus officials created fear
e University appears to be taking a neoliberal ap among women by telling them to “lock your doors"
proach to sexual violence by individualizing trauma, and “protect yourself ” while doing little to prevent
preferring to place the responsibility of women's safety male students from engaging in sexual violence
in students' hands (Gray & Pin 2017; Quinlan 2017). (Trusolino 2017). In this case, the university adminis
According to this logic, sexual violence can be reduced tration capitalised on a nearby low income racialised
by implementing sexual violence prevention programs neighbourhood, emphasizing rape myths such as
that aim to motivate bystanders. One example of such “stranger danger” and the “racialised other.” e focus
a program is the Bystander Initiative (Gray & Pin on racial fear removed the institution's responsibility
2017; Quinlan 2017). Gray and Pin (2017) argue that to provide a safe place for all students to work and
these programs of securitization technologies tend to study and undermined the collective efforts of
prey on women's fear without fully engaging in an autonomous women. Instead, the university increased
analysis of the multiple power structures and dynamics campus security measures and reified a universal sexual
cooccurring on campus. Some university administrat assault victim by avoiding the vital work of investigat
ors prefer these programs because they can give the in ing the power dynamics of race, class, and gender on
stitution a visible and tangible way to respond to campus that are often at the heart of sexual violence.
sexual violence (Gray & Pin 2017; Quinlan 2017). For
example, administrators can rationalize the financial Furthermore, these messages of the “racialised other”
cost of implementing the program against a predictive effect racialised male students' ability to live and study
and expected decrease in the rates of sexual violence on campus without harassment. For example, at the
postprogram. However, an increase in reporting rates University of Ottawa, media reports brought two sep
suggests a safer campus community and an easy cam arate racial profiling incidents to public attention in
pus disclosure system (Gray & Pin 2017; Quinlan 2019. In these incidents, the university's paid security
2017). force engaged in racist carding practices, apparently
upholding “outdated” policies and procedures
Stranger Danger and the Racialised Other (Gergyek 2019). In the first case, security asked a ra
cialised student skateboarding on campus to produce
Gray, Pin, and Cooper (2019) argue that after a public his student I.D. on the spot. When he could not, he
incident of sexual violence, the university administra was detained by security for police, as if to suggest that
tion can create a perception of safety on campus by co his racialised presence was enough for the security per
opting feminist language within their prevention cam sonnel to assume an “outsider” status and that he
paign and sustaining rape myths based on “stranger could not be a student at the university (Ahmed
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 662012). In a separate incident, a second racialised male tems of oppression that occur simultaneously in the
student was asked to provide proof of address by the everyday lives of women. However, the government
University of Ottawa’s paid security force when he and some university policymakers tend to dismiss this
used his security card to gain access to his residence. approach (Jones & Whynacht 2019; Maynard 2017;
e security personnel did not card a White student Samaran 2019). Moreover, while many institutions re
who entered the residence only minutes before. port to involve students and sexual violence experts in
Bystanders witnessed this incident, verifying the uni the creation of the standalone sexual violence policies,
versity's racist security measures (Dutil 2020). In re as stipulated by Bill 132 (2016), Gray, Pin, and
sponse to ongoing racism on campus, the University of Cooper (2019) argue that some institutions engage in
Ottawa created an antidiscrimination committee. avoidance tactics making it difficult for representatives
Campus officials held two town hall meetings, one to attend important consultation meetings. In sum,
with undergraduates and another with graduate stu some administrators fail to consider and incorporate
dents to discuss the prevalence and impact of institu student needs, making student inclusion illusionary. In
tional racism on campus. Since the University of order to move forward, the university must reconsider
Ottawa is located in downtown Ottawa, close to a this approach.
shopping centre, multiple hotels, and a men's shelter
(Codjoe 2019), some could easily rationalise these se Conclusion
curity measures due to the physical location of the uni
versity. In this paper, using a large bilingual researchintensive
university's sexual violence policy as a case study, I
e state also employs the rape myths of “stranger have demonstrated that the policy is colourblind and
danger” and the “racialised other” in response to sexual that attention to the multiple intersections of oppres
violence. By using a neoliberal logic that views indi sion such as gender, race, class, and ableism, while very
viduals as responsible for their own safety and wellbe important, has been negated. Furthermore, I have
ing, the state obscures its ongoing racist and colonialist demonstrated how a colourblind genderfocused
actions within the legal system, family services, and policy can have detrimental implications for many wo
law enforcement, systems that continue to fail count men and men of colour on campus. As the discourse
less women (Maynard 2017; Razack 2016). Police of the policy articulates the university's stance on sexu
officers tend to treat women who report sexual viol al violence, it appears to me that this university
ence with skepticism and distrust, often with a misun chooses to ignore the interconnected forms of oppres
derstanding of the effects of trauma (Johnson 2017). sion that women face on campus, preferring to use a
Many officers maintain a very narrow idea of what neoliberal logic to sexual violence prevention and re
“real” rape is, preferring to investigate stranger rape sponse. I argue that this logic can result in actions such
over acquaintance rape. e police often act as gate as implementing bystander training and increasing
keepers, providing care and protection to some, while campus security, which sustains rape myths, such as
neglecting and abusing others (Razack 2016; Ralston “stranger danger” and the “racialised other.” is
2019). As contemporary agents of the state, the police course of action enables the university to appear to be
enforce systemic oppression based on race, gender, responding to sexual violence without having to re
sexual identity, and immigration with the threat of for spond to ongoing racism, colonialism, classism, and
cing “undesirables” into the prisonindustrial complex ableism on campus.
(Incite! 2016, Jones & Whynacht 2019; Maynard
2017). Since rates of disclosure about sexual assault tend to be
low at postsecondary institutions, I think it is doubt
Black feminist thinkers argue for an antiviolent, anti ful that they will improve if the policymakers continue
colonialist, antiracist approach to sexual violence. In to write policies that are colourblind and individual
order to achieve that, a policy and response system istic. University administrators must understand stu
should incorporate a consideration for multiple sys dents' experiences to improve the disclosure process for
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 67survivors and help change the university culture to a References
truly safe and equitable space for all.
Ahmed, S. 2012. On Being Included Racism and
Diversity in Institutional Life. Durham: Duke
University Press.
Allan, E. J. 2008. Policy Discourse, Gender and
Education: Constructing Women's Status. New York:
Routledge.
Bacchi, C. L. 1999. Women, Policy and Politics: e
Construction of Policy Problems. ousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Bacchi, C. 2000. “Policy as Discourse: What does it
mean? Where does it get us?” Studies in the Cultural
Politics of Education 21, no. 1, 4557. https://doi.org/
10.1080/01596300050005493.
Bill 132. 2016. Sexual Violence and Harassment Action
Plan Act (Supporting Survivors and challenging sexual
violence and harassment). S.O. 2016 C.2, 1st Session,
41st Legislature: Ontario.
Bourassa, C., Bendig, M., Oleson, E.J., Ozog, A.,
Billan, J.L., Owl, N., RossHopley, K. 2017. “Campus
violence, Indigenous women and the policy void.” In
Sexual Violence at Canadian Universities: Activism,
Institutional Responses, and Strategies for Change edited
by E. Quinlan, C. Fogel, A. Quinlan, & G. Taylor, 45
59. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University.
Brennan, S. & TaylorButts, A. 2008. Sexual Assault in
Canada, 2004 and 2007. Ottawa, ON: Statistics
Canada.
Canadian Federation of Students. Spring 2015. Sexual
Violence on Campus. Retrieved from: https://cfsfcee.ca/
wpcontent/uploads/2018/10/SexualViolenceon
Campus.pdf.
Codjoe, E. 2019. Investigation: University of Ottawa
June 12, 2019 Protection Services Incident. Retrieved
from: https://www.uottawa.ca/president/sites/
www.uottawa.ca.president/files/20190930_
_final_english_a.pdf
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 68Collins, P. H. 2000. Black Feminist ought: Annual Review of Interdisciplinary Justice Research 6,
Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of 86110.
Empowerment. New York: Routledge.
Gray, M., Pin, L. and Cooper, A. 2019. “e illusion
Collins, P. H. & Bilge. S. 2016. Intersectionality. of inclusion in York University's Sexual policymaking
Malden, MA: Polity. process.” In Dis/Content: Perspectives on Sexual Consent
and Sexual Violence edited by KelleyAnne Malinen, 66
Crenshaw, K. 1990. “Mapping the margins: 74. Black Point: Fernwood Publishing.
Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against
women of color.” Stan. L. Rev., 43, 12411299. Haiven, J. 2017. “Rape chant at Saint Mary's
University: A convergence of business school ethics,
DiAngelo, R. 2011. “White Fragility.” International alcohol consumption and varsity sport.” In Sexual
Journal of Critical Pedagogy 3, no. 3: 5470. Violence at Canadian Universities: Activism,
Institutional Responses, and Strategies for Change, edited
Dutil, C. May 19, 2020. “U of O human rights office by E. Quinlan, C. Fogel, A. Quinlan, & G. Taylor,
report alleges that black student faced racial 93116. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University.
discrimination in carding incident.” e Fulcrum.
Retrieved from: https://thefulcrum.ca/news/uofo Incite! Women of Color Against Violence. 2016. Color
humanrightsofficereportallegesthatblackstudent of violence: e Incite! Anthology. Cambridge, MA:
facedracialdiscriminationincardingincident/. South End Press.
Flyybjerg, B. 2011. Case Study. In e Sage Handbook Iverson, S. V. 2016. “A policy discourse analysis of
of Qualitative Research, 4th Edition edited by N. sexual assault policies in higher education.” In e
Denzin and Y. Lincoln, 301317. California: Sage Crisis of Campus Sexual Violence: Critical Perspectives on
Publications. Prevention and Response edited by S. C. Wooten and R.
W. Mitchell, 1532. New York: Routledge.
Gergyek, M. October 1, 2019. “Carding of Black U of
O student was racial discrimination, investigation Johnson, H. 2017. “Why doesn't she just report it?
finds.” e Fulcrum. Retreived from: https:// Apprehensions and contradictions for women who
thefulcrum.ca/news/cardingofblackuofostudent report sexual violence to the police.” Canadian Journal
wasracialdiscriminationinvestigationfinds. of Women and the Law 29, no. 1: 3659.
Government of Ontario. 2011. Changing Attitudes, Jones, E. & Whynacht, A. 2019. “Tender places: On
Changing Lives: Ontario's Sexual Violence Action Plan. the intersection of antirape activism and prison
Queen's Printer for Ontario. Accessed at: http:// abolitionism.” In Dis/Consent: Perspectives on Sexual
www.women.gov.on.ca/owd/docs/svap.pdf. Consent and Sexual Violence edited by KelleyAnne
Malinen, 142154. Black Point: Fernwood Publishing.
Government of Ontario. 2019. Summary Report of the
Student Voices on Sexual Violence Survey. Retrieved Josic, A. March 22, 2020. “Sex Work is real for
from: https://files.ontario.ca/tcusummaryreport Ryerson Students.” e Eyeopener. Retrieved from
studentvoicesonsexualviolencesurveyen2019 https://theeyeopener.com/2020/03/sexworkisreal
03.pdf. workforryersonstudents/.
Gray, M., & Pin, L. 2017. “I would like it if some of Martino, A., S. 2019. “Power struggles over the
our tuition went to providing pepper spray for sexualities of individuals with intellectual disabilities.”
students: University branding, securitization, and In Dis/Consent: Perspectives on Sexual Consent and
campus sexual assault at a Canadian university.” e Sexual Violence edited by KelleyAnne Malinen, 98
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 69107. Black Point: Fernwood Publishing. universitiesacrosscanadaimplementsexualviolence
policies/.
Maynard, R. 2017. Policing Black Lives: State Violence
in Canada from Slavery to the Present. Black Point: Solinsky, K. September 18, 2013. “U.B.C. responds to
Fernwood Publishing. 'Y.O.U.N.G.' rape chant; Aboriginal' Pocahontas'
chant emerges.” e Abby News. Retrieved from:
Quinlan, E. 2017. “Institutional betrayal and sexual https://www.abbynews.com/news/ubcrespondstoy
violence in the corporate university.” In Sexual violence oungrapechantaboriginalpocahontaschant
at Canadian Universities: Activism, Institutional emerges/.
Responses, and Strategies for Change edited by E.
Quinlan, C. Fogel, A. Quinlan, & G. Taylor, 6175. Stake, R.E. 2008. “Qualitative Case Studies.” In
Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press. Strategies of Qualitative Inquiry 3rd Edition edited by
N.K. Denzin, and Y.S. Lincoln, 119150. ousand
Ralston, M. 2019. “Sex work and the paradox of Oaks, CA: Sage.
consent.” In Dis/Consent: Perspectives on Sexual Consent
and Sexual Violence edited by KelleyAnne Malinen, Stermac, L., Horowitz, S., Bance, S. 2017. “Sexual
108119. Black Point: Fernwood Publishing. coercion on campus: e impact of victimization and
disclosure on the educational experiences of Canadian
Razack, S. H. 2016. “Sexualized violence and women.” In Sexual Violence at Canadian Universities:
colonialism: Reflections on the Inquiry into Missing Activism, Institutional Responses, and Strategies for
and Murdered Indigenous Women.” Canadian Journal Change edited by E. Quinlan, C. Fogel, A. Quinlan, &
of Women & the Law 28, no. 2: iviii. https://doi.org/ G. Taylor, 2744. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier
10.3138/cjwl.28.2.i. University.
Samaran, N. 2019. Turn is World Inside Out: e Telfer School of Management. (n.d.). Tuition Fees.
Emergence of Nurturance Culture. Chico, Edinburgh: Retrieved from: https://telfer.uottawa.ca/en/mba/
A.K. Press. financing/tuitionfees/
Sawa, T & Ward, L. February 9, 2015. “U.B.C. sex e University of Ottawa. 2012. Policy 67a: Prevention
assault reports out sync with police statistics.” CBC of Harassment and Discrimination. Retrieved from:
News. Retrieved from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ https://www.uottawa.ca/administrationand
ubcsexassaultreportsoutofsyncwithpolice governance/policy67apreventionofharassmentand
statistics1.2950264. discrimination.
Senn, C. Y. Eliasziw, M., Barata, P. C., urston, W. _____. 2015. e Report of the Task Force on Respect
E., NewbyClark, I. R., Radtke, H. L., & Hobden, K. Force on Respect and Equality: Ending Sexual Violence at
L. 2014. “Sexual violence in the lives of firstyear the University of Ottawa. Retrieved from: https://
university women in Canada: No improvements in the www.uottawa.ca/president/sites/
21st century.” B.M.C. Women's Health 14, no. 1: 135. www.uottawa.ca.president/files/reportofthetask
forceonrespectandequality.pdf.
Shen, A. August 4, 2017. “Universities across Canada
implement sexual violence policies: Legislation in three _____. 2016. Policy 67b: Prevention of Sexual Violence.
provinces mandate that postsecondary institutions Retrieved from: https://www.uottawa.ca /
adopt standalone sexual violence policies starting this administrationandgovernance/policy67b
year.” University Affairs. Retrieved from: https:// preventionsexualviolence.
www.universityaffairs.ca/news/newsarticle/
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 70_____. n.d. a. Institutional Research and Planning.
Retrieved from: https://www.uottawa.ca/institutional
researchplanning/resources/factsfigures/quickfacts.
_____. n.d.b. Performance Indicators. Retrieved from:
https://www.uottawa.ca/institutionalresearch
planning/resources/factsfigures/performance
indicators.
e University of Ontario Human Rights Office.
2019. Activity Report 20182019. Retrieved from:
https://www.uottawa.ca/respect/sites/
www.uottawa.ca.respect/files/activity_reportsept18
april19final_engv1.pdf.
Trusolino, M. 2017. “It's not about one bad apple.” In
Sexual Violence at Canadian Universities: Activism,
Institutional Responses, and Strategies for Change edited
by E. Quinlan, C. Fogel, A. Quinlan, & G. Taylor, 79
92. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University.
U15 Group of Canadian Research Universities. n.d.
About Us. Retrieved from: http://u15.ca/aboutus.
Wooten, S. C. 2017. “Revealing a hidden curriculum
of black women's erasure in sexual violence prevention
policy.” Gender and Education 29, no. 3, 405417.
doi:10.1080/09540253.2016.1225012.
Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 71You can also read
