Hace Cincuenta Aiios: Repeat Photography and Landscape Change in the Sierra Purepecha of Michoacan, Mexico
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Hace Cincuenta Aiios: Repeat Photography and Landscape Change in
the Sierra Purepecha of Michoacan, Mexico
Martha A. Works
Keith S. Hadley
Department of Geography
Portland State University
Potiland, OR 97207-0751
ABSTRACT
Robert West's (1948) work on the Sierra Tarasca (Purepecha) ofMichoacan documented the cultural and
physical geography of the region, provided a snapshot of cultural patterns at mid-century, and assessed cultural
change from the pre-Spanish era to the 20th century. A selection oflandscape photographs from this work, and
some ofWest 's subsequent trips to the region, provide a baseline for documenting landscape change over the last
50 years. Comparison of repeat photography from the region reinforces some understandings about
contemporary Mexico-population growth and urban growth-but also brings into question presumptions about
change in the biophysical landscape. An assumption that deforestation is a leading cause of landscape change
in Mexico is not suppmted·from these photographs. There appears to be no marked decrease in forest boundaries
between the 1940s and 1990s and in some cases fmmer agricultural fields have forest regrowth. Some areas that
West described as severely degraded appear to have more vegetation today. Accompanying urban growth has
been an increase in the urban forest, yielding a visual impression of overall increase in vegetation. Field
observations confirm, however, a more complicated picture. What appears to be intact forest is in fact degraded,
in shrubby regrowth, or selectively cut. An overall decline in agricultural area results from urban growth but also
from changes in agricultural policy. Comparison oflandscape images over time offers an opportunity to assess
our perceptions of landscape change and to formulate research questions.
INTRODUCTION them to return to the pdvate domain, and have
also removed subsidies for traditional agdcultural
Social, economic, and political events in crops resulting in the abandonment of agdcultural
Mexico over the twentieth century have resulted lands. Proximity to the U.S. has been another
in dramatic transformations ofland use and life- factor shaping the Mexican landscape, as the
ways. The Mexican Revolution and subsequent ongoing exchange of ideas, goods, and people
Constitution of 1917 ushered in the era of land affects economic patterns, material culture, and
refonn resulting in redistribution of lands to the built environment. These landscape changes
communal landholdings known as ejidos. include abandonment of agdcultural fields, urban
Improvements in transport over the century have development, and degradation of forest resources.
opened up formerly isolated regions. Population A rich resource for analyzing the effects of
has increased almost sixfold from about 15 these factors on the Mexican landscape is the
million in 1910 to about 100 million in 2000. The photography archives of Robert C. West in the
neoliberal ref01ms of the late 20'h century have Geography and Anthropology Department at
removed restdctions on ejido properties, allowing Louisiana State University. West spent his
Yearbook, Conference ofLatinAmericanist Geographers, 2000, Vol. 26, pp. 139-155.
©Copyright 2000, Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers
140 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS
academic life studying Latin America and traveled roughly within the triangle formed by these
frequently to the region. Most of his travel was to physical features. As West documents in his 1948
Mexico and his photographs document a vast study, the Purepecha culture region is much
array of material culture and landscape features. reduced from former times. This trend has con-
In this paper we use repeat landscape photography tinued over the 50 years since his work by
to gauge landscape change in the Sierra Tarasca or mestizaje, urban population growth consisting
Purepecha of Michoacan 1• Repeat photography mostly of mestizos, and by Indians who forgo
offers a valuable descriptive tool for under- their cultural identity with a move to the city.
standing landscape change (see Bahre and Brad- Agriculture is the predominant land use on
bury 1978; Veblen and Lorenz 1991). Whereas the level p01tions of the plateau. Corn is still the
empirical and theoretical assessments of change in main crop in the Meseta, although orchard crops,
the physical and human arenas contribute to our oats, wheat, and potatoes are currently cultivated
understanding of change, repeat photography pro- in some parts of the region. The hills and
vides an important visual means of testing mountains above the plateau surface are largely
assumptions about the nature and quality of forested, but extraction of forest products for a
landscape transformations. variety of uses including furniture making, timber
West's work on the Sierra Tarasca of for mining shafts, railroad ties, and lumber has
Michoadm (1948) was completed as part of a job been ongoing since the colonial era (West 1948).
for the Smithsonian Institute where he worked as Deforestation of the Meseta forests has captured
a cultural geographer on an etlmography of the the attention of several researchers (cf. Alvarez-
Tarascan Indians (Anderson 1998). He returned Icaza eta!. 1993; Masera eta!. 1998), yet little is
to this area only in passing, not to do fi.lrther known about their forest history or current forest
research. As a result, his photographs ofMichoa- dynamics. Regional variation inland use, vegeta-
c{m are relatively few in number compared to the tion change, and urban growth patterns within the
whole invent01y of his Mexico photographs. We Sierra Purepecha, and the difficulty of making
have tapped only a fraction of his work in our generalizations about the region as a whole, are
analysis of these photographs of Michoac{m. In revealed by our comparison of photographs.
addition to the field work he did in 1946-1948, he The photographs analyzed here come from
traveledthroughtheareain 1958, 1967,and 1970. three areas of the western Sierra Purepecha: 1) in
The photographs that resulted from these trips are La Canada, a valley on the northwest edge of the
cataloged and labeled with series number, month region; 2) near Chen1n, a market town on the main
and year, and a short description. north-south route t!n·ough the region; and 3) in the
town of Angahuan, near the volcano ofParicutin
THE REGIONAL SETTING (Figure 1). The photographs of La Canada were
taken in 1946 during the time of West's field
The Sierra Purepecha of Michoac{m is a work in the region. Some of the photographs that
volcanic plateau in west-central Mexico (Figure 1). appear in his monograph are not' available in the
It lies to the south of the old Mexico City- Louisiana State University files and are probably
Guadalajara highway, about halfWay between the in the Smithsonian archives; however, there is a
two cities. Elevation of the plateau surface is good selection of images for the La Canada
about 1830m, with volcanic cinder cones and region. There are only a handful of photographs
peaks rising above the surface. The highest peaks from Cher{m and Angahuan. These were taken in
define the western edge of the cultural and physi- 1958, 1967, or 1970 as he traveled through the
cal region and are over 3650m (Cerro Patamban at area.
3740m and Pico de Tancitaro at 3845m). The In retaking these photographs we located
eastern edge of the region is framed by Lake the general area noted in West's description, then
Patzcuaro and the core of the culture region falls looked for a configuration of landforms that
WORKS 141
\
.:~
\ ;0..
. '· -
•liM»'
Cfty ', '·
-
1-md. '----,~4
A Cem>Patamban Map ' ',
3740m
"
A
VolcOn Paricutfn
5275m
• to 1M00poople Areas of Repeat Pholog!aphy
e 10,000 to 20,000 poop~e A Mountain with Ei142 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS west and south of the region. Pottery and brick Tacuro are particularly well known for their clay are still made in many of the communities; products. Huansito, Santo Tomas, Tanaquillo, Ichan, and Figure 2a. Near Chilchota (M2 19-1 ). 2 [West description] Basin of La Caiiadain Tarascan-speaking area, northwestem Michoacan state. Basin floor composed of alluvial and lacustrine sediments, from which have formed rich soils. Since early colonial times the basin floor has been intensively cultivated in wheat and maize, as well as many frnit trees. Elevation of basin floor: 1800 m (5900 ft.) above sea level, placing it in tierra templada climatic zone. Basin bordered by volcanic mountains. June 1946. Figure 2b. Photograph was retaken from stone-paved surface of the old road above valley floor, west of the town ofChilchota, looking east, up the valley, August 1999. Comparison of the 1946 and 1999 photos show a dramatic increase in vegetation cover and in tree heights over the past 53 years. The area covered by agricultural fields decreased proportionately during this period. Forest or shrub cover on the mountains in the back ground appears more dense in 1999 and urban growth is apparent in the increase in size and number of buildings and in the tree growth associated with an "urban forest." Building along the road is now an obvious component of the landscape and replaces former agricultural areas.
WORKS 143 Figure 3a. Near Uren (M2 19-13). [West description] In·igated fields of wheat ready for harvest, near town of Chilchota, basin of La Canada, northwestern Michoacan state. Foods made of wheat flour, including tortillas, are as common as maize foods, even among Tarascan-speaking inhabitants of La Canada. June 1946. Figure 3b. Photograph retaken from hill to the southeast ofUren, looking NoNW, August 1999. The conspicuous difference between these photos is the increase in tree growth and urbanization in areas occupied by agricultural fields in the original photos. The foreground vegetation that appears to have been overgrazed in 1946 is now occupied by shrubs and small trees which have replaced most ofthe cactus. The hill slopes in the background also appear to have a more dense vegetation cover and include patches of eucalyptus trees. The right center of the 1999 photo includes a large number ofbuildings that are absent in the 1946 photo. The combination of vegetation change and building in this area is consistent with other photographs that show this area (see Figures 2a,b). It appears that this western end of the basin has under- gone more dramatic change over the past 53 years than have other parts of La Canada.
144 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS Figure 4a. Tanaquillo-Acachuen (M2 19-9). [West description] Overlooking mid-portion of La Canada, a nanow basin in northwestem Michoacan state. View looks N toward pine-covered volcanic range in background, which rises to 2600 m (8500 ft.) above sea level. Foreground, Tarascan-speaking towns ofTanaquillo (left), which merges into that of Acachuen (right). Both are wooded by fmit and shade trees planted in patios and along streets. Recently constructed school building in Tanaquillo (left). Most dwellings have walls of adobe brick and either hipped or gabled roofs of tile. June 1946. Figure 4b. Photograph retaken from hill south ofTanaquillo, looking N-NE. August 1999. Vegetation change includes shrub and n·ee growth on former wheat fields near center of town and shrub growth on now abandoned hillside fields. A dramatic difference occurs in the foreground which appears to be recovering from overgrazing. This area is now among hillside housing. A more dense tree silhouette on ridge lines in the 1999 photo indicates some forest regrowth on mountain slopes in background. Expansion of urban area is indicated by more buildings and greater area of tree cover, although the canopy appears more diverse and open in 1999 than in 1946. A number of satellite dishes are conspicuous on the landscape.
WORKS 145 Figure 5a. Hw\nsito (M2 19-28). [West description) Looking west along basin floor of La Cafiada, northwestern Michoacan state. Foreground, harvested wheat fields; right center, village ofHuansito. Beyond is a line of towns and villages, part of the eleven that dot the basin along Hwy 15. All but two are still inhabited by Tarascan speakers. June 1946. Figure 5b. Photograph retaken from hill to southeast ofHw\nsito, looking west, August 1999. Most notable changes are increased vegetation (shrub/small tree) cover in foreground, background, and tree/shrub establishment to the west of the road. Eucalyptus establishment and coverage of the road is also notable. The age of the eucalyptus trees is uncertain, but may be the roadside trees visible in the 1946 photo. Current tree sizes are consistent with the rapid growth typical of trees in the area. Tree density within Huimsito appears lower in 1999 than in 1946, a reversal of the general trend. Some expansion of Huansito is apparent in the left and right middle ground. Several of the original fields in 1946 are present in the 1999 photo, however, they are now fields of strawberry starter plants, not wheat. Agriculture is less extensive in 1999 as indicated by the increase in both the shrub/tree cover and expansion of the "urban" boundaries.
146 CONFERENCE OF LA TIN AMERlCANIST GEOGRAPHERS Figure 6a. Ichan-Tacuro (M2 19-30). [West description] Landscape, E part of La Canada basin, north-westem Michoacan state, looking N. Foreground, irrigated wheat fields, most of crop already harvested. Center, joint villages oflchen [sic] (left) [sic] and Tacuro (left). Background, long extinct Curiane volcano, from base of which issue many springs that furnish water used to in·igate the wheat fields. June 1946. Figure 6b. Photograph retaken from hill to south ofTacuro, looking north. Tacuro is on the left, !chan is on the right, August 1999. Significant vegetation change has occurred on the slopes above the highway where the photographs were taken; the fields here are abandoned and in shrubby regrowth. N011h of the highway the former wheat fields now support orchards, probably avocados or other fruits. Urban change appears less dramatic in this set of photos.
WORKS 147 Near Cflel'lin: Cherim lies along amain road connecting the city ofUruapan to the Mexico City-Guadalajara highway. The road was graded in 1937 and paved in 1940 (Beals eta!. 1944). Prior to the establishment of the highway, Cheran was a large Purepechan town with an economy dominated by agriculture. Crafts and market functions were relatively unimportant. Since the road was completed, and especially since 1976 when another road connected Chenin to Nahuatzen, Picluitaro, and Patzcuaro to the southeast, market and commercial functions have become more important. The lands surrounding Chenin remain largely agricultural (maize). Figure ?a. Near Cherim (M. Mich 4). [West description] In the Tarascan Sierra, near town of Chenln, west-central Michoacan state. View overlooks small basin surrounded by volcanoes and cinder cones; basin floor (elev. 2200 m [71 00 ft] above sea level) and lower hillslopes cultivated in maize; left center, a low cinder cone topped by shallow crater; in background, extinct volcanoes that rise to 3300 m (1 0,800 ft) above sea level are covered with pine and oak forests. August 1967. Figure ?b. Photograph retaken from near road, north of Chenln, looking north, August 1999. Much of the foreground and mid-ground of the 1999 photo shows an increase in tree cover especially near the road. Most of the trees in the 1999 photo are not apparent in the 1967 photo and have grown rapidly over the previous 30 years. The lower basin vegetation looks almost identical in the photos, whereas the vegetation in the background appears more dense than in 1967. Vegetation recovery on the mountains in the background is notable, but not dramatic. The com field in the foreground is now in fallow or pasture. Cherim has clearly expanded along the highway and in the interior of the large curve between the photo point and the lower highway. Traditional trojes, the wooden homes typical of this region, on either side of the road in the 1946 photo are no longer present.
148 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS
Figure 8a. Near Chen\n (M. Mich 5). [West
description] In the Tarascan Sierra, near
town of Cherim, west-central Michoacan
state. View overlooks Chen\n basin (elev.
2200 m [71 00 ft] above sea level), cultivated
mainly in maize. Cinder cones and extinct
volcanoes dot the landscape in background;
slopes covered with oak and pine forests.
Town of Cheran [sic] varely [sic] visible,
left background. [It is actually the town of
Aranza.] Foreground, typical Tarascan rail
fence. Aug. 1967.
Figure 8b. Photograph retaken from south of town of Chen\n, looking south over the Cherim Basin, August 1999.
The Cherim Basin remains under com cultivation with little or no change in agricultural land use. The vantage point
of these two photos is slightly different, so exact comparisons are difficult, but degradation of tree vegetation on the
edges of cultivation seems evident. Urban growth in the town of Aranza is visible in the background. Vegetation
regrowth is apparent on slopes to left and right of center. While slight, it is significant in that it suggests an
abandonment of hillside fields and no large scale tree removal.WORKS 149 Figure 9a. Aranza (M. Mich 13). (West description] Tarascan Indian town of Aranza, Tarascan Siena, west-central Michoacan state. Old dwellings are of pine logs and planks with comer notching; hipped roofs of pine shakes. Newer houses have walls of adobe brick and often gabled roofs of pine shakes, though some have retained the traditional hipped form. Old volcanoes and cinder cones in background. · Dec. 1958. Figure 9b. Photograph retaken from south of town, looking north-northwest, August 1999. Field abandonment on hillsides and tree growth along the road are the most significant changes in the local vegetation. Differences in vegetation on the mountains in the background are obscured by cloud shadows and a smaller photo scale, but still apparent. Some differences in the photos could also be attributed to the seasonal differences (August vs. December). Tree growth obscures some of the newer development on the left side of the photo. New constmction in the area suggests urban expansion and a conversion of traditional trojes to homes of cement and brick. These photos demonsh·ate changes in land use in the foreground-corn field to pasture or fallow- and increased local vegetation.
!50 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS
Angalwau: Angahuan lies off the main Uruapan-Cher{m highway, at the western edge of the Purepechan
region, near the newly fonned volcano, Pari cutin. Angahuan was not relocated by the effects of the eruption
as was nearly by San Juan Parangaricutiro; it was, however, affected by ash fall. The town today is a very
traditional place, with wooden trojes still common in the urban landscape. As the nearest town to the
volcano, lava flow, and ruins of San Juan, it is also much visited by tourists and shows signs of influence
by young migrants returning from labor stints in the U.S. (gang attire, rap music, graffiti).
Figure lOa. Angahuan (57-7 [sic]) [actually
56-7]. [West description] Landscape
overlooking part of town of Angahuan,
Tarascan Sierra, central Michoacan state. In
distance, pine-covered volcanic mountain
slopes; cultivated fields in valley floor. 13
Feb. 1970.
Figure lOb. Photograph retaken from hill in center of town, toward north-northwest, August 1999. The forests on
the background slopes appear more dense in 1999 as evidenced by the closing of the open meadows or fields in theWORKS 151
1970 photo. The middle ground also appears to have communities are experiencing many new housing
had some tree invasion into former pasture or starts, possibly reflecting money eamed by
agricultural land. The summit of the hill on the left of migrant workers.
the photo appears to have been logged or burned since The photos taken near Chenin illustrate
1970. The remnant trees on the crest between the two fewer changes in vegetation and urban growth
hills suggest recent cutting or burning to the ridge
than those encountered in La Canada Basin.
line. With respect to urban change, Angahuan )las
expanded in the direction of the photo. Trojes are still Figure 7b does illustrate urban growth in Chen'm
dominant in the center of town, albeit now with and rapid vegetation change near the highway.
corrugated tin or tar paper roofs instead of wood The other two photographs (Figures 8b,9b) show
shingles, and .sometimes with satellite dishes. There little change in either ofthese landscape elements.
has been in-fill of yards and fenced lots. Houses with This could be the result of less time between the
a less traditional design are evident toward the right photo pairs, differences in the photo locations,
side and rear of the 1999 photo. The 1970 photo seasonal differences, or the lack of change. The
shows a more rectangular perimeter to the community photograph ofthe area around Angahuan suggests
which appears "breached" in the 1999 photo. changes have occurred within Angahuan, as well
as in the immediately surr-ounding area.
OVERVIEW OF LANDSCAPE CHANGE Comparison of the photo pairs for the
tlU"ee areas shows distinctive differences in the
Most areas in the La Canada Basin have type and rates of landscape change. The La
experienced some increase in vegetation cover. Canada Basin appears to have experienced
This cover includes trees, primarily oak and significant changes in vegetation cover. This area
eucalyptus, shrubs, and in some cases herbaceous has also shown the greatest change in community
plants. The greatest increase in tree cover appears growth (although perhaps exceeded at a local level
to be in the southem part of the basin near by Angahuan). The photos for the area between
Chilchota. Small decreases in tree density were Cher{m and Aranza show the least change,
noted in some urban areas, but are rare. Most of although both these communities are experiencing
the increases in vegetation have resulted from high housing starts and rapid growth. The photo-
decreased agricultural activities and grazing. The graphs document, overall, a general or regional
decrease in these activities may be the result of increase in vegetation cover over the past 54
several factors including changes in farming years.
subsidies and support programs for small farmers,
a change towards a migrant work force, and lower FACTORS AFFECTING LANDSCAPE
prices for basic agricultural products like com and CHANGE
wheat as Mexico moves toward more specialized
agricultural production. Changes in basin vegeta- Population Dynamics and Urban Land-Use
tion might also reflect changes toward a more Change
humid regional or local climate. This, along with Among the mre obvious changes
decreased grazing, might explain the increases in affecting the region is population growth. Popula-
biomass that are apparent from the photo pairs. tion in the state ofMichoacim increased fi·om 1.2
Whereas changes in the basin are clearly evident, million in 1940 to 3.9 million in 1995 (INEGI
the photographs reveal little apparent change in 1997). The Siena Purepecha has experienced
the vegetation of the surr-ounding mountains. similar rates of increase. In the municipio of
Urban growth is also responsible for the Chilchota, for example, where the photographs
loss of some local agricultural land in La Canada. from La Canada were retaken, the population has
This growth is most prevalent along the highway increased over 300 percent, fi·om 8,925 in 1940 to
but can be observed in every community. Field 29,233 in 1995 (Ramirez 1986; INEGI 1997).
observations indicate that most of the basin This has resulted in the expansion of urban areas!52 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS
throughout the region. Mexican agriculture. His successful effort to
Immigration from the area may have change Mexico's constitution to allow for the
mitigated expansion of the urban area, but it has · privatization of ejidos was further evidence of
also had repercussions for the built environrnent. 3 symbolic and substantive changes in the
Remittance money from immigrants and from agricultural sector.
returning migrants has resulted in material In a general sense, these changes are
changes to the urban landscape, with money being evident in the landscapes of the repeat
invested in larger homes, in satellite dishes, and in photographs, but are complicated by two factors.
general improvements to family dwellings First, the photographs do not allow for an assess-
. (Zendejas 199.6). Only in Angahuan, the most ment of the time framework in which these
remote of the photographed areas, are trojes still changes took place. Second, most of this area is
a dominant landscape feature. In other areas trojes designated as comunidad indigena land, not ejido
are overshadowed by new construction (Aranza, land so the impacts of ejido refmms in the Meseta
Chertm), or are non-existent (La Cafiada). are not yet clear. 4 La Cafiada (the municipio of
In La Cafiada, expansion ofthe urban area Chilchota) is the only photographed area with
and housing improvements have a further land- ejido holdings. There are ten ejidos in the muni-
scape impact in the provision of bricks for cipio, none of which had initiated the first step
constmction. Several communities of the region toward official titling as ofl997 (INEGI 1998).
specialize in brick making; the most well known
are Hu{msito, Tangancicuaro, and Chilchota. Changes in La Cailada.
Former agricultural and grazing land has been This area is influenced both by a major
abandoned in some pmis of the valley and has arterial and by proximity to the Za111ora Basin, an
been replaced with excavations for clay for bricks area of commercial agricultural production. In the
and rooftiles (Gledhil11995; field observations). areas around Chen'ln and Angahuan, agricultural
land remains devoted to com cultivation and the
Changes in Agricultural Patterns most apparent change is in urban growth and in
The most significant agricultural change is changes in the built environment. In La Cafiada,
the overall reduction in area cultivated. Reduction however, not only has the extent of agricultural
in area under cultivation is due to: 1) urban land changed, the crop mix has also changed.
growth; 2) abandonment of marginal plots on La Cafiada is unusual in that wheat culti-
hillsides and; 3) abandonment of unirrigated vation was introduced early in the Spanish
lands. Abandonment of marginal lands may be Colonial era and was a dominant crop until late in
attributed to migration and to changes in agri- the 20'h centmy. West (1948) suggested that the
cultural policies. peripheries of the Meseta Purepecha, such as La
Over the last 25 years, Mexican agri- Canada and the Lake Patzcuaro region, became
cultural policy has resulted in a steady removal of important wheat-growing areas during the Spanish
suppoti for traditional and subsistence crops in era; he cites a reference to wheat cultivation in
favor of specialty crops for an agro-export market. Chilchota as early as 1540 (West 1948:43).
The policy has also reduced subsidies to agri- Over the 20'h century, the area devoted to
culture and created a system that favored irrigated wheat cultivation has declined in La Cafiada.
ejidos over non-irrigated lands (Stanford Beginning in the early 1970s, Mexican agri-
1994a,b). Public attention to structural changes in cultural policies offered support for the cultivation
agricultural policies peaked during the Salinas of fruit trees such as avocado and guava, as well
years (1988-1994). Salinas' declarationof"food as ground crops such as strawberries (Ramirez
sovereignty," the ability to purchase needed 1986). Ra111irez (1986) notes that wheat cultiva-
foodstuffs with profits from expotis, as the goal tion was on the decline prior to the government
for Mexico brought about significant changes in initiatives that encouraged fruit cultivation in theWORKS 153
valley. Although wheat cultivation formerly forested on both sets of photographs are now
dominated the irrigated lands of the valley, it is selectively harvested and degraded. This apparent
now found mainly on unirrigated land. Today, revegetation often masks selective cutting and de
strawberry seedling cultivation for transplant to facto degradation of forest resources. Most of the
commercial production in the Zamora Basin is the wood cutting in the region occurs by high grading,
dominant crop on irrigated lands (see Figure Sb). not clear cutting (the exception from these photos
This land-use transition contributes both to the is the case of Angahuan); this can be seen in some
increase of trees in the urban landscape and to the of the threadbare silhouettes of trees along ridge
abandonment of former agricultural lands. lines. Ultimately, this makes estimates of defores-
tation speculative, but degradation of forest
Changes in La Meseta. resources is certainly more severe than what is
In addition to the population increase, revealed in these photographs.
urban growth, and impact of immigrant remittance
money noted above, abandonment ofhillside plots CONCLUSIONS
is the most apparent change affecting agricultural
land use in the Meseta. West (1948) noted that These phoiographs reveal dramatic change
hillside plots were long considered favorable sites in urban growth, agricultural land use, and vege-
for cultivation because of cold-air drainage, but tation cover for the Meseta Purepecha of
these photographs and field observations confirm Michoacan. They also challenge several assump-
that cultivation of these locations is on. the tions about the nature and direction oflandscape
decline. It is difficult to say when these plots change in Mexico and raise questions that merit
began to be abandoned; abandomnent could date fmther investigation. One set of questions centers
to the withdrawal of govemment subsidies for on changes in agricultural land use. What is the
basic foodstuffs in the 1980s. However, it could relationship between changing agricultural poli-
also be related to the availability of other eco- cies and abandonment of agricultural lands? What
nomic opportunities in urban areas or in the is the specific time frame in which these changes
growth of commercial agriculture between occur? Are different factors affecting abandon-
Mexico and the U.S. Abandonment could also be ment of hillside plots in La Canada versus the
due to the fact that the current generation is opting Meseta? What role does international migration
out of the hard labor of subsistence com farming play in changing agricultural patterns?
on marginal plots. Zendejas (1996) comments Another set of questions concerns vegeta-
that people are growing up outside of the cultural tion change. What species are establishing on
milieu of the ejido (and the comunidad) and do land recovering from overgrazing? Do these
not have the same commitment to agriculture as differ from those now found on abandoned
previous generations. hillside agricultural plots? What are the cultural
practices causing an increase in forest canopy in
Changes in forest cover the urban areas of La Canada? What do these
Abandonment of hillside plots and an changes signify for the vegetation communities of
increase in tree cover in urban areas lends an the region? Questions also remain concerning the
appearance of overall increase in vegetation for health of these forests.
the region, an observation that mns counter to the The recent trend toward reforestation
prevailing assessment of significant deforestation illustrated in these photographs is a reflection of
for the Meseta (e.g., Masera et a!. 1998). How- political, economic, and social change and does
ever, this visual impression masks the fact that not reflect an overall improvement in regional
what appears "reforested" after agricultural forest health. In this respect, the use of repeat
abandonment of hill slope plots is often shmbby photography documents forest expansion but does
regrowth, not trees, and that areas that appear as not reveal the more important stmctural and!54 CONFERENCE OF LATIN AMERICANIST GEOGRAPHERS
compositional characteristics of forest cover. that supported this field work. John Chase, graduate
These changes need to be substantiated by student at Portland State University, helped with the
additional observations and sampling (Veblen and field photography; Deb Tolman and Craig Revels
Lorenz 1986). helped secure prints ofthe original photographs; Jason
Clearly, internationalization of the econ- Clark made the map: our thanks to all of them. Many
thanks, also, to Bill Davidson and Robert C. West of
omy and work force are important factors shaping
the Department of Geography and Anthropology at
the landscape and lifeways in small and remote
Louisiana State University for help and access to the
communities. Also, changes in agricultural land original photography.
use and urbanization reduce the importance of
traditional. farming .and increase field abandon- ·REFERENCES
ment, which could have important environmental
ramifications. Repeat photography offers a way Alvarez-Icaza, Pedro; Gabriela Cervera; Claudio
for geographers to understand the character of Garibay; Pedro Gutierrez; and Fernando Rosete
these landscape changes and to pose questions for (1993) Los Umbrales del Deterioro: La Dimension
further analysis. Ambiental de 1111 Desarollo Desigual en Ia Region
Purepecha. Mexico, D.F.: Fundaci6nFriedrich Ebe1i.
NOTES Anderson, Katharine ( 1998) Introduction: Bob West,
Geographer, pp. 1-18 in Latin American Geography:
I. The te1ms Tarasca and Tarascan are now considered
Historical-Geographical Essays, 1941-1998, by
to be Spanish colonial constructs. Purepecha is the
name of the language and is generally used today to Robert C. West. Geoscience and Man, Vol. 35. Baton
describe the people and the region, as well as the Rouge, Louisiana: Geoscience Publications.
language. West used "Tarascan" in his work; however,
we will use Purepecha in our discussion. Bahre, Conrad and Bradbury, David (1978)
2. These are the catalog numbers for the West Vegetation Change Along the Arizona-Sonora
Photography Archives at the Map Library, Depart- Boundary. Annals of the Association of American
ment of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana Geographers 68(2): 145-165.
State University. The Michoacanimages are in three
separate series of photographs; each series is Beals, Ralph L.; Canasco, Pedro; and McCorkle,
organized by either the year the photo was taken or by
Thomas (1944) Houses and House Use of the Sierra
area.
Tarascans. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institu-
3. The State of Michoacan is one of the main source
areas for Mexico-to-U.S. migration. While there is tion, Institute of Social Anthropology, Pub. No. I.
regional variation within the state (Gledhilll995), the
Sierra and La Canada have among the higher rates of Gledhill, John (1995) Neolibera!ism, Trans-
migration, with estimates that up to 15 percent of the nationalizatin and Rural Poverty: A Case Study of
economically active population resides outside the Michoadm, Mexico. Boulder: Westview Press.
country at any one time.
4. Comunidades indigenas are official municipal INEGI (1997) Perspectiva Estadistica deMichoacfm.
entities that have communal control of their lands. Aguascalientes, Mexico: Instituto Nacional de
They are comprised of indigenous populations and
Estadistica Geografia e Informatica (INEGI).
their identity as separate entities predates the
establishment of ejidos.
_ _ (1998)Michoacan: Tabu/ados Basicos Ejidales
por Municipio. Aguascalientes, Mexico: INEGI.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Masera, Omar; Masera, Diego; and Navia, Jaime
We thank the National Geographic Society, (1998) Dinamicay Uso de los Recursos Forestales de
Committee for Research and Exploration, for funding Ia Region Purepecha. Michoacan: GIRA.WORKS 155
Ramirez, Luis Alfonso (1986) Chi/chota: Un Pueblo RESUMEN
a/ Pie de Ia Sierra. Zamora, Mexico: El Colegio de
Michoacan. El trabajo del Robert C. West (1948) sobre Ia
Sierra Purepecha (Tarasca) de Michoacan, Mexico,
Stanford, Lois M. (!994a) The Privatization of document6la geografia cultural y fisica de Ia regi6n,
Mexico's Ejidal Sector: Examining Local Impacts, dio una vista de los padrones culturales a Ia mitad del
Strategies, and Ideologies. Urban Anthropology and siglo, y evalu6 el cambio cultural desde Ia epoca
Studies ofCultural and World Economic Development pre-hispanico hasta el siglo XX. Una seleccion de
23(2-3):97-120. fotografias del paisaje de su trabajo, y de sus viajes
subsiguientes a Ia region, da un base para un estudio
_ _.. (19941:>) EjidaLOrganizations and the.Mexican " de.cambios.en ·Ia .zona durante los Jines deJ.siglo.
State: Confrontation and Crisis in Michoacan. Urban Una evaluaci6n de Ia fotografia repetida da fuerza a
Anthropology and Studies of Cultural and World ciertos entendimientos sobre el Mexico
Economic Development 23(2-3): 171-208. contemporaneo, pero tambien presenta unas
preguntas sobre el cambio en el medio ambiente
Veblen, Thomas T. and Lorenz, Diane (1986) biofisico. La suposicion que Ia deforestacion es Ia
Anthropogenic Disturbance and Recovery Patterns in mayor raz6n del cambio en el paisaje de Michoacan
Montane Forests, Colorado Front Range. Physical no es apoyado con estas parejas de fotos. No es
Geography 7(1):1-24. aparente que los linderos del bosques han
disminuado desde los afios 1940s y en algunas casos
_ _ (!991) The Colorado Front Range: A Centwy las milpas ahora tienen arboles. Algunas zonas que
ofEcological Change. Salt Lake City: University of West describio como deteriorado ahora tienen mas
Utah Press. vegetacion. Con el crecimiento de zonas urbanas
tambien hay un crecimiento de un bosque urbano
West, Robert C. (1948) Cultural Geography of the dando, sobre todo;· una impresion de una
Modem Tarascan Area. Washington, D.C.: Smith- aumentaci6n de vegetacion. Las observaciones del
sonian Institution, Institute of Social Antlu·opology, campo, sin embargo, confirman una escena mas
Publication No. 7. complicada. Lo que parece como un bosque intacto
es, en realidad, deteriorado, en revegetaci6n
Zendejas, Sergio (1996) U.S.-Bound Migration and arbustivo, o cortado selectivamente. La disminucion
the Future of the Ejido: Changing Pragmatic Commit- del area en agricultura resulto del crecimiento urbano
ments to the Ejido Among Different Cohorts of pero tambien de los cambios en Ia politica agricola.
Villagers in a Hamlet in Michoacim, pp. 305-322 in Una comparaci6n de las escenas de paisaje sacados
Reforming Mexico's Agrarian Reform, Laura Randall, sobre un periodo de mas de 50 afios nos ofrece una
(ed.). Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharp. oportunidad para asesorar nuestras percepciones de
los cambios en el paisaje mexicano y fmmular
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